PARIS, August 6, 1787.
SIR,--The last letter I had the honor of addressing you, was dated June
the 21st. I have now that of enclosing you a letter from the Swedish
Ambassador, praying that inquiry may be made for a vessel of his
nation, piratically carried off, and measures taken relative to the
vessel, cargo and crew. Also a letter from William Russell and others,
citizens of America, concerned in trade to the island of Guadeloupe,
addressed to the Marechal de Castries, and complaining of the shutting
to them the port of Point à Pitre, and receiving them only at
Bessa-tern. This was enclosed to me by the subscribers, to be delivered
to the Marechal de Castries. But the present is not the moment to move
in that business; and moreover, I suppose, that whenever parties are
within the reach of Congress, they should apply to them, and my
instructions come through that channel. Matters arising within the
kingdom of France, to which my commission is limited, and not admitting
time to take the orders of Congress, I suppose I may move in
originally. I also enclose you the copy of a letter from Mr. Barclay,
closing his proceedings in our affairs with Morocco. Before this
reaches you, he will have had the honor of presenting himself to you in
person. After his departure, the parliament of Bordeaux decided that he
was liable to arrest. This was done on a letter from the Minister,
informing them that Mr. Barclay was invested with no character which
privileged him from arrest. His constant character of consul was no
protection, and they did not explain whether his character to Morocco
was not originally diplomatic, or was expired. Mr. Barclay's
proceedings under this commission being now closed, it would be
incumbent on me to declare with respect to them, as well as his
consular transactions, my opinion of the judgment, zeal and
disinterestedness with which he has conducted himself; were it not that
Congress has been so possessed of those transactions from time to time,
as to judge for themselves. I cannot but be uneasy, lest my delay of
entering on the subject of the consular convention, may be disapproved.
My hope was and is, that more practicable terms might be obtained; in
this hope, I do nothing till further orders, observing by an extract
from the journals you were pleased to send me, that Congress have
referred the matter to your consideration, and conscious that we are
not suffering in the meantime, as we have not a single consul in
France, since the departure of Mr. Barclay. I mentioned to you in my
last, the revival of the hopes of the Chevalier de La Luzerne. I
thought it my duty to remind the Count de Montmorin, the other day, of
the long absence of their Minister from Congress. He told me, the
Chevalier de La Luzerne would not be sent back, but that we might rely
that, in the month of October, a person would be sent, with whom we
should be content. He did not name the person, though there is no doubt
that it is the Count de Mourtier. It is an appointment, which,
according to the opinion I have formed of him, bids as fair to give
content, as any one which could be made.
I also mentioned in my last letter, that I had proposed the reducing
the substance of Monsieur de Calonnes' letter into the form of an
_Arret_, with some alterations, which, on consultation with the
merchants at the different ports I visited, I had found to be
necessary. I received, soon after, a letter from the Comptroller
General, informing me, that the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes was in a
course of execution. Of this, I enclose you a copy. I was, in that
moment, enclosing to him my general observations on that letter, a copy
of which are also enclosed. In these, I stated all the alterations I
wished to have made. It became expedient, soon after, to bring on the
article of tobacco; first, to know whether the Farmers had executed the
order of Bernis, and also to prepare some arrangements to succeed the
expiration of this order. So that I am now pursuing the whole subject
of our commerce, 1, to have necessary amendments made in Monsieur de
Calonnes' letter; 2, to put it into a more stable form; 3, to have full
execution of the order of Bernis; 4, to provide arrangements for the
article of tobacco, after that order shall be expired. By the copy of
my letter on the two last points, you will perceive that I again press
the abolition of the Farm of this article. The conferences on that
subject give no hope of effecting that. Some poor palliative is
probably all we shall obtain. The Marquis de La Fayette goes hand in
hand with me in all these transactions, and is an invaluable auxiliary
to me. I hope it will not be imputed either to partiality or
affectation, my naming this gentleman so often in my despatches. Were I
not to do it, it would be a suppression of truth, and the taking to
myself the whole merit where he has the greatest share.
The Emperor, on his return to Vienna, disavowed the concessions of his
Governors General to his subjects of Brabant. He, at the same time,
proposed their sending deputies to him, to consult on their affairs.
