PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--I have just received your two favors of October the 23d and
November the 10th. I am much obliged to you for your hints in the
Danish business. They are the only information I have on that subject,
except the resolution of Congress, and warn me of a rock on which I
should most certainly have split. The vote plainly points out an agent,
only leaving it to my discretion to substitute another. My judgment
concurs with that of Congress as to his fitness. But I shall inquire
for the surest banker at Copenhagen to receive the money, not because I
should have had any doubts, but because I am informed others have them.
Against the failure of a banker, were such an accident, or any similar
one to happen, I cannot be held accountable in a case where I act
without particular interest. My principal idea in proposing the
transfer of the French debt, was, to obtain on the new loans a much
longer day for the reimbursement of the principal, hoping that the
resources of the United States could have been equal to the article of
interest alone. But I shall endeavor to quiet, as well as I can, those
interested. A part of them will probably sell out at any rate; and one
great claimant may be expected to make a bitter attack on our honor. I
am very much pleased to hear, that our western lands sell so
successfully. I turn to this precious resource, as that which will, in
every event, liberate us from our domestic debt, and perhaps too, from
our foreign one; and this, much sooner than I had expected. I do not
think any thing could have been done with them in Europe. Individual
speculators and sharpers had duped so many with their unlocated
land-warrants, that every offer would have been suspected.
As to the new Constitution, I find myself nearly a neutral. There is a
great mass of good in it, in a very desirable form; but there is also,
to me, a bitter pill or two. I have written somewhat lengthily to Mr.
Madison on this subject, and will take the liberty to refer you to that
part of my letter to him. I will add one question to what I have said
there. Would it not have been better to assign to Congress exclusively
the article of imposts for federal purposes, and to have left direct
taxation exclusively to the States? I should suppose the former fund
sufficient for all probable events, aided by the land office.
The form which the affairs of Europe may assume, is not yet
decipherable by those out of the cabinet. The Emperor gives himself, at
present, the air of a mediator. This is necessary to justify a breach
with the Porte. He has his eye at the same time on Germany, and
particularly on Bavaria, the Elector of which has, for a long time,
been hanging over the grave. Probably, France would now consent to the
exchange of the Austrian Netherlands, to be created into a kingdom for
the Duke de Deuxports, against the electorate of Bavaria. This will
require a war. The Empress longs for Turkey, and viewing France as her
principal obstacle, would gladly negotiate her acquiescence. To spur on
this, she is coquetting it with England. The King of Prussia, too, is
playing a double game between France and England. But I suppose the
former incapable of forgiving him, or of ever reposing confidence in
him. Perhaps the spring may unfold to us the final arrangement which
will take place among the powers of this continent.
I often doubt whether I should trouble Congress or my friends with
these details of European politics. I know they do not excite that
interest in America, of which it is impossible for one to divest
himself here. I know, too, that it is a maxim with us, and I think it a
wise one, not to entangle ourselves with the affairs of Europe. Still,
I think, we should know them. The Turks have practiced the same maxim
of not meddling in the complicated wrangles of this continent. But they
have unwisely chosen to be ignorant of them also, and it is this total
ignorance of Europe, its combinations and its movements, which exposes
them to that annihilation possibly about taking place. While there are
powers in Europe which fear our views, or have views on us, we should
keep an eye on them, their connections and oppositions, that in a
moment of need, we may avail ourselves of their weakness with respect
to others as well as ourselves, and calculate their designs and
movements, on all the circumstances under which they exist. Though I am
persuaded, therefore, that these details are read by many with great
indifference, yet I think it my duty to enter into them, and to run the
risk of giving too much, rather than too little information. I have the
honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
P. S. The resolution of Congress, relative to the prize money received
here, speaks of that money as paid to me. I hope this matter is
properly understood. The treasury board desired me to receive it, and
apply it to such and such federal purposes; and they would pay the
dividends of the claimants in America. This would save the expense of
remittance. I declined, however, receiving the money, and ordered it
into the hands of their banker, who paid it away for the purposes to
which they had destined it. I should be sorry, an idea should get
abroad, that I had received the money of these poor fellows, and
applied it to other purposes. I shall, in like manner, order the Danish
and Barbary money into the hands of bankers, carefully avoiding ever to
touch a sou of it, or having any other account to make out than what
the banker will furnish.