MARSEILLES, May 4, 1787.
SIR,--I had the honor of receiving at Aix your letter of February the
9th, and immediately wrote to the Count de Montmorin, explaining the
delay of the answer of Congress to the King's letter, and desired Mr.
Short to deliver that answer with my letter to Monsieur de Montmorin,
which he informs me he has accordingly done.
My absence prevented my noting to you, in the first moment, the
revolution which has taken place at Paris, in the department of
finance, by the substitution of Monsieur de Fourqueux in the place of
Monsieur de Calonne, so that you will have heard of it through other
channels before this will have the honor of reaching you.
Having staid at Aix long enough to prove the inefficacy of the waters,
I came on to this place for the purpose of informing myself here, as I
mean to do at the other sea-port towns, of whatever may be interesting
to our commerce. So far as carried on in our own bottoms, I find it
almost nothing, and so it must probably remain till something can be
done with the Algerines. Though severely afflicted with the plague,
they have come out within these few days, and showed themselves in
force along the coast of Genoa, cannonading a little town and taking
several vessels.
Among other objects of inquiry, this was the place to learn something
more certain on the subject of rice, as it is a great emporium for that
of the Levant and of Italy. I wished particularly to know whether it
was the use of a different machine for cleaning, which brought European
rice to market less broken than ours, as had been represented to me by
those who deal in that article in Paris. I found several persons who
had passed through the rice country of Italy, but not one who could
explain to me the nature of the machine. But I was given to believe
that I might see it myself immediately on entering Piedmont. As this
would require but about three weeks, I determined to go and ascertain
this point, as the chance only of placing our rice above all rivalship
in quality, as it is in color, by the introduction of a better machine,
if a better existed, seemed to justify the application of that much
time to it. I found the rice country to be in truth Lombardy, one
hundred miles further than had been represented, and that though called
Piedmont rice, not a grain is made in the country of Piedmont. I passed
through the rice fields of the Venellese and Milanese, about sixty
miles, and returned from thence last night, having found that the
machine is absolutely the same as ours, and of course, that we need not
listen more to that suggestion. It is a difference in the species of
grain, of which the government of Turin is so sensible, that, as I was
informed, they prohibit the exportation of rough rice on pain of death.
I have taken measures, however, which I think will not fail for
obtaining a quantity of it, and I bought on the spot a small parcel,
which I have with me. As further details on this subject to Congress
would be misplaced, I propose, on my return to Paris, to communicate
them, and send the rice to the society at Charleston for promoting
agriculture, supposing that they will be best able to try the
experiment of cultivating the rice of this quality, and to communicate
the species to the two States of South Carolina and Georgia, if they
find it answer. I thought the staple 'of these two States was entitled
to this attention, and that it must be desirable to them to be able to
furnish rice of the two qualities demanded in Europe, especially, as
the greater consumption is in the forms for which the Lombardy quality
is preferred. The mass of our countrymen being interested in
agriculture, I hope I do not err in supposing that in a time of
profound peace, as the present, to enable them to adapt their
productions to the market, to point out markets for them, and endeavor
to obtain favorable terms of reception, is within the line of my duty.
My journey into this part of the country has procured me information
which I will take the liberty of communicating to Congress. In October
last I received a letter dated Montpelier, October the 2d, 1786,
announcing to me that the writer was a foreigner, who had a matter of
very great consequence to communicate to me, and desired I would
indicate the channel through which it might pass safely. I did so.
I received soon after a letter in the following words, omitting only
the formal parts. [_A translation of it is here given._]
"I am a native of Brazil. You are not ignorant of the frightful slavery
under which my country groans. This continually becomes more
insupportable since the epoch of your glorious independence, for the
cruel Portuguese omit nothing which can render our condition more
wretched, from an apprehension that we may follow your example. The
conviction, that these usurpers against the laws of nature and humanity
only meditate new oppressions, has decided us to follow the guiding
light which you have held out to us, to break our chains, to revive our
almost expiring liberty, which is nearly overwhelmed by that force,
which is the sole foundation of the authority that Europeans exercise
over American. But it is necessary that some power should extend
assistance to the Brazilians, since Spain would certainly unite herself
with Portugal; and in spite of our advantages for defence, we could not
make it effectual, or, at least, it would be imprudent to hazard the
attempt without some assurance of success. In this state of affairs,
Sir, we can with propriety look only to the United States, not only
because we are following her example, but, moreover, because nature, in
making us inhabitants of the same continent, has in some sort united us
in the bonds of a common patriotism. On our part, we are prepared to
furnish the necessary supplies of money, and at all times to
acknowledge the debt of gratitude due to our benefactors. I have thus,
Sir, laid before you a summary of my views. It is in discharge of this
commission that I have come to France, since I could not effect it in
America without exciting suspicion. It now remains for you to decide
whether those views can be accomplished. Should you desire to consult
your nation on them, it is in my power to give you all the information
you may require."
