CHAPTER III

Popular terror of gas--Necessity for drilling and early personal

experience--Sure defence from gas possible--The first gas

alarms--The prussic acid scare a myth--The phosgene scare a

reality--The helmet made to combat it--Necessity for renovating

the helmet.

The final object in the training of men in defence against gas is

that troops shall be able to protect themselves completely and as

quickly as possible in all the multitudinous circumstances in which

they may encounter the poisonous gas in the field. To attain this

it is necessary to inspire confidence by letting them in as far as

possible on the principles underlying the use of gas and the tactics

which are adopted by the enemy; and, secondly, to bring their practical

proficiency and discipline up to such a standard that they make the

very best use of the apparatus that is given to them.

It must be remembered that one of the greatest difficulties in talking

to people about gas is the mystery of it. Even educated people hardly

understand the word “gas” in connection with war and are apt to think

of coal gas and dentists’ gas in consequence. The result is that the

gas of the Germans was sometimes credited with all sorts of impossible

qualities of movement and deadliness, and it can hardly be realised

what alarm and distrust may exist in the raw recruit with regard to

gas until he has been given some instruction. This is even as great a

danger as the over-confidence of the veteran soldier, who may know just

as little about it.

Mere drilling and assertion are not sufficient to inspire confidence

and acquire proportion, and it was realised very early that personal

experience was needed. To gain this arrangements were made for every

man to see and smell gas in concentrations that would at any rate

produce severe discomfort if dwelt in for any length of time, and for

each soldier subsequently to be exposed to gas while wearing a gas

helmet in such a concentration that negligence in obeying orders or in

using the smoke helmet correctly would lead to real danger to life. By

this means confidence could be inspired in everybody, though there is

always a certain danger due to recklessness among the more adventurous

types.

Besides this it was necessary to give as many men as possible some

idea of the common sense of the operations in which the army was being

drilled. This could only be done by giving a clear idea of how the

gas is used; how gas travels; where it accumulates; how it can be

removed, and so on; and under what conditions a respirator or smoke

helmet protects or ceases to protect its wearer. It was on these lines

that instruction was built up; and to do it thoroughly it was found

that a large number of instructors were required in order to train the

officers and noncommissioned officers and to get them to treat their

respirators with as great respect as their rifles and to learn to carry

them through a gas-defence drill in just as smart a manner as the

ordinary arms.

For this purpose special schools of instruction were started at each

army headquarters, and as many regimental officers and noncommissioned

officers as possible were given a four or five days’ course of gas

training, so that they in their turn could go back to their regiments

and spread the gospel, as the responsibility for getting things done

must eventually fall upon them. Not only was it found impossible to

provide specialist officers for each regiment or battalion, but it

was recognised that such a procedure would have a bad effect on the

gas-defence measures.

Gas defence was a matter which affected everybody and was in no way

to be regarded as a specialist’s job; battalions were already full

of specialists. Indeed the colonels were apt to complain that they

had nobody but specialists to command. There were bombers, snipers,

signalers, machine gunners and sanitary men; and at that time the

trench-mortar personnel was also a part of the infantry battalion. With

all these things the feeling was that if a job could be looked on as

being a specialty it should be put on the specialist officer concerned,

and nobody else worried about it much. Now if gas defence was to become

Lieutenant Snook’s job, it meant that it was going to be nobody else’s

job, and it was essential that the idea should grow up in the army that

gas defence was a purely military matter and affected everybody.

What was said then is just as true to-day--that the defensive appliance

is a certain protection if it is used properly and in time. Defence

against gas is thus on an entirely different footing from defence

against shells and bullets, where protection cannot be assured; and, to

quote instructions on the subject: “For destructive effects gas must

depend on surprise, on poor discipline or on defective appliances.

Consequently gas casualties are preventable if the soldier is trained

continually to exercise vigilance and is well drilled in the use and

care of his respirator.”

