This is strong language, even shocking to minds accustomed to worship a

character of ideal perfection. But it is scarcely bolder than the case

warrants. The privilege to pick and choose material has its limits. We

have no right to take what pleases us and leave the rest. Statements

that rest on equal evidence deserve equal acceptance. If the result be

not agreeable, the responsibility is not with the critic.

The only wonder is that such a person as the literal record justifies,

should be accepted as the founder of a religion. How can Renan stand

before his portrait of Jesus, and say, "the man here delineated merits a

place at the summit of human grandeur;" "this is the supreme man; a

sublime personage;" "every day he presides over the destiny of the

world; to call him divine is no exaggeration; amid the columns that, in

vulgar uniformity crowd the plain, there are some that point to the

skies and attest a nobler destiny for man; Jesus is the loftiest of

these; in him is concentred all that is highest and best in human

nature." Such a conclusion is not justified by the premises. The homage

is not warranted by the facts. It will not do to make out a catalogue of

human weaknesses, and then urge those very weaknesses as a chief title

to glory.

In the opinion of some it is wiser and kinder to confess at once that

the image of Jesus has been irrecoverably lost. In the judgment of

these, it is unphilosophical to set up an ideal where none is required.

No doubt every effect must have a cause, but to assume the cause, or to

insist on the validity of any single or special cause, is unscientific.

Each event has many causes, a complexity of causes. Renan himself says:

"It is undeniable that circumstances told for much, in the success of

this wonderful revolution. Each stage in the development of humanity has

its privileged epoch, in which it reaches perfection without effort, by

a sort of spontaneous instinct. The Jewish state offered the most

remarkable intellectual and moral conditions that the human race ever

presented. It was one of those divine moments when a thousand hidden

forces conspire to produce grand results, when fine spirits are

supported by floods of admiration and sympathy."

In truth, was such a person as Jesus is presumed to have been, necessary

to account for the existence of the religion afterwards called

Christian? As an impelling force he was not required, for his age was

throbbing and bursting with suppressed energy. The pressure of the Roman

empire was required to keep it down. The Messianic hope had such

vitality that it condensed into moments the moral results of ages. The

common people were watching to see the heavens open, interpreted peals

of thunder as angel voices, and saw divine portents in the flight of

birds. Mothers dreamed that their boys would be Messiah. The wildest

preacher drew a crowd. The heart of the nation swelled big with the

conviction that the hour of destiny was about to strike, that the

kingdom of heaven was at hand. The crown was ready for any kingly head

that might dare to assume it. That in such a state of things

anticipation should fulfil itself, the dream become real, the vision

become solid, is not surprising. It was not the first time faith has

become fact. The first generation of our era exhibited no phenomena

that preceding generations had not prepared for and could not produce.

No surprising original force need have been manifested. The spirit was

the native spirit of the old vine growing in the old vineyard.

Jesus is not necessary to account for the ethics of the New Testament.

They were as has been said, the native ethics of Judaism, unqualified.

The breadth and the limitation, the ideal beauty and the practical point

were alike Jewish. The gorgeous abstractions, gathered up in one

discourse, look like fresh revelations of God; as autumn leaves plucked

and set in a vase seem more luminous than do myriads of the same leaves

covering the mountains and the meadows, their crimson and gold blending

with the brown of the soil and the infinite blue of the sky. The ethics

of the New Testament, like the ethics of the Old, have their root in the

faith that Israel was a chosen people; in the expectation of a king in

whom the faith should be crowned; in the anticipation of a judgment day,

a national restoration, a celestial sun-burst, a final felicity for the

faithful of Israel. The enthusiasm, the extravagance, the fanaticism,

the passive trust, the active intolerance, the asceticism, the

arbitrariness, bespeak in the one case as in the other, the presence of

an intense but narrow spirit. They are not the ethics of this world.

They are not temporal. The power of an original, creative soul should be

attested by some modification of the popular code, rather than by an

exaggeration of it. We should look for something new, not for a more

emphatic repetition of the old. But nothing new appears. The

exaggerations are exaggerated; the precepts suggested by the distant

prospect of the kingdom are simply reiterated in view of its speedy

establishment. Trust in Providence and faith in the Messiah are all in

all; the virtues of common existence are less and less. The inhumanities

that Renan ascribes to an access of fanaticism in Jesus are the

humanities of an unreal Utopia.