As, by this time, I had been advised to try the waters of Aix, I wrote
to the gentleman my design, and that I would go off my road as far as
Nismes, under the pretext of seeing the antiquities of that place, if
he would meet me there. He met me, and the following is the sum of the
information I received from him: "Brazil contains as many inhabitants
as Portugal. They are, 1. Portuguese. 2. Native whites. 3. Black and
mulatto slaves. 4. Indians, civilized and savage. 1. The Portuguese are
few in number, mostly married there, have lost sight of their native
country, as well as the prospect of returning to it, and are disposed
to become independent. 2. The native whites form the body of their
nation. 3. The slaves are as numerous as the free. 4. The civilized
Indians have no energy, and the savage would not meddle. There are
twenty thousand regular troops. Originally these were Portuguese. But
as they died off, they were replaced by natives, so that these compose
at present the mass of the troops, and may be counted on by their
native country. The officers are partly Portuguese, partly Brazilians;
their bravery is not doubted, and they understand the parade, but not
the science of their profession. They have no bias for Portugal, but no
energy either for anything. The priests are partly Portuguese, partly
Brazilians, and will not interest themselves much. The Noblesse are
scarcely known as such. They will, in no manner, be distinguished from
the people. The men of letters are those most desirous of a revolution.
The people are not much under the influence of their priests, most of
them read and write, possess arms, and are in the habit of using them
for hunting. The slaves will take the side of their masters. In short,
as to the question of revolution, there is but one mind in that
country. But there appears no person capable of conducting a
revolution, or willing to venture himself at its head, without the aid
of some powerful nation, as the people of their own might fail them.
There is no printing press in Brazil. They consider the North American
revolution as a precedent for theirs. They look to the United States as
most likely to give them honest support, and, from a variety of
considerations, have the strongest prejudices in our favor. This
informant is a native and inhabitant of Rio Janeiro, the present
metropolis, which contains fifty thousand inhabitants, knows well St.
Salvador, the former one, and the mines d'or, which are in the centre
of the country. These are all for a revolution; and, constituting the
body of the nation, the other parts will follow them. The King's fifth
of the mines yields annually thirteen millions of crusadoes or half
dollars. He has the sole right of searching for diamonds and other
precious stones, which yield him about half as much. His income from
those two resources alone, then, is about ten millions of dollars
annually; but the remaining part of the produce of the mines, being
twenty-six millions, might be counted on for effecting a revolution.
Besides the arms in the hands of the people, there are public
magazines. They have abundance of horses, but only a part of their
country would admit the service of horses. They would want cannon,
ammunition, ships, sailors, soldiers and officers, for which they are
disposed to look to the United States, it being always understood that
every service and furniture will be well paid. Corn costs about twenty
livres the one hundred pounds. They have flesh in the greatest
abundance, insomuch, that in some parts they kill beeves for the skin
only. The whale fishery is carried on by Brazilians altogether, and not
by Portuguese; but in very small vessels, so that the fishermen know
nothing of managing a large ship. They would want of us, at all times,
shipping, corn and salt fish. The latter is a great article, and they
are at present supplied with it from Portugal. Portugal, being without
either army or navy, could not attempt an invasion under a twelvemonth.
Considering of what it would be composed, it would not be much to be
feared, and, if it failed, they would probably never attempt a second.
Indeed, this source of their wealth being intercepted, they are
scarcely capable of a first effort. The thinking part of the nation are
so sensible of this, that they consider an early separation inevitable.
There is an implacable hatred between the Brazilians and Portuguese; to
reconcile which, a former minister adopted the policy of letting the
Brazilians into a participation of public offices, but subsequent
administrations have reverted to the ancient policy of keeping the
administration in the hands of native Portuguese. There is a mixture of
natives of the old appointments still remaining in office. If Spain
should invade them on their southern extremities, these are so distant
from the body of their settlements, that they could not penetrate
thence; and Spanish enterprise is not formidable. The mines d'or are
among mountains inaccessible to any army, and Rio Janeiro is considered
the strongest port in the world after Gibraltar. In case of a
successful revolution, a republican government in a single body would
probably be established."