The basis of the whole thing, therefore, was that every officer

should see that the men under his command were properly instructed in

defensive measures against gas attacks, and that all orders on the

subject were thoroughly understood. It was then up to the officers to

see that their men could get their helmets on properly in the minimum

time, and this involved considerable amount of drill practice. It was

pointed out to the officers that since protection had been provided,

those battalions which had been carefully instructed had come through

practically unharmed, while those battalions in which instructions had

been neglected suffered severely.

It was also up to the officers to explain to their men as much as they

themselves had learned about gas clouds, and to impress on them, for

example, that by moving to the rear they would move with the gas, and

that if they got flurried they would breathe more deeply and would run

much more risk of being gassed.

Besides these questions of instruction and drilling a lot of other

arrangements had to be made, so that warning of German gas attacks

should be spread in the quickest possible time. Arrangements were

made to install alarms of various kinds in the trenches. Of course no

reliance could be placed on any method of communication which involved

the use of the lungs. A man cannot blow a bugle or a whistle while he

has a helmet on, and if he waited to give a signal by such a method

before protecting himself he would be almost certain to be gassed. What

was done was to place bells and gongs made from shell cases up and

down the trenches.

At first these were rather futile things, the bells generally being

much too small--some of them merely cow bells. The shell cases were a

bit better and are still used for local alarms; but the arrangements

for giving warning were not really very good at that time. The best

devices were a number of motor horns, which were obtained locally, but

the supply was insufficient and there was no general issue. Later on

the alarm arrangements were tremendously improved. In some cases signal

lights were used, but so many different kinds of rockets were already

employed for signalling to the rear that there was great difficulty in

finding a light sufficiently distinctive. There was also the danger

that it could be quickly copied by the boche, who would thus amuse

himself by giving us all kinds of shocks from false alarms.

Quite as important as the provision of signals was the making of

observations to see when the wind was in a dangerous quarter. This was

done partly at the meteorological stations at headquarters and partly

on the front line itself. The latter was regarded at the time as the

most important, and orders were given that each unit in the front

line should rig up some kind of wind vane and learn to ascertain the

strength of the wind, so that they should be immediately prepared for

an attack whenever the wind was in a dangerous quarter.

Wind vanes in the trenches were of the simplest types and a great deal

of ingenuity was displayed in fitting up weathercocks that would be

capable of turning in really low wind--say, one with a speed of only

two miles an hour. The bearings for the central rod were the greatest

difficulty, but it was found that by boring out a rifle bullet a sharp

pointed stick or a thick piece of wire could be got to revolve in the

hollow bullet quite easily, what remained of the lead core acting as a

kind of lubrication.

The greatest nuisance of these wind vanes at first was that they were

made so generally obtrusive that they could be seen from the enemy’s

lines, and they nearly always drew fire from snipers, and sometimes

actually from the artillery. Presumably the enemy thought that where

the wind vanes were installed company headquarters were probably

situated. The position of the wind vanes consequently had to be chosen

so that the direction and speed of the wind would be measured several

feet above the ground without the apparatus being too obvious. One

of the simplest types of vane adopted, and one which could hardly be

seen from any distance, was a bit of a stick to the end of which was

tied ten to twelve inches of thin thread with a tiny bit of cotton

wool at the end. When the wind is blowing the direction taken by the

thread shows the line of the wind fairly exactly, and the behaviour of

the cotton wool in rising and falling indicates the strength of the

wind. The latter, however, was supposed to be measured by reference

to Beaufort’s scale, which depends on the movement in wind of natural

objects. Beaufort’s scale, which was devised long ago by an English

admiral of that name, is as follows:

Smoke moves straight up, speed of wind is _nil_; smoke slants, speed

is two miles an hour; the wind is felt on the face, speed is five

miles; paper, etc., move about, speed is ten miles; bushes are seen to

sway, speed is fifteen miles; tree tops sway and wavelets are formed

on water, speed is twenty miles; tree tops sway and whistle, speed is

thirty miles.

All of these arrangements for training and equipment of the troops were

hurried on as quickly as possible, but at the same time sight was not

lost of the probability of the German’s using gases different from the

chlorine which had originally formed their stand-by. It was felt that

a good all-round protection should be capable of keeping out not only

chlorine and similar gases but also others which were quite likely to

come into use.