The prodigious manifestation of mental and spiritual force that broke

out in Paul requires no explanation apart from his own genius. He never

saw Jesus and apparently was incurious about him. His originality was

intellectual, and his system bears no trace of a foreign personality. As

Renan says: "The Christ who communicates private revelations to him is a

phantom of his own making;" "It is himself he listens to, while fancying

that he hears Jesus." If ever man was self-motived, self-impelled,

self-actuated, it was he. He needed no prompter. Hot of brain and heart,

he was only too swift to move. Whether, as some think, driven by

over-mastering ambition to lead a new movement, or, as others contend,

constrained by inward urgency to attempt a moral reform on a speculative

basis, or, according to yet a third supposition, eager to bear the glad

tidings of the gospel to the gentile world, his own genius was from

first to last, his guide and inspiration. There is no evidence to prove

that his "conversion" added anything new to the mass of his moral

nature, or changed the quality of ruling attributes, or determined the

bent of his will to unpremeditated issues. He was converted to the

Christ, not to Jesus; and his conversion to the Christ, was nothing

absolutely unprepared for. His zeal for Israel blazed furiously against

the disciples who claimed that the Christ had come, and to the end of

his stormy days it still continued to burn against disciples of the

narrow school who would not believe he had come to any but Jews. His

zeal for Israel, sent him away by himself to meditate a grander Christ.

The Christ, not Jesus, was his watch-cry. A man of ideas, intensely

interested in speculative questions, keenly alive to the joy of

controversy and the ecstasy of propagandism, he filled his boiler with

water as he rushed along, leaving Peter and the rest to fill theirs at

the nazarene spring. So little is Jesus to be credited with Paul's

achievement, that it is the fashion to call his a distinct movement.

Enthusiastic admirers of his genius, call him the real founder of

Christianity. Severe critics of his claim accuse him of corrupting the

religion of Jesus in its spirit, and diverting it from its purpose. On

either supposition, he was not a disciple.

The worship of Jesus, it has been said, is the redeeming feature of

Christianity. This evidently is the opinion of John Stuart Mill, who

writes, confounding, as is usual, Jesus with the Christ: "The most

valuable part of the effect on the character which Christianity has

produced by holding up in a divine person a standard of excellence and a

model for imitation, is available even to the absolute unbeliever, and

can nevermore be lost to humanity. For it is Christ rather than God whom

Christianity has held up to believers as the pattern of perfection for

humanity. It is the God incarnate, more than the God of the Jews or of

nature, who being idealized has taken so great and salutary a hold on

the modern mind;" and more to the same effect, in the essay on Theism.

Before Mr. Mill's intellectual eccentricities were as well understood as

they are now, this testimony to the humanizing influence of christian,

as distinct from philosophical theism, would have possessed great

weight. As it is, it only excites our wonder that so keen and inexorable

a thinker should so completely lose sight of facts. That Christendom has

worshipped the Christ is true. Is it true that it has worshipped Jesus?

Again we might say: Yes;--the Jesus who demanded faith in himself as the

condition of salvation; the Jesus who depicted the Son of Man, sitting

on a throne of judgment, summoning before him all nations, and placing

the sheep on his right hand, the goats on his left; the Jesus who

threatened everlasting fire, and spoke of the devil and his angels; the

Jesus who made the church umpire in matters of faith and works; the

Jesus who bade his friends forsake father and mother, brother and sister

for his sake. But did Christendom ever deify the man of the Beatitudes,

the relator of the parables of the Good Samaritan and the Prodigal Son,

the friend of publicans and sinners? Is Jesus the central figure in the

Nicene, or the Athanasian creed? Is he the God of Calvin, or of Luther,

of Augustine, even of Borromeo, or Fenelon? Long before the dogmatical

or ecclesiastical system of Christendom was formed, the image of Jesus

had faded away from the minds of christians, if it ever was stamped

there. That it was ever stamped there is not quite apparent. In the east

there exists no trace of it after the apostolic age, or beyond the

circle of his personal friends. In the west the personal influence is

not distinctly visible at any distance. From the reported heroism of the

early christian centuries no solid conclusion can be drawn, for the

reason that the reports come from panegyrists like Tertullian, and from

a period when the apostolic age had become a tradition. Writers like

Neander make the most of a few recorded instances of devotion which

distinguished the christians from the pagans about them; and James

Martineau uses them as evidence of an original spiritual genius in the

young religion. They are indeed beautiful, but they do not refer back

so far as the historical Jesus for their source of inspiration. That in

a community composed, with scarcely an exception, of poor people, the

ordinary social distinctions should be unobserved; that slaves, among

whom in early times many converts were made, should have been

acknowledged as brethren in Christ; should have appeared in public

religious meetings as equal with the rest _before the Lord_; should have

partaken of the communion on the same terms, taking their place among

the believers, and receiving the passionless kiss of brotherhood and of

sisterhood, is not surprising, especially when it is considered that

these slaves belonged to hardy, white races, that they discharged, some

of them at least, the most honorable offices of labor, and were, except

for the mere accident of their condition, physically as well as morally,

peers of the best.