I took care to impress on him, through the whole of our conversation,
that I had neither instructions nor authority to say a word to anybody
on this subject, and that I could only give him my own ideas, as a
single individual; which were, that we were not in a condition at
present to meddle nationally in any war; that we wished particularly to
cultivate the friendship of Portugal, with whom we have an advantageous
commerce. That yet a successful revolution in Brazil could not be
uninteresting to us. That prospects of lucre might possibly draw
numbers of individuals to their aid, and purer motives our officers,
among whom are many excellent. That our citizens, being free to leave
their own country individually, without the consent of their
governments, are equally free to go to any other.
A little before I received the first letter of the Brazilian, a
gentleman informed me there was a Mexican in Paris, who wished to have
some conversation with me. He accordingly called on me. The substance
of the information I drew from him was as follows. He is himself a
native of Mexico, where his relations are, principally. He left it at
about seventeen years of age, and seems now to be about thirty-three or
thirty-four. He classes and characterizes the inhabitants of that
country, as follows: 1. The natives of Old Spain, possessed of most of
the offices of government, and firmly attached to it. 2. The clergy,
equally attached to the government. 3. The natives of Mexico, generally
disposed to revolt, but without instruction, without energy, and much
under the dominion of their priests. 4. The slaves, mulatto and black;
the former enterprising and intelligent, the latter brave, and of very
important weight, into whatever scale they throw themselves; but he
thinks they will side with their masters. 5. The conquered Indians,
cowardly, not likely to take any side, nor important which they take.
6. The free Indians, brave and formidable, should they interfere, but
not likely to do so, as being at a great distance. I asked him the
numbers of these several classes, but he could not give them. The
first, he thought very inconsiderable; that the second formed the body
of the freemen; the third equal to the two first the fourth, to all the
preceding; and, as to the fifth, he could form no idea of their
proportion. Indeed, it appeared to me, that his conjectures as to the
others, were on loose grounds. He said he knew from good information,
there were three hundred thousand inhabitants in the city of Mexico. I
was still more cautious with him than with the Brazilian, mentioning it
as my private opinion (unauthorized to say a word on the subject
otherwise) that a successful revolution was still at a distance with
them; that I feared they must begin by enlightening and emancipating
the minds of their people; that, as to us, if Spain should give us
advantageous terms of commerce, and remove other difficulties, it was
not probable that we should relinquish certain and present advantages,
though smaller, for uncertain and future ones, however great. I was led
into this caution by observing that this gentleman was intimate at the
Spanish ambassador's, and that he was then at Paris, employed by Spain
to settle her boundaries with France, on the Pyrenees. He had much the
air of candor, but that can be borrowed; so that I was not able to
decide about him in my own mind.
Led by a unity of subject, and a desire to give Congress as general a
view of the disposition of our southern countrymen, as my information
enables me, I will add an article which, old and insulated, I did not
think important enough to mention at the time I received it. You will
remember, Sir, that during the late war, the British papers often gave
details of a rebellion in Peru. The character of those papers
discredited the information. But the truth was, that the insurrections
were so general, that the event was long on the poise. Had Commodore
Johnson, then expected on that coast, touched and landed there two
thousand men, the dominion of Spain in that country would have been at
an end. They only wanted a point of union, which this body would have
constituted. Not having this, they acted without concert, and were at
length subdued separately. This conflagration was quenched in blood;
two hundred thousand souls, on both sides, having perished; but the
remaining matter is very capable of combustion. I have this information
from a person who was on the spot at the time, and whose good faith,
understanding, and means of information, leave no doubt of the facts.
He observed, however, that the numbers above supposed to have perished,
were on such conjectures only as he could collect.
I trouble Congress with these details, because, however distant we may
be, both in condition and dispositions, from taking an active part in
any commotions in that country, nature has placed it too near us, to
make its movements altogether indifferent to our interests, or to our
curiosity.
I hear of another _Arret_ of this court, increasing the duties on
foreign stock-fish, and the premium on their own, imported into their
islands; but not having yet seen it, I can say nothing certain on it. I
hope the effect of this policy will be defeated by the practice which,
I am told, takes place on the Banks of Newfoundland, of putting our
fish into the French fishing-boats, and the parties sharing the
premium, instead of ours paying the duty.
I am in hopes Mr. Short will be able to send you the medals of General
Gates, by this packet. I await a general instruction as to these
medals. The academies of Europe will be much pleased to receive each a
set.
I propose to set out the day after to-morrow for Bordeaux, (by the
canal of Languedoc,) Nantes, L'Orient and Paris.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.