[p.271] silence the conclusion of the sermon. Further removed from the

preacher, was the Sherif Yahya, with his small body of soldiers,

distinguished by several green standards carried before him. The two

Mahmals, or holy camels, which carry on their back the high structure

that serves as the banner of their respective caravans, made way with

difficulty through the ranks of camels that encircled the southern and

eastern sides of the hill, opposite to the preacher, and took their

station, surrounded by their guards, directly under the platform in

front of him. [The Mahmal (an exact representation of which is given by

D’Ohsson,) is a high, hollow, wooden frame, in the form of a cone, with

a pyramidal top, covered with a fine silk brocade adorned with ostrich

feathers, and having a small book of prayers and charms placed in the

midst of it, wrapped up in a piece of silk. (My description is taken

from the Egyptian Mahmal.) When on the road, it serves as a holy banner

to the caravan; and on the return of the Egyptian caravan, the book of

prayers is exposed in the mosque El Hassaneyn, at Cairo, where men and

women of the lower classes go to kiss it, and obtain a blessing by

rubbing their foreheads upon it. No copy of the Koran, nor any thing but

the book of prayers, is placed in the Cairo Mahmal. The Wahabys declared

this ceremony of the Hadj to be a vain pomp, of idolatrous origin, and

contrary to the spirit of true religion; and its use was one of the

principal reasons which they assigned for interdicting the caravans from

repairing to Mekka. In the first centuries of Islam, neither the

Omeyades nor the Abassides ever had a Mahmal. Makrisi, in his treatise

“On those Khalifes and Sultans who performed the pilgrimage in person,”

says that Dhaher Bybars el Bondokdary, Sultan of Egypt, was the first

who introduced the Mahmal, about A.H. 670. Since his time, all the

Sultans who sent their caravans to Mekka, have considered it as a

privilege to send one with each, as a sign of their own royalty. The

first Mahmal from Yemen came in A.H. 960; and in A.H.1049, El Moayed

Billah, king, and Imam of Yemen, who publicly professed the creed of

Zeyd, came with one to Arafat; and the caravans of Baghdad, Damascus,

and Cairo, have always carried it with them. In A.H. 730, the Baghdad

caravan brought it to Arafat upon an elephant (vide Asamy). I believe

the custom to have arisen in the battle-banner of the Bedouins, called

Merkeb and Otfe, which I have mentioned in my remarks on the Bedouins,

and which resemble the Mahmal, inasmuch as they are high wooden frames

placed upon camels.]

The preacher, or Khatyb, who is usually the Kadhy of Mekka, was mounted

upon a finely-caparisoned camel, which had been led up the steps; it

being traditionally said that Mohammed was always seated when he here

addressed his followers, a practice in which he was imitated by all the

Khalifes who came to the Hadj, and who from

[p.272] hence addressed their subjects in person. The Turkish gentleman

of Constantinople, however, unused to camel-riding, could not keep his

seat so well as the hardy Bedouin prophet; and the camel becoming

unruly, he was soon obliged to alight from it. He read his sermon from a

book in Arabic, which he held in his hands. At intervals of every four

or five minutes he paused, and stretched forth his arms to

implore blessings from above; while the assembled multitudes around and

before him, waved the skirts of their ihrams over their heads, and rent

the air with shouts of “Lebeyk, Allahuma Lebeyk,” (i.e. Here we are, at

thy commands, O God!) During the wavings of the ihrams, the side of the

mountain, thickly crowded as it was by the people in their white

garments, had the appearance, of a cataract of water; while the green

umbrellas, with which several thousand hadjys, sitting on their camels

below, were provided, bore some resemblance to a verdant plain.

During his sermon, which lasted almost three hours, the Kadhy was seen

constantly to wipe his eyes with a handkerchief; for the law enjoins the

Khatyb or preacher to be moved with feeling and compunction; and adds

that, whenever tears appear on his face, it is a sign that the Almighty

enlightens him, and is ready to listen to his prayers. The pilgrims who

stood near me, upon the large blocks of granite which cover the sides of

Arafat, appeared under various aspects. Some of them, mostly foreigners,

were crying loudly and weeping, beating their breasts, and denouncing

themselves to be great sinners before the Lord; others (but by far the

smaller number,) stood in silent reflexion and adoration, with tears in

their eyes. Many natives of the Hedjaz, and many soldiers of the Turkish

army, were meanwhile conversing and joking; and whenever the others were

waving the ihram, made violent gesticulations, as if to ridicule that

ceremony. Behind, on the hill, I observed several parties of Arabs and

soldiers, who were quietly smoking their nargyles; and in a cavern just

by sat a common woman, who sold coffee, and whose visiters, by their

loud laughter and riotous conduct, often interrupted the fervent

devotions of the hadjys near them. Numbers of people were present in

their ordinary clothes. Towards the conclusion of the sermon, the far

greater part of the

[p.273] assembly seemed to be wearied, and many descended the mountain

before the preacher had finished his discourse. It must be observed,

however, that the crowds assembled on the mountain were, for the greater

part, of the lower classes; the pilgrims of respectability being mounted

upon their camels or horses in the plain.

At length the sun began to descend behind the western mountains; upon

which the Kadhy, having shut his book, received a last greeting of

“Lebeyk;” and the crowds rushed down the mountain, in order to quit

Arafat. It is thought meritorious to accelerate the pace on this

occasion; and many persons make it a complete race, called by the Arabs,

Ad’dafa min Arafat. In former times, when the strength of the Syrian and

Egyptian caravans happened to be nearly balanced, bloody affrays took

place here almost every year between them, each party endeavouring to

out-run and to carry its mahmal in advance of the other. The same

happened when the mahmals approached the platform at the commencement of

the sermon; and two hundred lives have on some occasions been lost in

supporting what was thought the honour of the respective caravans. At

present the power of Mohammed Aly preponderates, and the Syrian hadjys

display great humility.

The united caravans and the whole mass of pilgrims now moved forward

over the plain; every tent had been previously packed up, to be ready

for the occasion. The pilgrims pressed through the Aalameyn, which they

must repass on their return; and night came on before they reached the

defile called El Mazoumeyn. Innumerable torches were now lighted,

twenty-four being carried before each Pasha; and the sparks of fire from

them flew far over the plain. There were continual discharges of

artillery; the soldiers fired their muskets; the martial bands of both

the Pashas played; sky-rockets were thrown as well by the Pashas’

officers, as by many private pilgrims; while the Hadj passed at a quick

pace in the greatest disorder, amidst a deafening clamour, through the

pass of Mazoumeyn, leading towards Mezdelfe, where all alighted, after a

two hours’ march. No order was observed here in encamping; and every one

lay down on the spot that first presented itself, no tents being pitched

except those of the Pashas and their

[p.274] suites; before which was an illumination of lamps in the form of

high arches, which continued to blaze the whole night, while the firing

of the artillery was kept up without intermission.