During the whole of this time we were getting a lot of information from

the intelligence branch as to materials which the Germans were making

for use against us in their next gas attacks. Some of this information

was really farcical, but on the other hand some of it was very good

and helped to confirm the conclusions to which our own scientists were

coming as to the likelihood or unlikelihood of particular gases. In the

former category may be classed one story which came to us containing

a very circumstantial description of some experiments which were

stated to have been carried out in Berlin. These trials were stated

to have been made in what we considered a very proper place, namely,

Hagenbeck’s menagerie, where, in the presence of a large number of

military representatives, a new gas was tried out.

A noncommissioned officer appeared with a tank of the gas on his back,

the spraying nozzle coming out under his arm. A camel and an elephant

were brought out. The noncommissioned officer advanced toward them,

and at twenty paces’ distance he pressed down the lever on the tank

and out came some small black bubbles of gas, which floated down the

wind toward the faded animals. The bubbles burst, giving off a yellow

vapour, and the minute this vapour came in contact with the camel and

the elephant the beasts dropped down dead!

This sounded very terrible, but even in the conditions we were at the

time it was not taken too seriously, and of course nothing of this kind

has ever made its appearance.

Another story which commenced to make its appearance at that time

and which we have heard a great deal about ever since was that the

Germans were busy making prussic acid in enormous quantities for a huge

offensive which was to finish the war. It was stated that the Kaiser

had at last been persuaded to use this terrible weapon in order by its

use to finish the war at once and prevent needless suffering.

When they first made their appearance stories with regard to prussic

acid had to be taken a great deal more seriously than those like the

“little black bubbles.” For one thing we were unprotected against

prussic acid, and for another it was known of course to be an extremely

deadly poison. Indeed before the war it was regarded as the most

poisonous vapour known, so a great deal of weight was attached to these

statements, and experiments were at once put on foot to find protection

against prussic acid and to see exactly how poisonous it was compared

with other gases.

As a matter of fact prussic acid has not been used by the Germans

simply because it is not poisonous enough. It is not so poisonous, for

example, as phosgene, and a lot of captured German documents showing

the relative toxicity of different vapours always put it on a rather

low basis. It was this and not a desire to avoid utter barbarity which

decided the Germans not to use it. The ordinary German soldiers, just

like ourselves, still consider prussic acid as the most dangerous

possible material, and whenever they have a story to tell of a new gas

being invented or being got ready to use against us they will tell you

in awestruck tones that it is prussic acid.

The most valuable piece of information which we got was a complete

set of notes of some very secret lectures given to specially selected

senior officers at a conference in Germany. We gathered that this

conference was held behind closed doors and triple lines of sentries,

and all that kind of thing, and I cannot of course indicate how the

information came into our hands, but there it was. It described a lot

of new gases which had been considered, and stated among other things

that they intended to make a big gas attack against either the French

or ourselves in Flanders in December, 1915, some time before Christmas

when the wind was favourable. For this purpose they were going to

use a mixture of chlorine with another gas, phosgene--the amount of

phosgene to be twenty per cent of the whole.

Now phosgene had been realised by our own chemists as a very likely

gas to be used. I cannot say that it is more poisonous than chlorine,

but it is infinitely more deadly because it is much more difficult to

protect against and is more insidious in its nature. For one thing,

though it is an asphyxiant like chlorine it is possible for a man to be

only slightly gassed and think he is all right, and then, especially if

he takes any exercise in between, to fall dead several hours later from

heart failure.

The information was so complete that our arrangements to provide a

helmet which would protect against phosgene were hastened as much as

possible; and it was as well that they were, for the attack actually

did come off just about the time and place mentioned, in the Ypres

salient.

