PARIS, January 30, 1787.
DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 16th of December; since which, I
have received yours of November the 25th, and December the 4th, which
afforded me, as your letters always do, a treat on matters public,
individual and economical. I am impatient to learn your sentiments on
the late troubles in the Eastern States. So far as I have yet seen,
they do not appear to threaten serious consequences. Those States have
suffered by the stoppage of the channels of their commerce, which have
not yet found other issues. This must render money scarce, and make the
people uneasy. This uneasiness has produced acts absolutely
unjustifiable; but I hope they will provoke no severities from their
governments. A consciousness of those in power that their
administration of the public affairs has been honest, may perhaps,
produce too great a degree of indignation; and those characters,
wherein fear predominates over hope, may apprehend too much from these
instances of irregularity. They may conclude too hastily, that nature
has formed man insusceptible of any other government than that of
force, a conclusion not founded in truth nor experience. Societies
exist under three forms, sufficiently distinguishable. 1. Without
government, as among our Indians. 2. Under governments, wherein the
will of every one has a just influence; as is the case in England, in a
slight degree, and in our States, in a great one. 3. Under governments
of force; as is the case in all other monarchies, and in most of the
other republics. To have an idea of the curse of existence under these
last, they must be seen. It is a government of wolves over sheep. It is
a problem, not clear in my mind, that the first condition is not the
best. But I believe it to be inconsistent with any great degree of
population. The second state has a great deal of good in it. The mass
of mankind under that, enjoys a precious degree of liberty and
happiness. It has its evils, too; the principal of which is the
turbulence to which it is subject. But weigh this against the
oppressions of monarchy, and it becomes nothing. _Malo periculosam
libertatem quam quietam servitutem._ Even this evil is productive of
good. It prevents the degeneracy of government, and nourishes a general
attention to the public affairs. I hold it, that a little rebellion,
now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world
as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions, indeed, generally
establish the encroachments on the rights of the people, which have
produced them. An observation of this truth should render honest
republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions, as not
to discourage them too much. It is a medicine necessary for the sound
health of government.
[2] The latter part of this letter is in cypher; but appended to
the copy preserved, are explanatory notes, which have enabled us
to publish it entire, except a few words, to which they afford no
key. These are either marked thus * * *, or the words which the
context seemed to require, inserted in italics.
If these transactions give me no uneasiness, I feel very differently at
another piece of intelligence, to wit, the possibility that the
navigation of the Mississippi may be abandoned to Spain. I never had
any interest westward of the Alleghany; and I never will have any. But
I have had great opportunities of knowing the character of the people
who inhabit that country; and I will venture to say, that the act which
abandons the navigation of the Mississippi is an act of separation
between the eastern and western country. It is a relinquishment of five
parts out of eight, of the territory of the United States; an
abandonment of the fairest subject for the payment of our public debts,
and the chaining those debts on our own necks, _in perpetuum_. I have
the utmost confidence in the honest intentions of those who concur in
this measure; but I lament their want of acquaintance with the
character and physical advantages of the people, who, right or wrong,
will suppose their interest sacrificed on this occasion, to the
contrary interests of that part of the confederacy in possession of
present power. If they declare themselves a separate people, we are
incapable of a single effort to retain them. Our citizens can never be
induced, either as militia or as soldiers, to go there to cut the
throats of their own brothers and sons, or rather, to be themselves the
subjects, instead of the perpetrators of the parricide. Nor would that
country quit the cost of being retained against the will of its
inhabitants, could it be done. But it cannot be done. They are able
already to rescue the navigation of the Mississippi out of the hands of
Spain, and to add New Orleans to their own territory. They will be
joined by the inhabitants of Louisiana. This will bring on a war
between them and Spain; and that will produce the question with us,
whether it will not be worth our while to become parties with them in
the war, in order to re-unite them with us, and thus correct our error?
And were I to permit my forebodings to go one step further, I should
predict that the inhabitants of the United States would force their
rulers to take the affirmative of that question. I wish I may be
mistaken in all these opinions.
We have, for some time, expected that the Chevalier de La Luzerne would
obtain a promotion in the diplomatic line, by being appointed to some
of the courts where this country keeps an ambassador. But none of the
vacancies taking place, which had been counted on, I think the present
disposition is, to require his return to his station in America. He
told me himself, lately, that he should return in the spring. I have
never pressed this matter on the court, though I knew it to be
desirable and desired on our part; because, if the compulsion on him to
return had been the work of Congress, he would have returned in such
ill temper with them, as to disappoint them in the good they expected
from it. He would forever have laid at their door his failure of
promotion. I did not press it for another reason, which is, that I have
great reason to believe that the character of the Count de Moutier, who
would go, were the Chevalier to be otherwise provided for, would give
the most perfect satisfaction in America.
As you have now returned into Congress, it will become of importance
that you should form a just estimate of certain public characters: on
which, therefore, I will give you such notes, as my knowledge of them
has furnished me with. You will compare them with the materials you are
otherwise possessed of, and decide on a view of the whole.
You know the opinion I formerly entertained of my friend, Mr. Adams.
* * * and the Governor were the first who shook that opinion. I
afterwards saw proofs which convicted him of a degree of vanity, and of
a blindness to it, of which no germ appeared in Congress. A seven
months' intimacy with him here, and as many weeks in London, have given
me opportunities of studying him closely. He is vain, irritable, and a
bad calculator of the force and probable effect of the motives which
govern men. This is all the ill which can possibly be said of him. He
is as disinterested as the being who made him: he is profound in his
views; and accurate in his judgment, except where knowledge of the
world is necessary to form a judgment. He is so amiable, that I
pronounce you will love him, if ever you become acquainted with him. He
would be, as he was, a great man in Congress.