In the indescribable confusion attending the departure of the Hadj from

Arafat, many pilgrims had lost their camels, and were now heard calling

loudly for their drivers, as they sought them over the plain: I myself

was among their number. When I went to the mountain of Arafat, I ordered

my camel-driver and my slave to remain in readiness upon the spot where

they then were, till I should return to them after sun-set; but seeing,

soon after I quitted them, that the other loaded camels pressed forward

towards the mountain, they followed the example; and when I returned to

the place where I left them, they were not to be found. I was therefore

obliged to walk to Mezdelfe, where I slept on the sand, covered only by

my ihram, after having searched for my people during several hours[.]

On the 10th of the month of Zul Hadj, or the day of the feast called

Nehar el Dhahye, or Nehar el Nahher, the morning gun awoke the pilgrims

before dawn. At the first appearance of day-break, the Kadhy took his

station upon the elevated platform which encloses the mosque of

Mezdelfe, usually called Moshar el Harám, and began a sermon similar to

that which he had preached the day before. The Hadj surrounded the

mosque on all sides with lighted torches, and accompanied the sermon

with the same exclamations of “Lebeyk Allah huma Lebeyk;” but though

this sermon forms one of the principal duties of the pilgrimage, by far

the greater number of the hadjys remained with their baggage, and did

not attend it. The sermon is not very long, lasting only from the first

dawn till sun-rise; a space of time much shorter of course in this

latitude, than in our northern countries. The Salat el Ayd, or the

prayer of the feast, is performed at the same time by the whole

community according to its rites. When the first rays of the sun shot

athwart the cloudy sky, the pilgrims moved on at a slow march towards

Wady Muna, one hour distant from hence.

On arriving at Wady Muna, each nation encamped upon the spot which

custom has assigned to it, at every returning Hadj. After

[p.275] disposing of the baggage, the hadjys hastened to the ceremony of

throwing stones at the devil. It is said that, when Abraham or Ibrahim

returned from the pilgrimage to Arafat, and arrived at Wady Muna, the

devil Eblys presented himself before him at the entrance of the valley,

to obstruct his passage; when the angel Gabriel, who accompanied the

Patriarch, advised him to throw stones at him, which he did, and after

pelting him seven times, Eblys retired. When Abraham reached the middle

of the valley, he again appeared before him, and, for the last time, at

its western extremity, and was both times repulsed by the same number of

stones. According to Azraky, the Pagan Arabs, in commemoration of this

tradition, used to cast stones in this valley as they returned from the

pilgrimage; and set up seven idols at Muna, of which there was one in

each of the three spots where the devil appeared, at each of which they

cast three stones. Mohammed, who made this ceremony one of the chief

duties of the hadjys, increased the number of stones to seven. At the

entrance of the valley, towards Mezdelfe, stands a rude stone pillar, or

rather altar, between six and seven feet high, in the midst of the

street, against which the first seven stones are thrown, as the place

where the devil made his first stand: towards the middle of the valley

is a similar pillar, and at its western end a wall of stones, which is

made to serve the same purpose. The hadjys crowded in rapid succession

round the first pillar, called “Djamrat el Awla;” and every one threw

seven small stones successively upon it: they then passed to the second

and third spots, (called “Djamrat el Owsat,” and “Djamrat el Sofaly,” or

“el Akaba,” or “el Aksa,”) where the same ceremony was repeated. In

throwing the stones, they are to exclaim, “In the name of God; God is

great (we do this) to secure ourselves from the devil and his troops.”

The stones used for this purpose are to be of the size of a horse-bean,

or thereabouts; and the pilgrims are advised to collect them in the

plain of Mezdelfe, but they may likewise take them from Muna; and many

people, contrary to the law, collect those that have already been

thrown.

Having performed the ceremony of casting stones, the pilgrims kill the

animals which they bring with them for sacrifice; and all Mohammedans,

in whatever part of the world they may be, are bound, at this

[p.276] time, to perform the same rite. Between six and eight thousand

sheep and goats, under the care of Bedouins, (who demanded high prices

for them,) were ready on this occasion. The act of sacrifice itself is

subject to no other ceremonies than that of turning the victim’s face

towards the Kebly or the Kaaba, and to say, during the act of cutting

its throat, “In the name of the most merciful God! O supreme God!”

(Bismillah! irrahman irrahhym, Allahou akbar!) Any place may be chosen

for these sacrifices, which are performed in every corner of Wady Muna;

but the favourite spot is a smooth rock on its western extremity, where

several thousand sheep were killed in the space of a quarter of an

hour. [Kotobeddyn relates that, when the Khalife Mokteder performed the

pilgrimage about A.H. 350, he sacrificed on this day forty thousand

camels and cows, and fifty thousand sheep. Even now, persons of wealth

kill camels. The slaughtering may be performed by proxy.]

As soon as the sacrifices were completed, the pilgrims sent for barbers,

or repaired to their shops, of which a row of thirty or forty had been

set up near the favourite place of sacrifice. They had their heads

shaved, except those who were of the Shafey sect, who shave only one-

fourth of the head here, reserving the other three-fourths till they

have visited the Kaaba, after returning to Mekka. They threw off the

ihram, and resumed their ordinary clothes; those who could afford it

putting on new dresses, this being now the day of the feast. So far the

Hadj was completed, and all the pilgrims joined in mutual

congratulations, and wishes that the performance of this Hadj might be

acceptable to the Deity. “Tekabbel Allah!” was heard on all sides, and

everybody appeared contented. But this was not quite the case with

myself; for all endeavours to find my camels had hitherto proved vain,

such were the immense crowds that filled the valley; and while the other

hadjys were dressed in their clothes, I was obliged to walk about in my

ihram. Fortunately, my purse, which I had hung about my neck according

to the pilgrim custom, (the ihram having no pockets,) enabled me to buy

a sheep for sacrifice, and pay a barber. It was not till after sun-set

that I found out my people, who had encamped on the northern mountain,

and had been all the while under great anxiety about me.

The pilgrims remain two days more at Muna. Exactly at mid-day,

[p.277] on the 11th of Zul Hadj, seven small stones are again thrown

against each of the three places where the devil appeared; and the same

is done on the 12th of Zul Hadj, so that by the three repeated

throwings, each time of twenty-one stones, the number of sixty-three is

cast during the three days. Many pilgrims are ignorant of the precise

tenor of the law in this respect, as they are of several other points in

the ceremonies of the pilgrimage, and either throw early in the morning

the stones they should throw at mid-day, or do not throw the number

enjoined. After the last throwing on the 12th, the Hadj returns to Mekka

in the afternoon.

Muna [This name is said to be derived from Adam, who, during his stay in

the valley, when God told him to ask a favour, replied, “I ask (ytemuna)

for paradise;” and this place received its appellation from the answer.

Others say it derived its name from the flowing of blood in the day of

sacrifice.] is a narrow valley, extending in a right line from west to

east, about fifteen hundred paces in length, and varying in breadth,

enclosed on both sides by steep and barren cliffs of granite. Along the

middle, on both sides of the way, is a row of buildings, the far greater

part in ruins: they belong to Mekkans or Bedouins of the Koreysh, by

whom they are either let out, or occupied during the three days of the

Hadj, and left empty the rest of the year, when Muna is never inhabited.

