Of the men whom I have known in public affairs, General Banks was in
his personality one of a small number who were always agreeable and
permanently attractive. He was the possessor of an elastic spirit;
he was always hopeful of the future and in adversity he saw or fancied
that he saw, days of prosperity for himself, for his party, for the
commonwealth and for the country. His interest in the fortunes of the
laboring classes was a permanent interest, and they are largely
indebted to him for the passage of the eight-hour law by the Congress
of the United States. Not infrequently his thoughts and schemes were
too vast for realization. While the contest in Kansas was going on,
he suggested an organization of capitalists for the purchase of the
low-priced lands in Delaware, then a sale to Northern farmers and the
conversion of Delaware into a free State.
His studies in law had been fragmentary and superficial, and nature had
not endowed him with all the qualities that are essential to the
successful lawyer. His reading on the literary side was considerable,
especially in the Spanish language. Early in life he accepted the idea
that our relations with the Spanish race were to be intimate in a not
far off future. He was a careful observer of character, and of
conditions in affairs, and in a free debate he was never in peril of
being overmatched. Of a mutual friend and an associate in politics
he said: "He has no serious side to his character--a defect that has
been the bane of many otherwise able men."
When the coalition came into power Banks was made speaker of the
Massachusetts House of Representatives. Wilson was president of the
Senate and I was in the office of Governor. In an evening stroll with
Banks around Boston Common, engaged in a survey of public affairs,
he changed the conversation suddenly with the remark: "It's almighty
queer that the people of this commonwealth have put their government
into the hands of men who have no last and usual place of abode." The
pertinency of this remark is to be found in the facts to which it was
applicable. There were some men of wealth in the Coalition Party but
the three places that I have named were held by men who were destitute
of even the means of well-to-do mechanics and tradespeople.
Mr. Banks had power in repartee which made him a formidable adversary
in parliamentary debate. When he was a mechanic at Waltham he took
an active part in temperance meetings. At one of the meetings a
Unitarian clergyman of conservative leanings, made a speech in which he
criticized the speeches and said finally: "I do not attend the
meetings because I cannot approve of what I hear said." He then
referred to Mr. Banks as a young man who was guilty of indiscretions
in speech. He had seen him once only at his church. He had made
inquiries of his brethren and he could not learn that Mr. Banks was a
regular attendant at any church. Banks in reply admitted that he had
been in the church of the reverend gentleman but once, and that he was
not a regular attendant at any church. Said he: "I do not go to
church because I hear things said there which I do not approve." The
reverend gentleman was forced to join in the general laugh which was
raised at his expense.
Two extracts from General Banks' letters, written to me during the war
may give an idea of his characteristics in his maturer years.
HEADQUARTERS, CAMP AT DAMSTOWN, MD.
_October_ 15, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:--
I received your letter of the 8th inst . . . and also one of an earlier
date.
I am very glad to hear from you. I see few people and hear little news
from home. Newspapers I have little relish for and scarcely time to
read them, if I had.
I am glad to know that you contemplate the army for a pursuit. Our
people will in the end surrender all business except that of the war,
and that which pertains to the war. Our country is in a sad condition.
It is already clear that the influence of France and England is against
us. How sadly all our anticipations in regard to the war have failed
us,--the insurrection of the blacks, the material deficiencies of the
South, their want of men, and worst of all the friendship or the
indifference of England. We have now, or shall have by and by to do
what we should have done at the start, rely upon ourselves and prepare
for our work upon a scale proportionate to its magnitude. It would
amuse you to know how far the highest civil authority is subordinated
to military direction. I do not doubt in the slightest degree the
success of the Government in the end, but it grieves me to see how
slow we have been and still are in comprehension and preparation.
This continent is just as important to England and France as it is to
us. It is hardly to be doubted that they will postpone all
international questions, and secure what has never before been offered
to them--a controlling foothold here. How many times I have spoken to
you in the old Executive Chamber of the importance to the whole world
of the possession of Mexico--and of the power it would infallibly give
to this continent, as in Europe to those who possessed it. And now
Spain, France, and England are there. "Birnam Wood _has_ to great
Dunsinane come." There is but one remedy for us. Every male creature
born and unborn must become a soldier. Soldiers do not criticize, so
you must consider this _Private_. And believe me very truly yours,
etc.
N. P. BANKS.
HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF.
_New Orleans, 27 Decr._ 1863.
MY DEAR SIR:--
I have written to the President upon the subject of a free State
organization in Louisiana. It appears quite certain to me that the
course pursued here by the officers to whom the matter is entrusted
will not lead to an early or a certain result. It will not be
accomplished sooner than August or September, and then will be involved
in the struggles of the Presidential contest, and very likely share
the fate of that struggle. It certainly ought not to be dependent upon
that issue, and settled, not only independent of it, but before it
opens. It can be easily done, in March. A Free State government upon
the basis of immediate emancipation can be acquired as early as March
with the general consent of the People, and without any material
opposition, in such a manner as to draw after it _all_ the Southern
States, on the same basis, and by the same general consent. But it
cannot be done in the manner now proposed here. It is upon this subject
that I have written the President. Three months ago I wrote him upon
the same idea but did not send my letter. Subsequent reflection and
inquiry have made the theory so clear to mind that I felt impelled
to put my views before him. I write this as from the request of my
previous letter you may have spoken to him upon the subject of the
Depart't and the reorganization of the State. The election of next
year does not seem as clear to me as it appears to you. I fancy it to
be a struggle between the Democratic Party, backed by the entire power
of the regular army and the People. It will be a contest of great
violence.
* * * * * * * *
The report of General Halleck is singularly incorrect, in its references
to the Department--so much so that it is impossible to attribute them
to anything else but misapprehension of facts. I refer to that which
relates to Galveston, and the movement against Port Hudson in April.
If it were not so palpable, I shd think the Department hostile & shd be
very glad to know if you see or hear anything to indicate such feeling
towards me. General Wilson would probably know the facts.
The Austrian Consul here, said to me the other day that he was confident
that Maximilian would not go to Mexico. He is a sensible and well
informed man, and I have confidence in his opinion. I shall send you
by Satds mail _three_ despatches from Europe of recent date.
Very truly yours,
N. P. BANKS.
M. G. C.
HON. GEO. S. BOUTWELL.
As the conclusion of my remarks upon General Banks, I refer to my final
and unexaggerated estimate of General Banks as given in the chapter on
the Legislature of 1849 (Chapter XIV).