BLOOD-RANSOMING.

Among other Bible indications that the custom of balancing, or

canceling, a blood account by a payment in money, was well known in

ancient Palestine, appears the record of David’s conference with the

Gibeonites, concerning their claim for blood against the house of Saul,

in 2 Samuel 21 : 1-9. When it was found that the famine in Israel

was because of Saul’s having taken blood--or life--unjustly from the

Gibeonites, David essayed to balance that unsettled account. “And the

Gibeonites said unto him, It is no matter of silver or gold between us

and Saul, or his house; neither is it for us to put any man to death

in Israel;” which was equivalent to saying: “Money for blood we will

not take. Blood for blood we have no power to obtain.” Then said David,

“What ye shall say, that will I do for you.” At this, the Gibeonites

demanded, and obtained, the lives of the seven sons of Saul. The blood

account must be balanced. In this case, as by the Mosaic law, it could

only be by life for life.

In some parts of Arabia, if a Muhammadan slays a person of another

religion, the relatives of the latter are not allowed to insist on

blood for blood, but must accept an equivalent in money. The claim

for the spilled blood is recognized, but a Muhammadan’s blood is too

precious for its payment. (See Wellsted’s _Travels in Arabia_, I., 19.)

It is much the same in the far West as in the far East, as to this

canceling of a blood-debt by blood or by other gifts. Parkman (_Jesuits

in No. Am._, pp. lxi.-lxiii.; 354-360) says of the custom among the

Hurons and the Iroquois, that in case of bloodshed the chief effort of

all concerned was to effect a settlement by contributions to the amount

of the regular tariff rates of a human life.

Another indication that the mission of the goel was to cancel the loss

of a life rather than to avenge it, is found in the primitive customs

of the New World. “Even in so rude a tribe as the Brazilian Topanazes,”

the Farrer (citing Eschwege, in _Prim. Man. and Cust._, p. 164), “a

murderer of a fellow tribesman would be conducted by his relations to

those of the deceased, to be by them forthwith strangled and buried

[with his forfeited blood in him], in satisfaction of their rights; the

two families eating together for several days after the event as though

for the purpose of [or, as in evidence of] reconciliation,”--not of

satisfied revenge.

Yet more convincing than all, in the line of such proofs that it is

restitution, and not vengeance, that is sought by the pursuit of blood

in the mission of the goel, is the fact that in various countries,

when a man has died a natural death, it is the custom to seek blood,

or life, from those immediately about him; as if to restore, or to

equalize, the family loss. Thus, in New South Wales, “when any one of

the tribe dies a natural death, it is usual to avenge [not to avenge,

but to meet] the loss of the deceased by taking blood from one or other

of his friends,” and it is said that death sometimes results from this

endeavor (Angas’s _Sav. Life_, II., 227). In this fact, there is added

light on the almost universal custom of blood-giving to, or over, the

dead. (See, _e. g._ Ellis’s _Land of Fetish_, pp. 59, 64; Stanley’s

_The Congo_, II., 180-182; Angas’s _Sav. Life_, I., 98, 331; II., 84,

89 f.; Ellis’s _Polyn. Res._, I., 527-529; Dodge’s _Our Wild Indians_,

p. 172 f.; _First An. Rep. of Bureau of Ethn._, pp. 109, 112, 159 f.,

164, 183, 190.)

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