Some of these are tolerable stone buildings, two stories high; but not

more than a dozen of them are kept in complete repair. On the farthest

eastern extremity of the valley, stands a good house, belonging to the

reigning Sherif of Mekka, in which he usually lives during those days.

It was now occupied by the ladies of Mohammed Aly; Sherif Yahya, after

throwing off the ihram, having returned to Mekka, where many hadjys also

repair immediately after that ceremony; but it is their duty to revisit

Muna at noon on the 11th or 12th of this month, in order to throw the

stones, as the neglect of this ceremony would render their pilgrimage

imperfect. The remainder of those two days they may spend where they

please. In the evening of the day of sacrifice, the merchant hadjys

usually go to Mekka, that they may unpack whatever merchandize they have

brought there.

[p.278]In the open space between the Sherif’s house and the habitations

of the Mekkans, is situated the mosque called Mesdjed el Kheyf; it is a

good solid building, the open square of which is surrounded by a high

and strong wall. In the midst of it is a public fountain, with a small

dome; and the west side, where the pulpit is placed, is occupied by a

colonnade with a triple row of pillars. The mosque is very ancient; it

was newly constructed in A.H. 559, by the celebrated Salaheddyn; but it

was rebuilt in its present form by Kayd Beg, Sultan of Egypt, in A.H.

874. It is reported, according to Fasy, that at the foot of the mountain

behind it, Mohammed received many revelations from heaven, and that Adam

was buried in the mosque. Close by it is a reservoir of water, also

founded, according to Kotobeddyn, by Kayd Beg; it was now completely

dry, as was a similar one where the Syrian Hadj encamped. The want of

water at Muna subjected the poorer hadjys to great hardships. Some was

brought either from Mezdelife, or from the tank situated beyond Muna, on

the road to Mekka, and the skin-full was sold for four piastres. In

Fasy’s time, there were fifteen wells of brackish water at Muna: it

seems that water may be found at a certain depth in all the country

round Mekka.

The annexed ground-plan [not included] shows whatever is worthy of

notice in the town or village of Muna. [not included] The house of

Djeylany, the best that it contained, was constantly crowded by

visitors, whom he treated

[p.279] sumptuously. The houses of the Kadhy and the rich families of

Sakkat, were next to it; and, on the same side of the way, a long,

narrow hall had been lately repaired and fitted up, where about fifty

Mekkan and Turkish shopkeepers exhibited their wares. The houses of the

northern row are almost totally in ruins: the row of shops (No. 16.) on

that side were open without any doors. There were, besides, many sheds

constructed in the midst of the street, where victuals might be

purchased in great abundance, but at exorbitant prices.

On the declivity of the mountain to the north, called Djebel Thebeyr, a

place is visited by the hadjys, where Abraham, as some accounts inform

us, requested permission to offer up his son as a sacrifice. A granite

block, cleft in two, is shown here, upon which the knife of Abraham

fell, at the moment when the angel Gabriel showed him the ram close by.

At the touch of the knife the stone separated in two. It is in

commemoration of this sacrifice that the faithful, after the Hadj is

completed, slaughter their victims. The commentators on the law,

however, do not agree about the person whom Abraham intended to

sacrifice. Some state him to have been Yakoub (Jacob), but the far

greater number Ismayl. In the immediate neighbourhood of the block is a

small cavern, capable of holding four or five persons, where Hadjer (or

Hagar) is said to have given birth to Ismayl; this, however, directly

contradicts even Mohammedan tradition, which says that Ismayl was born

in Syria, and that his mother Hadjer carried him into the Hedjaz, when

an infant at her breast; but the small cavern offering itself so

conveniently, justified the substitution of Muna for Syria, as a fit

birth-place for the father of the Bedouins, more especially as it

attracts so many pious donations to the Mekkans, who sit around with

outspread handkerchiefs. Where the valley terminates towards Mekka, is a

small house of the Sherif, in which he makes his sacrifice, and throws

off the ihram. It was mentioned, that in a side-valley leading from this

place towards Djebel Nour, stands a mosque called Mesdjed el Ashra,

where the followers of Mohammed used to pray; but I did not visit it.

According to Azraky, another mosque, called Mesdjed el Kabsh, stood near

the cavern; and Fasy says there was one between

[p.280] the first and second of the devil’s pillars, which is probably

that marked 20 in the plan.

To every division of the hadjys, its place of encampment is appointed in

Wady Muna, or at Arafat; but the space is here much narrower. The

Egyptian Hadj alights near the house of the Sherif, where Mohammed Aly

had pitched his tent, in the vicinity of his cavalry. Two large leathern

vessels, constantly kept filled with water, were placed in front of his

tent, for the use of the hadjys. At a short distance from it, towards

the Mesdjed el Kheyf, stood the tent of Soleyman Pasha of Damascus,

whose caravan was encamped on the opposite side of the way; before his

tent was placed a row of ten field-pieces, which he had brought with him

from Damascus. His ammunition had exploded on the way, while the caravan

halted at Beder, and fifty people had been killed by the accident; but

Mohammed Aly had furnished him with a fresh supply; and the guns were

frequently discharged, as were twelve others which stood near Mohammed

Aly’s tent. The greatest number of hadjys had encamped without any

order, on the rocky and uneven plain behind the village to the north.

The tents of the Mekkans were very neatly fitted up; and this being now

the feast, men, women, and children were dressed in their best apparel.

At night, few people ventured to sleep, on account of thieves, who

abound at Muna. A hadjy had been robbed, on the preceding night, of

three hundred dollars; and at Arafat several dozen of camels were stolen

by the Bedouins: two of the thieves had been pursued and seized, and

carried before Mohammed Aly at Muna, who ordered them to be beheaded.

Their mutilated bodies lay before his tent the whole of the three days,

with a guard, to prevent their friends from taking them away. Such

exhibitions create neither horror nor disgust in the breast of an

Osmanly; their continual recurrence hardens his feelings, and renders

him insensible to the emotions of pity. I heard a Bedouin, probably a

friend of the slain, who stood near the bodies, exclaim, “God have mercy

upon them; but no mercy upon him who killed them!”

The street, which extends the whole length of Muna, was now converted

into a market and fair: every inch of ground not built upon,

[p.281] was occupied by sheds or booths, made of mats; or by small

tents, fitted up as shops. Provisions, and merchandize of every kind,

had been brought here from Mekka; and, contrary to the custom in other

Mohammedan countries, where all commerce is laid aside during the feast-

days, all the merchants, shopkeepers, and brokers, were busily employed

in traffic. The merchants who had arrived with the Syrian caravan, began

their bargains for Indian goods, and exhibited samples of the articles

which they had themselves brought, and which were lying in the

warehouses at Mekka. A number of poor hadjys were crying their small

adventures, which they carried along the street on their heads; and as

all business was confined to this single street, the mixture of nations,

costumes, and merchandize, was still more striking than at Mekka. [This

pilgrimage among the Pagan Arabs was, at all times, connected with a

large fair held at Mekka. In the month before the pilgrimage, they

visited some other neighbouring fairs, namely, those of Okath, the

market of the tribe of Kenane; of Medjna and Zou el Medjaz; the markets

of the tribe of Hodeyl; and of Hasha, that of the Beni Lazed. After

having spent their time in amusements at those fairs, they repaired to

the Hadj at Arafat, and then returned to Mekka, where another large fair

was held (see Azraky). At Arafat and Muna, on the contrary, they

scrupulously abstained from any traffic during the days of their

sojourning there, and the performance of the holy rites; but the Koran

abrogated this observance, and by a passage in chap. ii. permitted

trafficking even in the days of the Hadj; at least it has been so

explained. (See El Fasy.)]