Mr. Carmichael is, I think, very little known in America. I never saw
him, and while I was in Congress I formed rather a disadvantageous idea
of him. His letters, received then, showed him vain, and more attentive
to ceremony and etiquette, than we suppose men of sense should be. I
have now a constant correspondence with him, and find him a little
hypochondriac and discontented. He possesses a very good understanding,
though not of the first order. I have had great opportunities of
searching into his character, and have availed myself of them. Many
persons of different nations, coming from Madrid to Paris, all speak of
him as in high esteem, and I think it certain that he has more of the
Count de Florida Blanca's friendship, than any diplomatic character at
that court. As long as this minister is in office, Carmichael can do
more than any other person who could be sent there.
You will see Franks, and doubtless he will be asking some appointment.
I wish there may be any one for which he is fit. He is light,
indiscreet, active, honest, affectionate. Though Bingham is not in
diplomatic office, yet as he wishes to be so, I will mention such
circumstances of him, as you might otherwise be deceived in. He will
make you believe he was on the most intimate footing with the first
characters in Europe, and versed in the secrets of every cabinet. Not a
word of this is true. He had a rage for being presented to great men,
and had no * * * in the methods by which he could effect it. * * * * *
The Marquis de La Fayette is a most valuable auxiliary to me. His zeal
is unbounded, and his weight with those in power, great. His education
having been merely military, commerce was an unknown field to him. But
his good sense enabling him to comprehend perfectly whatever is
explained to him, his agency has been very efficacious. He has a great
deal of sound genius, is well remarked by the King, and rising in
popularity. He has nothing against him, but the suspicion of republican
principles. I think he will one day be of the ministry. His foible is,
a canine appetite for popularity and fame; but he will get above this.
_The Count de Vergennes_ is _ill_. The possibility of his _recovery_,
renders it dangerous for us to express a doubt of it; but he is in
danger. He is a great minister in European affairs, but has very
imperfect ideas of our _institutions_, and no confidence in them. His
devotion to the principles of pure despotism, renders him
unaffectionate to our governments. But his fear of England makes him
value us as a make weight. He is cool, reserved in political
conversations, but free and familiar on other subjects, and a very
attentive, agreeable person to do business with. It is impossible to
have a clearer, better organized head; but age has chilled his heart.
Nothing should be spared, on our part, to attach this country to us. It
is the only one on which we can rely for support, under every event.
Its inhabitants love us more, I think, than they do any other nation on
earth. This is very much the effect of the good dispositions with which
the French officers returned. In a former letter, I mentioned to you
the dislocation of my wrist. I can make not the least use of it, except
for the single article of writing, though it is going on five months
since the accident happened. I have great anxieties, lest I should
never recover any considerable use of it. I shall, by the advice of my
surgeons, set out in a fortnight for the waters of Aix, in Provence. I
chose these out of several they proposed to me, because if they fail to
be effectual, my journey will not be useless altogether. It will give
me an opportunity of examining the canal of Languedoc, and of acquiring
knowledge of that species of navigation, which may be useful hereafter;
but more immediately, it will enable me to make the tour of the ports
concerned in commerce with us, to examine, on the spot, the defects of
the late regulations respecting our commerce, to learn the further
improvements which may be made in it, and on my return, to get this
business finished. I shall be absent between two and three months,
unless anything happens to recall me here sooner, which may always be
effected in ten days, in whatever part of my route I may be.
In speaking of characters, I omitted those of Reyneval and Hennin, the
two eyes of Count de Vergennes. The former is the most important
character, because possessing the most of the confidence of the Count.
He is rather cunning than wise, his views of things being neither great
nor liberal. He governs himself by principles which he has learned by
rote, and is fit only for the details of execution. His heart is
susceptible of little passions, but not of good ones. He is
brother-in-law to M. Gerard, from whom he received disadvantageous
impressions of us, which cannot be effaced. He has much duplicity.
Hennin is a philosopher, sincere, friendly, liberal, learned, beloved
by everybody; the other by nobody. I think it a great misfortune that
the United States are in the department of the former. As particulars
of this kind may be useful to you, in your present situation, I may
hereafter continue the chapter. I know it will be safely lodged in your
discretion.
Feb. 5. Since writing thus far, Franks has returned from England. I
learn that Mr. Adams desires to be recalled, and that Smith should be
appointed Chargé des Affaires there. It is not for me to decide whether
any diplomatic character should be kept at a court, which keeps none
with us. You can judge of Smith's abilities by his letters. They are
not of the first order, but they are good. For his honesty, he is like
our friend Monroe; turn his soul wrong side outwards, and there is not
a speck on it. He has one foible, an excessive inflammability of
temper, but he feels it when it comes on, and has resolution enough to
suppress it, and to remain silent till it passes over.
I send you, by Colonel Franks, your pocket telescope, walking stick and
chemical box. The two former could not be combined together. The latter
could not be had in the form you referred to. Having a great desire to
have a portable copying machine, and being satisfied, from some
experiments, that the principle of the large machine might be applied
in a small one, I planned one when in England, and had it made. It
answers perfectly. I have since set a workman to making them here, and
they are in such demand that he has his hands full. Being assured that
you will be pleased to have one, when you shall have tried its
convenience, I send you one by Colonel Franks. The machine costs
ninety-six livres, the appendages twenty-four livres, and I send you
paper and ink for twelve livres; in all, one hundred and thirty-two
livres. There is a printed paper of directions; but you must expect to
make many essays before you succeed perfectly. A soft brush, like a
shaving brush, is more convenient than the sponge. You can get as much
ink and paper as you please from London. The paper costs a guinea a
ream. I am, dear Sir, with sincere esteem and affection, your most
obedient humble servant.