It was realised of course that any change in protection would have

to include both prussic acid and phosgene; and this is not nearly so

easy as it sounds. Phosgene is peculiarly chemically inert for such an

active poison, and it was some time before a reasonable protection

was found which could be incorporated in a smoke helmet. The substance

actually decided upon was a solution of sodium phenate--that is,

carbolic acid dissolved in caustic soda, the mixture containing an

excess of caustic. This solution is quite capable of dealing with

reasonable concentrations of phosgene and would successfully protect

against three parts of phosgene to ten thousand of the air, which in

the circumstances was quite good enough. The French also altered their

protection at the same time and used sodium sulphanilate as the basis

of protection against phosgene. The objections against the sodium

phenate were that it could not be absorbed into a flannel helmet owing

to its destruction of the fabric, and on account of its being strongly

caustic it would tend to burn the faces of the men it came in contact

with. These difficulties were overcome by making the helmet of two

layers of flannelette instead of one layer of flannel, and by mixing

with the sodium phenate a large quantity of glycerin. This kept the

fabric moist and prevented the caustic from exerting its corrosive

action.

It was realised from the start that a smoke helmet containing free

alkali would deteriorate considerably on exposure to air, and it was

found advantageous to provide a breathing tube in the mask so that

a man would breathe in through the helmet and out through an outlet

valve; in this way the breath, which contains a lot of carbonic acid,

would have no bad effect on the chemicals. The use of an outlet valve

was also found to have the advantage of keeping the air purer inside

the helmet and preventing the stuffy feeling which accompanied the

older types of helmet.

This additional complication to the helmet was not looked upon

favourably at first by the troops, but it was very quickly realised

that only a little practice was required to make a man breathe quite

normally in the way mentioned above, and that the advantages accruing

from the alteration were very great indeed. We found that we could

carry on for much longer stretches of time without being fagged

out, and more exact trials by the scientists showed that a man’s

temperature, pulse and rate of breathing did not increase nearly so

rapidly if he used an outlet valve as when breathing out and in

through the same material. This is largely due to what is called “dead

space,” which means the volume of air in between the lungs and the

atmosphere and in which the air is largely composed of breath exhaled

from the lungs. The smaller this space the easier it is to breathe.

This principle of using an outlet valve has been retained in all the

British respirators which have been invented since and is regarded as

one of the very highest importance.

Another thing which had to be taken care of was that the new helmets,

which were called “tube” or “P” helmets, would gradually deteriorate

on exposure to air, and would consequently have to be withdrawn from

the troops in the line from time to time in order to redip them in

chemicals and make them as effective as before. For this purpose large

repair factories were started at the bases and were placed in charge

of Englishwomen who were brought over for the purpose. These factories

were organised with local labour, helped out by a little military

personnel, and were capable of washing the helmets returned from the

line, redipping them in new solution, and sending them back in good

condition again.

This was no small job, as the smoke helmets which were sent in were

generally filthy dirty, sometimes soaked in mud and sodden with water,

and requiring very careful handling to be brought back into good

condition. All sorts of things got back with these helmets to the

repair stations, and it was not an uncommon thing for the satchels

containing the helmets to be found to hold anything from a live hand

grenade to the photograph of some girl, which had been stored there for

safe keeping. Both then and later we always had considerable difficulty

in preventing Tommy from using his helmet satchel, and later on his box

respirator satchel, for these illicit purposes. He seemed to consider

that if he had to carry another haversack he had a perfect right to put

in it whatever he liked--rations, knives and forks, ammunition, private

knickknacks of all kinds. This of course had to be stopped, owing to

the damage these things might do to the respirator and the difficulty

they might make in getting it out quickly.

During September and October, 1915, there were several scares as to the

imminence of gas attacks by the Germans, and on one or two occasions

it was definitely stated that the cylinders were actually in position

in their trenches. This helped to hasten things up, and the factories

in England and the repair stations in France kept themselves busy in

producing the new type of helmet. A large number of them were actually

issued to the troops by the time the Battle of Loos was started, and

were consequently employed by our men when the first gas attacks were

made, in September of that year.

It was these helmets which appeared in so many of the picture papers

showing the charge of some British Territorial infantry through the gas

cloud at the beginning of the battle, and there is no question about

it that the men had a very fearsome appearance. With the hood over

the head and the two big goggle eyes, and the outlet valve sticking

out where the nose should be, it is small wonder that the Germans

described them as “devils,” and were so terrified as not to be able to

put up much fight on the front where the particular charge was made.

Gas and flame in modern warfare · 第 3 / 10 章