In the afternoon of the first day of Muna, the two Pashas paid mutual

visits; and their cavalry manœuvred before their tents. Among the troops

of Soleyman Pasha, about sixty Sambarek (Zembourek) attracted notice:

these are artillerymen, mounted on camels, having a. small swivel before

them, which turned on a pivot fixed to the pommel of the camel’s saddle.

They fire while at a trot, and the animal bears the shock of the

discharge with great tranquillity. The Syrian cavalry consisted of about

fifteen hundred men, principally delhys; no infantry whatever being with

the caravan. Soleyman Pasha appeared to-day with a very brilliant

equipage; all his body-guards were dressed in richly-embroidered stuffs

glittering with gold, and were well mounted, though the Pasha’s own stud

was very indifferent. After the two

[p.282] Pashas had interchanged visits, their officers followed the

example, and were admitted to kiss the hands of the Pashas, when each of

them received presents in money, according to his rank. The Kadhy, the

rich merchants of Mekka, and the grandees among the hadjys, likewise

paid their respects to the Pashas, and each of their visits lasted about

five minutes. An immense crowd was, at the same time, assembled in a

wide semicircle round their open tents, to witness this brilliant sight.

In the afternoon, a body of negro pilgrims, under a leader, made their

way through this crowd, and, walking up to Soleyman Pasha, (who sat

quite alone, smoking upon a sofa in the recess of his tent,) boldly

saluted him, and wished him joy on the accomplishment of the pilgrimage;

in return they received some gold coins. They afterwards tried the same

experiment with Mohammed Aly Pasha; but received only blows on the back

from his officers, in return for their compliments. Among the

curiosities which attracted the notice of the crowd, was a curricle

belonging to the wife of Mohammed Aly, which stood in the gateway of the

Sherif’s house. This lady had carried it on board her ship to Djidda,

from whence she rode in it to Mekka and Arafat, her person being, of

course, completely concealed; it was drawn by two fine horses, and was

seen frequently afterwards parading the streets of Mekka.

At night, the whole valley blazed; every house and tent was lighted up;

before the tents of the Pashas were fine illuminations; and the Bedouins

made large bonfires upon the summits of the mountains. The noise of guns

continued throughout the night; fire-works were exhibited; and several

of the Mekkans let off rockets.

The second day of the feast at Muna was passed in the same manner as the

first; but the putrefying carcases of the sheep became excessively

offensive in some parts of the valley, as very few of the richer hadjys

can consume the victims which they kill. The Hanefys are not even

allowed by the laws of their sect to eat more than one-eighth of a

sheep. The greater part of the flesh falls to the lot of the poorer

hadjys, and the entrails are thrown about the valley

[p.283] and the street. The negroes and Indians were employed in cutting

some of the meat into slices, and drying it for their travelling

provision. [Until the sixteenth century, it was an established rule with

the Sultans of Egypt, and afterwards with those of Constantinople, to

furnish, at Muna, all the poor hadjys with food at the expense of the

royal treasury. The Pagan Arabs distinguished themselves more

particularly during the Hadj for their hospitality; and such of them as

went on the pilgrimage, were gratuitously entertained by all those whose

tents they passed on the road; they having previously prepared for that

purpose large supplies of food. (See Kotobeddyn.)--Among the wonders

which distinguish Muna from other valleys, El Fasy relates that it

occasionally extends its dimensions to accommodate any number of

pilgrims; that on the day of sacrifice, no vultures ever carry off the

slaughtered lambs, thus leaving them for the poor hadjys; and that,

notwithstanding the quantity of raw flesh, no flies ever molest the

visiters at this place. That the last remark is false, I can declare

from my own experience.]

To-day many hadjys performed their prayers in the Mesdjed el Kheyf,

which I found crowded with poor Indians, who had taken up their quarters

in it. The pavement was thickly spread with carrion; and on cords

extended between the columns were suspended slices of meat, for the

purpose of being dried. The sight and smell were very disgusting; and

many hadjys seemed surprised that such indecencies should be allowed. In

general, foreign hadjys see many practices at Mekka, which are not

calculated to inspire them with great veneration for the holy places of

their religion; and although some may, nevertheless, retain all their

religious zeal undiminished, others, we may be assured, lose much of it

in consequence of what they witness during the Hadj. It is to this loss

of respect for religion, and to the nefarious and shameful practices in

some measure legitimatised by their frequent occurrence in the holy

city, that we must attribute those proverbs which reflect upon the

hadjys as less religious and less trustworthy than any other persons.

But our Christian holy-land is liable to some censure, for practices of

the same kind. The most devout and rigid Mohammedans acknowledge and

deplore the existence of this evil; and prove that they are either more

clear-sighted or more sincere than the Christian pilgrim

Chateaubriand. [Mons. C. may have had very statesman-like motives for

giving in his Itinerary so highly coloured a picture of Palestine and

its priesthood; but, as a traveller, he cannot escape blame for having

departed from the truth, and often totally misrepresented the facts that

fell under his observation.]

[p.284]At mid-day on the 12th of Zul Hadj, immediately after having

thrown the last twenty-one stones, the hadjys left Muna, and returned

along the valley to Mekka, evincing their high spirits by songs, loud

talking, and laughter; a contrast to the gloom which affected every body

in proceeding here four days ago. On arriving at Mekka, the pilgrims

must visit the Kaaba, which in the mean time has been covered with the

new black clothing brought from Cairo, walk seven times round it, and

perform the ceremony of the Say: this is called the Towaf el Ifadhe. He

then takes the ihram once more, in order to visit the Omra; and on

returning from the Omra, again performs the Towaf and Say, and with this

the ceremony of the Hadj is finally terminated.

The principal duties incumbent upon the hadjy are, therefore:--1. that he

should take the ihram; 2. be present, on the 9th of Zul Hadj, from

afternoon till sun-set, at the sermon preached at Arafat; 3. attend a

similar sermon at Mezdelfe, at sun-rise of the 10th of Zul Hadj; 4. on

the 10th, 11th, and 12th of Zul Hadj, throw on each day twenty-one

stones against the devil’s pillars at Muna; 5. perform the sacrifice at

Muna; or, if he is too poor, substitute for it a fast at some future

time; and, 6. upon his return to Mekka, visit the Kaaba and the Omra.