They refused in the first moment; but afterwards nominated deputies;
without giving them any power, however, to concede anything. In the
meantime, they are arming and training themselves. Probably the Emperor
will avail himself of the aid of these deputies to tread back his
steps. He will be the more prompt to do this, that he may be in
readiness to act freely, if he finds occasion, in the new scenes
preparing in Holland. What these will be cannot be foreseen. You well
know, that the original party-divisions of that country were, into
Stadtholderians, Aristocrats, and Democrats. There was a subdivision of
the Aristocrats, into violent and moderate, which was important. The
violent Aristocrats would have wished to preserve all the powers of
government in the hands of the Regents, and that these should remain
self-elective; but choosing to receive a modification of these powers
from the Stadtholder, rather than from the people, they threw
themselves into his scale. The moderate Aristocrats would have
consented to a temperate mixture of democracy, and particularly, that
the Regents should be elected by the people. They were the declared
enemies of the Stadtholder, and acted in concert with the Democrats,
forming with them what was called the Patriots. It is the opinion of
dispassionate people on the spot, that their views might have been
effected. But the democratic party aimed at more. They talked of
establishing tribunes of the people, of annual accounts, of depriving
the magistrates at the will of the people, etc.; of enforcing all this
with the arms in the hands of the _corps francs_; and in same places,
as at Heusden, Sprang, etc., began the execution of these projects. The
moderate Aristocrats found it difficult to strain their principles to
this pitch. A schism took place between them and the Democrats, and the
former have for some time, been dropping off from the latter, into the
scale of the Stadtholder. This is the fatal coalition which governs
without obstacle in Zealand, Friesland, and Guelderland, which
constitutes the States of Utrecht, at Amersfort, and, with their aid,
the plurality in the States General. The States of Holland, Groningen
and Overyssel vote, as yet, in the opposition. But the coalition gains
ground in the States of Holland, and has been prevalent in the Council
of Amsterdam. If its progress be not stopped by a little moderation in
the Democrats, it will turn the scale decidedly in favor of the
Stadtholder, in the event of their being left to themselves without
foreign interference. If foreign powers interfere, their prospect does
not brighten. I see no sure friends to the Patriots but France, while
Prussia and England are their assured enemies. Nor is it probable that
characters so greedy, so enterprising, as the Emperor and Empress, will
be idle during such a struggle. Their views have long shown which side
they would take. That France has engaged to interfere, and to support
the Patriots, is beyond doubt. This engagement was entered into during
the life of the late King of Prussia, whose eye was principally
directed on the Emperor, and whose dispositions towards the Prince of
Orange would have permitted him to be clipped a little close. But the
present King comes in with warmer dispositions towards the Princess his
sister. He has shown decidedly, that he will support her, even to the
destruction of the balance of Europe, and the disturbance of its peace.
The King of England has equally decided to support that house, at the
risk of plunging his nation into another war. He supplies the Prince
with money at this moment. A particular remittance of one hundred and
twenty thousand guineas is known of. But his ministry is divided. Pitt
is against the King's opinion, the Duke of Richmond and the rest of the
ministers, for it. Or at least, such is the belief here. Mr. Adams will
have informed you more certainly. This division in the English
ministry, with the ill condition of their finances for war, produces a
disposition, even in the King, to try first every pacific measure; and
that country and this were laboring jointly to stop the course of
hostilities in Holland, to endeavor to effect an accommodation, and
were scarcely executing at all, the armaments ordered in their ports;
when all of a sudden, an inflammatory letter written by the Princess of
Orange to the King of Prussia, induces him, without consulting England,
without consulting even his own Council, to issue orders by himself to
his Generals, to march twenty thousand men, to revenge the insult
supposed to be offered to his sister. With a pride and egotism planted
in the heart of every King, he considers her being stopped in the road,
as a sufficient cause to sacrifice a hundred or two thousand of his own
subjects, and as many of his enemies, and to spread fire, sword and
desolation, over the half of Europe. This hasty measure has embarrassed
England, undesirous of war if it can be avoided, yet unwilling to
separate from the power who is to render its success probable. Still
you may be assured, that that court is going on in concurrence with
this, to prevent extremities, if possible; always understood, that if
the war cannot be prevented, they will enter into it as parties, and in