The law makes so many nice distinctions, and increases so greatly the

number of rules which are to guide the pilgrim at every step, that very

few can flatter themselves with being quite regular hadjys; but as no

ritual police is kept up during the ceremony, every one is completely

his own master, and assumes the title of hadjy, whether he has strictly

performed all the duties or not. It is enough for such that they have

been at Arafat on the proper day--this is the least distinction: but a

mere visit to Mekka does not authorise a man to style himself hadjy; and

the assumption of this title without some further pretensions, exposes

him to ridicule. There is not any formal certificate given to hadjys at

Mekka, as at Jerusalem; but many of the great people purchase a few

drawings of the town, &c.; annexed to which is an attestation of four

witnesses, that the purchasers were

[p.285] regular hadjys. If the 9th of Zul Hadj, or the day of El Wakfe,

falls upon a Friday, it is held to be particularly fortunate.

Some hadjys are anxious to acquire the title of “Khadem el Mesdjed,” or

servant of the mosque, which may be obtained at the expense of about

thirty dollars; for this sum, a paper, bestowing that appellation upon

him, is delivered to the purchaser, signed by the Sherif and Kadhy. It

is not uncommon to permit even Christians to obtain the privilege of

calling themselves servants of the Mesdjed, and the honour is

particularly sought for by the Greek inhabitants of the islands and

shores of the Archipelago; as, in case of their being captured by the

Barbary pirates, such a certificate is often respected by the most rigid

Moggrebyns. I saw a Greek captain who obtained one for two hundred

dollars; he had commanded one of Mohammed Aly’s dows, and was now on his

way home; and he felt satisfied that, whatever ship he might hereafter

take under his charge in the Archipelago, would be secured by this

certificate from the pirates. In former times, this title of Khadem

appears to have been of more importance than it is now; for I find, in

the historians of Mekka, many great people mentioned, who annexed it to

their names.

After the return of the Hadj from Muna, the principal street of Mekka

becomes almost impassable from the crowds assembled there. The Syrian

hadjy merchants hire shops, and make the best use of the short time

which is granted to them for their commercial transactions. Every body

purchases provisions for his journey home; and the pursuit of gain now

engrosses all minds, from the highest to the lowest. The two caravans

usually leave Mekka about the 23d of Zul Hadj, after ten days’ stay in

the town. Sometimes the leaders of them are prevailed upon by the

merchants, who pay highly for the favour, to grant a respite of a few

days; but this year they did not require it, as the caravan was detained

by Mohammed Aly, who, preparing to open his campaign against the

Wahabys, thought proper to employ about twelve thousand camels of the

Syrian Hadj in two journies to Djidda, and one to Tayf, for the

transport of provisions. As to the Egyptian caravan, which, as I have

already mentioned, contained no private hadjys, it was wholly detained

by Mohammed Aly, who ordered all

[p.286] the horsemen and camels that had accompanied it, to assist him

in his campaign. The Mahmal, or sacred camel, was sent back by sea to

Suez, a circumstance which had never before occurred. The Syrian caravan

did not leave Mekka till the 29th of Zul Hadj; and the incessant labour

to which its camels had been subjected, weakened them so much, that

numbers of them died on their return through the Desert. The caravans of

unloaded camels which were hourly leaving Mekka for Djidda, to take up

provisions there, facilitated the short journey to that place of those

hadjys who wished to return home by sea.

Having heard that the supply of money for which I had written to Cairo

on my first reaching Djidda, had been received there, I rode over in the

night of the 1st of December, and remained in that town six or seven

days. The hadjys who had, in the mean while, daily flocked into it on

their return from Mekka, were seen encamped in every quarter, and thus

it soon became as crowded as Mekka had just been. Among the ships in the

harbour, ready to take hadjy passengers on board, was a merchant-vessel

lately arrived from Bombay, belonging to a Persian house at that

presidency, and commanded by an English captain, who had beat up to

Djidda against the trade-winds, at this late season. I passed many

agreeable hours in the company of Captain Boag, on board his ship, and

regretted that my pursuits should call me away so soon. Two other

Europeans had arrived at Djidda about the same time, by way of Cairo;

the one an Englishman, who was going to India; the other a German

physician. This gentleman was a Hanoverian by birth, and a baron:

misfortunes of a very distressing nature had driven him from his home,

and he had thought of practising his profession at Djidda, or of

proceeding to Mokha; but his mind was too unsettled to determine upon

any thing; and he was of too independent a character to receive either

counsel or assistance. I left him at Djidda when I returned to Mekka,

and learnt afterwards that he died there in the month of March, of the

plague, and that he was buried by the Greeks of Djidda upon an island in

the harbour.

When I returned to Mekka, about the 8th or 9th of December, I found no

longer the same multitudes of people; but the beggars had

[p.287] become so numerous and troublesome, that many of the hadjys

preferred staying all day at home, to escape at once the importunities,

the expense of acceding to them, or the scandal of wanting charity.

These beggars were soliciting alms to carry them home; and their numbers

were increased by many pilgrims of respectable appearance, whose money

had been spent during the Hadj. It was my intention, in returning to

Mekka, to join the Syrian caravan, and travel with it as far as Medina;

I therefore, in imitation of some other Syrian pilgrims who had arrived

at Mekka before the caravan, engaged with a Bedouin of the Harb tribe

for two of his camels; although most of the hadjys, who, after the

pilgrimage, visit Mohammed’s tomb at Medina, accompany the Syrian

caravan, agreeing with some Mekowem to defray all expenses on the road;

but it is better, for many reasons, to travel with Bedouins than with

towns-people, especially on a route across the Bedouin territory. An

accident, however, prevented me from availing myself of this

opportunity.

The caravan being ready for departure on the 15th of December, I packed

up my effects in the morning, and at noon a gun was fired, to announce

that Soleyman Pasha had quitted the plain of Sheikh Mahmoud, where the

caravan had been encamped; but still my Bedouin had not arrived. I ran

out towards Sheikh Mahmoud, when I understood that a rumour, whether

false or true, having been spread, that Mohammed Aly was only waiting to

see the camels all assembled in the morning upon the plain, that he

might seize and send them to Tayf, several Bedouins had made their

escape during the night: it was evident that those with whom I had

bargained were among the number. In the hurry and bustle of departure no

other camels could possibly be found; and I was therefore obliged to

return to the town, together with several Mekkans, who had been

disappointed in the same manner.

At the moment of starting, the leader of the Damascus caravan always

distributes a certain quantity of provision to the poor. Soleyman Pasha

had, for this purpose, heaped up two hundred camel-loads near his tent;

and when he mounted his horse, at a given signal it was seized upon by

those who were waiting, in the most outrageous and

[p.288] disorderly manner: a party of about forty negro pilgrims, armed

with sticks, secured a considerable part of the heap to themselves.

It is usual for the Syrian Hadj to stop two or three days, on its

return, in Wady Fatme, the first station from Mekka, to allow the camels

some fine pasturage in that neighbourhood; but Soleyman Pasha, who

entertained a great distrust of Mohammed Aly, and was particularly

fearful lest he should make some further demand upon his caravan for

camels, performed an uninterrupted march for two stations, and passed

Wady Fatme; thus disappointing many Mekkan shopkeepers, who had repaired

thither in hopes of establishing a market for the time. The Pasha became

delirious during the journey, and, before he reached Damascus, was put

under restraint by his own officers: he recovered his senses at

Damascus, but died there soon after.

I was obliged to remain at Mekka a whole month after the departure of

the Hadj, waiting for another opportunity of proceeding to Medina. I

might have easily gone from Djidda, by sea, to Yembo; but I preferred

the journey by land. At this time the people of the Hedjaz were kept in

anxious suspense, on account of Mohammed Aly, who was preparing to set

out from Mekka, in person, against the Wahabys. They knew that, if his

expedition should fail, the Bedouins of the Hedjaz would immediately

resort to their wonted practices, and cut off the route to the interior

from all travellers; and experience had also taught them, that if the

Wahabys obtained possession of the country a second time, the town of

Mekka alone could indulge in any hope of escaping from being plundered.

These considerations retarded the departure of caravans for Medina. A

strong caravan usually leaves Mekka on the 11th of Moharrem,

(corresponding this year with the 2nd of January, 1815,) the day after

the opening of the Kaaba, which always takes place on the 10th of

Moharrem, or the day called Ashour. Towards the end of December, the

inhabitants were alarmed by a false report of the arrival of a Wahaby

force, by the way of the seacoast, from the south: soon after, in the

first days of January, 1815, Mohammed Aly set out from Mekka. He met the

Wahaby army, four days after, at Byssel, in the neighbourhood of Tayf,

where he gained

[p.289] the complete victory of which I have elsewhere given the

details; this was no sooner known at Mekka, than the caravan for Medina,

which had long been prepared, set out, on the 15th of January.

After the Syrian Hadj had departed, and the greater part of the other

pilgrims retired to Djidda, waiting for an opportunity to embark, Mekka

appeared like a deserted town. Of its brilliant shops, one-fourth only

remained; and in the streets, where a few weeks before it was necessary

to force one’s way through the crowd, not a single hadjy was seen,

except solitary beggars, who raised their plaintive voices towards the

windows of the houses which they supposed to be still inhabited. Rubbish

and filth covered all the streets, and nobody appeared disposed to

remove it. The skirts of the town were crowded with the dead carcases of

camels, the smell from which rendered the air, even in the midst of the

town, offensive, and certainly contributed to the many diseases now

prevalent. Several hundreds of these carcases lay near the reservoirs of

the Hadj, and the Arabs inhabiting that part of Mekka never walked out

without stuffing into their nostrils small pieces of cotton, which they

carried suspended by a thread round the neck. [The Arabs in general, even

the Bedouins, are much more sensitive than the Europeans concerning the

slightest offensive smell. This is one of the principal reasons why the

Bedouins never enter a town without repugnance. They entertain a belief

that bad smells affect the health by entering through the nostrils into

the lungs; and it is for this reason, more than for the disagreeable

sensation itself arising from the smell, that Arabs and Bedouins are

often seen covering their noses with the skirts of their turbans, in

walking through the streets.] But this was not all. At this time the

Mekkans are in the habit of emptying the privies of their houses; and,

too lazy to carry the contents beyond the precincts of the town, they

merely dig a hole in the street, before the door of the dwelling, and

there deposit them, covering the spot only with a layer of earth. The

consequences of such a practice may easily be imagined.

The feasts of nuptials and circumcision now take place, being always

celebrated immediately after the Hadj, as soon as the Mekkans are left

to themselves, and before the people have had time to spend the sums

gained during the residence of the pilgrims; but I saw many

[p.290] more funerals than nuptial processions. Numbers of hadjys,

already ill from the fatigues of the road, or from cold caught while

wearing the ihram, are unable to proceed on their journey homewards;

they remain in the hope of recovering strength, but often terminate

their existence here. If they have some companion or relative with them,

he carries off the dead man’s property, on paying a fee to the Kadhy; if

he is alone, the Kadhy and Sherif are his heirs, and these inheritances

are no inconsiderable source of income. When I quitted Mekka, there were

still remaining there perhaps a thousand hadjys, many of whom intended

to pass a whole year in the holy city, and to be present at another

Hadj; others to protract their residence only for a few months.

On the day of quitting Mekka, it is thought becoming to pay a parting

visit to the Kaaba, called Towaf el Wodaa, and to perform the Towaf and

Say. The hadjys generally do it when every thing is ready for departure,

and mount their camels the moment they have finished the ceremony.

[p.291]JOURNEY FROM MEKKA TO MEDINA.

ON the 15th of January, 1815, I left Mekka with a small caravan of

hadjys, who were going to visit the tomb of the prophet: it consisted of

about fifty camels, the property of some Bedouins of the Ryshye and

Zebeyde tribes, who either accompanied their beasts themselves, or had

sent slaves with them. I had hired two camels, to carry myself and my

slave and baggage; and, as is customary in the Hedjaz, I had paid the

money in advance, at the rate of one hundred and eighty piastres per

camel. My late cicerone, with whom I had every reason to be satisfied,

though not quite free from those professional vices already mentioned,

accompanied me out of town, as far as the plain of Sheikh Mahmoud, where

the camels had assembled, and from whence the caravan started at nine

o’clock in the evening. The journey to Medina, like that between Mekka

and Djidda, is performed by night, which renders it much less profitable

to the traveller, and, in winter time, much less comfortable than it

would be by day.

Having proceeded an hour and a quarter, [I had bought a watch at Mekka,

and had obtained a good compass from the English ship at Djidda.] we

passed the Omra thus far the road is paved in several parts with large

stones, particularly on the ascents. We passed through valleys of firm

sand, between irregular chains of low hills, where some shrubs and

stunted acacia-trees grow. The road, with few exceptions, was perfectly

level.

[p.292]At five hours from Mekka, we passed a ruined building called El

Meymounye, with the tomb of a saint, the dome of which was demolished by

the Wahabys. Near it is a well of sweet water, and a small birket, or

reservoir, built of stone: a little building annexed to the tomb serves

as a sort of khan for travellers. For the first six hours from Mekka our

road lay N.W., when we turned a steep hill, which caravans cannot cross,

and proceeded N.N.W. to Wady Fatme, which we reached at the end of eight

hours from Mekka, just at the first appearance of dawn.

January 16th. We alighted on the spot where the pilgrim caravans repose

on the day before they reach Mekka, in a part of the valley of Fatme,

called Wady Djemmoum. Wady Fatme is low ground, abounding in springs and

wells; it extends in an E.N.E. direction to the distance of four or five

hours, until it nearly joins Wady Lymoun. To the west of our resting-

place, it terminates at about an hour and a half’s distance, being about

six hours in its whole length. The most western point is called Medoua.

On the western side are the principal plantations; to the east it is

cultivated in a few spots only. It presented to the view on that side a

plain of several miles in breadth, covered with shrubs, and flanked on

both sides by low barren hills or elevated ground; but towards its

eastern extremity it is said to be very well cultivated. Wady Fatme has

different appellations in different parts; but the whole is commonly

known to the people of Djidda and Mekka by the name of El Wady, or the

valley. By the Arabian historians it is usually called Wady Merr.

Between Wady Fatme and Hadda, (the station so named on the Djidda road,)

are the two places, called Serouat and Rekany. (See Asamy.)