opposition to one another. This event is, in my opinion, to be
deprecated by the friends of France. She never was equal to such a war
by land, and such a one by sea; and less so now, than in any moment of
the present reign. You remember that the nation was in a delirium of
joy on the convocation of the Notables, and on the various reformations
agreed on between them and the government. The picture of the distress
of their finances was indeed frightful, but the intentions to reduce
them to order seemed serious. The constitutional reformations have gone
on well, but those of expenses make little progress. Some of the most
obviously useless have indeed been lopped off, but the remainder is a
heavy mass, difficult to be reduced. Despair has seized every mind, and
they have passed from an extreme of joy to one of discontent. The
parliament, therefore, oppose the registering any new tax, and insist
on an Assembly of the States General. The object of this is to limit
expenses, and dictate a constitution. The edict for the stamp tax has
been the subject of reiterated orders and refusals to register. At
length, the King has summoned the parliament to Versailles to hold a
bed of justice, in which he will order them, in person, to register the
edict. At the moment of my writing, they are gone to Versailles for
this purpose. There will yet remain to them, to protest against the
register, as forced, and to issue orders against its execution on pain
of death. But as the King would have no peaceable mode of opposition
left, it remains to be seen whether they will push the matter to this
extremity. It is evident, I think, that a spirit of this country is
advancing towards a revolution in their constitution. There are not
wanting persons at the helm, friends to the progress of this spirit.
The Provincial Assemblies will be the most probable instrument of
effecting it.
Since writing thus far, I have received an intimation, that it will be
agreeable, not to press our commercial regulations at this moment, the
ministry being too much occupied with the difficulties surrounding
them, to spare a moment on any subject which will admit of delay. Our
business must, therefore, be suspended for awhile. To press it out of
season would be to defeat it. It would be felt as a vital benefit here,
could we relieve their finances, by paying what we owe. Congress will
judge by Mr. Adams' letters, how far the transferring all our debts in
this country, to Holland, is practicable. On the replenishing their
treasury with our principal and interest, I should not be afraid to ask
concessions in favor of our West India trade. It would produce a great
change of opinion as to us and our affairs. In the Assemblée des
Notables, hard things were said of us. They were induced, however, in
committing us to writing, to smother their ideas a little. In the
notes, now gone to be printed, our debt is described in these words.
"The twenty-first article of the account, formed of the interest of the
claims of his majesty on the United States of America, cannot be drawn
out for the present, except as a document. The recovery of these
claims, as well principal as perhaps even interest, although they
appear to rest on the most solid security, may, nevertheless, be long
delayed, and should not, consequently, be taken into account in
estimating the annual revenue. This article amounts to one million and
six hundred thousand livres." Above all things, it is desirable to hush
the foreign officers by payment. Their wants, the nature of their
services, their access to high characters, and connections with them,
bespeak the reasons for this. I hear also that Mr. Beaumarchais means
to make himself heard, if a memorial which he sends by an agent in the
present packet is not attended to, as he thinks it ought to be. He
called on me with it, and desired me to recommend his case to a
decision, and to note in my despatch, that it was the first time he had
spoken to me on the subject. This is true, it being the first time I
ever saw him; but my recommendations would be as displaced as
unnecessary. I assured him, Congress would do in that business, what
justice should require, and their means enable them. The information
sent me by Mr. Montgomery from Alicant, of the death of the Dey of
Algiers, was not true. I had expressed my doubt of it in my last, when
I communicated it. I send herewith the newspapers to this date, and a
remonstrance of the parliament, to show you in what language the King
can be addressed at this day. I have received no journal of Congress
since the beginning of November last, and will thank you for them if
printed.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. August 7. The parliament were received yesterday very harshly by
the King. He obliged them to register the two edicts for the
impot-territorial and stamp tax. When speaking in my letter of the
reiterated orders and refusals to register, which passed between the
King and parliament, I omitted to insert the King's answer to a
deputation of parliament, which attended him at Versailles. It may
serve to show the spirit which exists between them. It was in these
words, and these only: "Je vous ferai savoir mes intentions.
Allez-vous-en. Qu'on ferme la porte."