The cultivated grounds in Wady Fatme contain principally date-trees,

which supply the markets of the two neighbouring towns; and vegetables,

which are carried every night, on small droves of asses, to Mekka and

Djidda. Wheat and barley are also cultivated in small quantities. The

Wady being well supplied with water, might easily be rendered more

productive than it now is; but the Hedjaz people are generally averse to

all manual labour. Near the place where we alighted, runs a small

rivulet, coming from the eastward, about three

[p.293] feet broad, and two feet deep, and flowing in a subterranean

channel cased with stone, which is uncovered for a short space where the

caravans take their supply of water, which is much more tepid than that

of the Zemzem at Mekka, and is much better tasted. Close by are several

ruined Saracen buildings and a large khan; and here also, according to

Fasy, stood formerly a Mesdjed called El Fath. Among the date-groves are

some Arab huts belonging to the cultivators of the soil, chiefly of the

Lahyan tribe; the more wealthy of them belong to the tribe of the

Sherifs of Mekka, called Dwy Barakat, who live here like Bedouins, in

tents and huts. They have a few cattle; their cows, like all those of

the Hedjaz, are small, and have a hump on their shoulders. Wady Fatme is

also distinguished for its numerous henna-trees, with the odoriferous

flowers of which, reduced to powder, the people of the East dye the

palms of the hands, the soles of the feet, or the nails of both. The

henna of this valley is sold at Mekka to the hadjys in small red

leathern bags; and many of them carry some of it home, as a present to

their female relations. I think it probable that the Oaditæ of Ptolemy

were the inhabitants of this valley, (Wady, Oadi).

We found at our halting-place a party of about twenty servants and

camel-drivers belonging to the Turkish army at Mekka, who had left that

place secretly to escape the embargo laid by Mohammed Aly upon all

persons of their description. They were without any provisions, and had

very little money; but hearing that there was a caravan to start for

Medina, they thought they should be able to accompany it thither. Some

of them, who were Egyptians, intended to go to Yembo; others, who were

Syrians, had formed the plan of returning home through the Desert by the

Hedjaz route, and of begging their way along the Bedouin encampments,

not having money enough to pay for their passage by sea to Suez.

We left our resting-place at three o’clock P.M., and were one hour in

crossing the Wady to its northern side; from whence the Hadj road, on

which we travelled, rises gently between hills, through valleys full of

acacia-trees, in a direction N. 40 W. The rock is all granite of the

[p.294] gray and red species. At the end of two hours, the country

opens, the trees diminish, and the course changes to N. 55 W. Towards

sun-set I had walked a little way in front of the caravan, and being

tired, sat down under a tree to wait its approach; when five Bedouins

crept along the bushes towards me, and suddenly snatched up my stick,

the only weapon which was lying on the ground behind me. Their leader

said that I was, no doubt, a deserter from the Turkish army, and

therefore their lawful prize. I offered no resistance; but seeing them

much less determined than Bedouin robbers generally are, I concluded

that they were not free from fear. I told them, therefore, that I was a

hadjy, and belonged to a large caravan escorted by Harb Bedouins; that

they might wait a little before they stopped me, to assure themselves of

this fact by the arrival of the caravan; and that they had better not

offer me any violence, as our guides would no doubt know the

perpetrators, and would report it to those who had the power to punish

them. I felt assured that they had no intention of doing me any bodily

harm, and was under no apprehension, especially as I had only a

travelling dress and a few dollars to lose, should the worst happen. One

of them, an old man, advised his comrades to wait a little; for that it

would not be well to incur the consequences of robbing a hadjy. During

our parley, I looked impatiently for the caravan coming in sight; but it

had stopped behind for a quarter of an hour, to allow the travellers

time to perform the evening prayers, a daily practice among them, of

which. I was yet ignorant. This delay was very much against me, and I

expected every moment to be stripped, when, the tread of the camels

being at last heard, the Bedouins retreated as suddenly as they had

approached.

Although the road from Mekka to Medina was considered safe even for

caravans unarmed like ours, yet stragglers are always exposed; and had

it not been for the terror with which, a few days before, Mohammed Aly’s

victory over the Wahabys had inspired all the neighbouring Bedouins, I

should probably have been punished for my imprudence in walking on

alone. We rode the greater part of the night, over a plain more gravelly

than sandy, where some ashour trees

[p.295] grow among the acacias, the same species (Asclepia gigantea)

which I have so often mentioned in my Nubian Travels. This ground is

called El Barka. After a seven hours’ march, we stopped at El Kara.

January 17th. We slept a few hours during the night, a circumstance that

seldom occurred on this journey. El Kara is a black, flinty plain, with

low hills at a great distance to the east: it bears a few thorny trees,

but affords no water. I was struck by its great resemblance to the

Nubian Desert, south of Shigre. Although in the midst of winter, the

heat was intense the whole morning of our stay at Kara. Nobody in the

caravan had a tent, and I was more exposed than any person; all the

others being mounted on a shebrye, or shekdof, a sort of covered camel-

saddle, which affords some shelter from the sun, both while on the

camel, and when placed on the ground: the shebrye serves for one person,

and the shekdof for two-one sitting on each side of the camel. But I had

always preferred the open seat upon a loaded camel, as more commodious,

besides being more Arablike, and affording the advantage of mounting or

dismounting without the aid of the driver, and without stopping the

animal; which it is very difficult to effect with those machines on

their back, especially the shekdof, where both riders must keep

continually balancing each other.

I formed to-day a closer acquaintance with my fellow-travellers; for, in

small caravans, every one endeavours to be upon friendly terms with his

companions. They were Malays, or, as they are called in the Levant,

Jawas; and, with the exception of a few of them, who came from the coast

of Malacca, all British subjects, natives of Sumatra, Java, and the

coast of Malabar. The Malays come regularly to the Hadj, and often bring

their women with them, three of whom were in our caravan. Many remain

for years at Mekka, to study the Koran and the law, and are known among

the Indians in the Hedjaz as scrupulous adherents to the precepts, or at

least to the rites, of their religion. Few of them talk Arabic fluently;

but they all read the Koran, and, even when travelling, are engaged in

studying it. They defray the expenses of their journey by selling aloe-

wood, the best kind of which, called Ma Wardy, they told me, cost, in

their country,

[p.296] between three and four dollars per pound, and sells at Mekka at

between twenty and twenty-five dollars. Their broad, long features, and

prominent forehead, their short but stout stature, and their decayed

teeth, which present a striking contrast to the pearly teeth of the

Arabs, every where distinguish them, although they wear the common

Indian dress. Their women, who all went unveiled, wore robes and

handkerchiefs of striped silk stuff, of Chinese manufacture. They

appeared to be people of very sober habits and quiet demeanour, but

avaricious in the extreme; and their want of charity was sufficiently

proved by their treatment of the destitute fugitives who had joined the

caravan at Wady Fatme. They lived, during the whole journey, upon rice

and salted fish: they boiled the rice in water, without any butter, a

dear article in the Hedjaz, but which they did not dislike; for several

of them begged my slave to give them secretly some of mine, for

seasoning their dish. As they were people of property, avarice alone

could be the motive for this abstemious diet; but they were sufficiently

punished by the curses of the Bedouins, who had, of course, expected to

partake of their dinners, and could not be prevailed upon to swallow the

watery rice. Their copper vessels were all of Chinese manufacture, and

instead of the abrik, or pot, which the Levantines use in washing and

making their ablutions, they carried with them Chinese tea-pots.

During this journey, I had frequent opportunities of learning the

opinion entertained by these Malays of the government and manners of the

English, their present masters; they discovered a determined rancour and

hostile spirit towards them, and greatly reviled their manners, of

which, however, the worst they knew was, that they indulged too freely

in wine, and that the sexes mixed together in social intercourse; none,

however, impeached the justice of the government, which they contrasted

with the oppression of their native princes; and although they bestowed

upon the British the same opprobrious epithets with which the fanatic

Moslims every where revile Europeans, they never failed to add, “but

their government is good.” I have overheard many similar conversations

among the Indians at Djidda and Mekka, and also among the Arabian

sailors who

[p.297] trade to Bombay and Surat; the spirit of all which was, that the

Moslims of India hate the English, though they love their government.

We left our resting-place at ten o’clock P.M., and proceeded over the

plain of Kara, in a direction N. 40 W. At the end of three hours we

passed a ruined building called Sebyl el Kara, where a well, now filled

up, formerly supplied the passengers with water. I saw no hills to the

west, as far as my eyes could reach. The plain is here overgrown with

some trees and thick shrubs. We continued to cross it till six hours,

where it closes; and the road begins to ascend slightly through a broad

woody valley: here is situated Bir Asfán, a large, deep well, lined with

stone, with a spring of good water in the bottom. This is a station of

the Hadj. There is another way from Wady Fatme to Asfan, four miles to

the eastward of our route. We passed the well without stopping.

Samhoudy, the historian of Medina, mentions a village at Asfan, with a

spring called Owla; there is now no village here. At seven hours begins

a very narrow ascending passage between rocks, affording room for only

one camel. The torrents which rush down through this passage in winter

have entirely destroyed the road, and filled it with large, sharp blocks

of stone; the Hadj route seemed, in several places, to be cut out of the

rock, but the night was too dark for seeing any thing distinctly. At the

end of eight hours we reached the top of this defile, where a small

building stands, perhaps the tomb of a Sheikh. From hence we rode over a

wide plain, sometimes sandy, and in other parts a mixture of sand and

clay, where trees and shrubs grow. At fourteen hours, near the break of

dawn, we passed a small Bedouin encampment, and alighted, at the end of

fifteen hours, in the neighbourhood of a village called Kholeys. We had

made several short halts during the night, and kindled fires to warm

ourselves.

Kholeys stands upon a wide plain, in several parts of which date-groves

are seen, with fields, where dhourra, bemye, and dokken are cultivated.

Several hamlets appear scattered about, which are comprised in the

general name of Kholeys; the largest is called Es-Souk, or the market-

place, near which the Hadj encamps. A small rivulet, tepid, like that in

Wady Fatme, rises near the Souk, and is collected

[p.298] on the outside of the village in a small birket, now ruined, and

then waters the plain. Near the birket there are also the ruins of a

sebyl. [A sebyl is a small, open building, often found by the side of

fountains; in these sebyls travellers pray, and take their repose.]

According to Kotobeddyn, the birket and sebyl were built by Kayd Beg,

Sultan of Egypt, about A.H. 885. At that time, Kholeys had its own Emir,

who was a very powerful person in the Hedjaz. I saw plenty of cattle,

cows, and sheep; but the Arabs complained that their plantations

suffered from drought, no rain having yet fallen, though the season was

far advanced. The water from the rivulet did not appear sufficient to

irrigate all the cultivated grounds, and the supply was even less than

it might have been, as half of the water was suffered, through

negligence, to escape from the narrow channels.

The village Es-Souk contains about fifty houses, all built of mud, and

very low: its main street is lined with shops, kept by the people of

Kholeys, and frequented by all the neighbouring Bedouins. The principal

article for sale was dates, with which most of the shops were filled; in

the others were sold dhourra, barley, lentils and onions, (both from

Egypt,) rice, and some other articles of provision; but no wheat, that

grain being little used by the Bedouins of this country: there were also

spices, a few drugs, the bark of a tree for tanning the water-skins, and

some butter. Milk was not to be found, for no one likes to be called a

milk-seller. A tolerably well-built mosque stands by the rivulet, near

some gigantic sycamore trees. I found in it two negro hadjys from

Darfour; they had, the night before, been stripped on the road of a few

piastres, earned at Mekka: one of them having attempted to defend

himself, had been severely beaten; and they now intended to go back to

Djidda, and endeavour to retrieve their loss by a few months’ labour.

One of the Bedouins who had stripped them, was smoking his pipe in the

village; but they had not the means of proving the robbery against him,

nor of obtaining justice. Kholeys is the chief seat of the Arab tribe of

Zebeyd, a branch of Beni Harb, and the residence of their Sheikh. The

greater part of them are Bedouins; and many even of those who cultivate

the ground, pass some part of the

[p.299] year under tents in the Desert, for the purpose of pasturing

their cattle upon the wild herbage. A few families of Beni Amer, (or

Aamer, [The Beni Aamer must not be confounded with Amer, another tribe of

Harb.]) another branch of Harb, are mixed with this tribe at Kholeys.

Before the Turkish conquest, the usual currency at this market was

dhourra; at present, piastres and paras are taken. Kholeys often sends

small caravans to Djidda, which is two long days’ journeys, or three

caravan journeys distant. I was told that the neighbouring mountains

were well peopled with Bedouins. About three hours distant, in a N.E.

direction, is a fertile valley called Wady Khowar, known for its

numerous plantations of bananas, by which the fruit-markets of Mekka and

Djidda are supplied.

January 18th. Having filled our water-skins, we set out at three

o’clock, P.M. Our road lay N. 20 E. over the plain. In two hours we came

to a high hill, called Thenyet Kholeys, the steep side of which was

deeply covered with sand, through which our camels ascended with

difficulty. Some ancient ruins of a large building stand on its top, and

the road on both sides of the hill is lined with walls, to prevent too

great an accumulation of the sand. It was covered with carcases of

camels, the relics of the late Hadj caravans. On descending the other

side, a plain extended before us to the north and east, as far as the

eye could reach. To the E.N.E. high mountains were visible, distant

between twenty and thirty miles. Descending into the plain, we took the

direction N. 10 W. At three hours and a half the plain, which thus far

had been firm gravel, changed into deep sand, with tarfa (or tamarisk)

trees, which delight particularly in sand, and in the driest season,

when all vegetation around them is withered, never lose their verdure.

It is one of the most common productions of the Arabian Desert, from the

Euphrates to Mekka, and is also frequent in the Nubian deserts: its

young leaves form an excellent food for camels. At four hours and a

quarter, we found the road covered with a saline crust, indicating the

neighbourhood of the sea; from hence, our course was in various

directions.

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