It is simply in the course of nature that poor people, grouped in

communities, sharing a common and a painful lot, should help each other

in times of trouble. The christians did so. At every weekly or monthly

service collections were made for the relief of the poor, the sick, the

infirm, the aged, widows, prisoners, and toilers in the mines. These

contributions were sent to the points of greatest need, converging on

occasion from many directions at centres of extreme necessity. It is

recorded that about the middle of the third century several members of

the church in Numidia, men and women, were carried off captive by

barbarians. The Numidian churches being poor applied to the Metropolitan

church at Carthage. Cyprian, the bishop there, collected more than four

thousand dollars in his diocese and sent the money as ransom, with a

letter full of sentiments of kindness. On another occasion a portion of

the sacred vessels of the sanctuary were sold to raise funds for a

similar purpose. In this there was nothing strange. The acts were done

in strict conformity with a long established usage.

A more remarkable example often cited in evidence that the spirit of

Jesus was alive still in the societies that worshipped him as Lord,

occurred in the year 254, shortly after the Decian persecution, the most

general and the most hideous to which the church had been exposed. In

consequence of this persecution, which was attended with such slaughter

that the unburied bodies poisoned the air, a fearful pestilence broke

out in the city of Alexandria. Unhappily for the literalness of the

truth, it is Lactantius who tells the story. "The plague," he says,

"made its appearance with tremendous violence and desolated the city, so

that, as Dionysius, the Christian bishop writes, there were not so many

inhabitants left, of all ages, as heretofore could be numbered between

forty and seventy. In this emergency the persecuted christians forgot

all but their Lord's precept, and were unwearied in their attendance on

the sick, many perishing in the performance of this duty by taking the

infection. 'In this way,' says the bishop with touching simplicity, 'the

best of the brethren departed this life, some ministers, and some

deacons,' the heathen having abandoned their friends and relations to

the care of the very persons whom they had been accustomed to call

men-haters. A like noble self-devotion was shown at Carthage, when the

pestilence which had desolated Alexandria made its appearance in that

city, and, I quote the words of a contemporary, 'all fled in horror from

the contagion, abandoning their relations and friends, as if they

thought that by avoiding the plague, any one might also exclude death

altogether. Meanwhile the city was strewed with the bodies or rather

carcasses of the dead, which seemed to call for pity from the passers

by, who might themselves so soon share the same fate; but no one cared

for anything but miserable pelf; no one trembled at the consideration of

what might so soon befall him in his turn; no one did for another what

he would have wished others to do for him. The bishop hereupon called

together his flock, and, setting before them the example and teaching of

their Lord, called on them to act up to it. He said that if they took

care only of their own people, they did but what the commonest feeling

would dictate; the servant of Christ must do more, he must love his

enemies, and pray for his persecutors; for God made his sun to rise and

his rain to fall on all alike, and he who would be the child of God must

imitate his Father.' The people responded to his appeal; they formed

themselves into classes, and they whose poverty prevented them from

doing more gave their personal attendance while those who had property

aided yet further. No one quitted his post but with his life." The

example shows the more gloriously against the dark background of horror

that stood so near. Yet, to the misery of the persecution by which the

people were educated in sympathy, patience, fortitude, and willingness

to resign life, the benignant heroism must, in part, have been due.

Previous to the persecution the spirit of consecration had departed from

the church. Christianity had become a social and class affair. Luxury

had crept in, and eaten up the heart of conviction. The alliance of

church and state had been especially disastrous to the church, the

mingling of secular ambition with spiritual aspiration operating fatally

on the finer qualities of faith. Few could have suspected then that the

spirit of Jesus had ever been with the church. The persecution purged

the christian communities with fire. The surface was burned over, and

only the roots and seeds were left in the ground. The persecution ended,

tranquillity being restored, the roots burgeoned, the seeds sprung up,

all the heroism of the two dreadful years, all the patience and

fortitude turned to gentleness; and a copious rain of mercy, blessing

every body, even the persecutors, was the result of the battle's thunder

and flame. The suffering that had been endured softened the heart

towards all suffering. The persecutors no longer active or hateful,

their passive forbearance seemed, in contrast with their recent fury, a

species of mercy calling for positive gratitude. Not to be hated was

felt to be identical with being loved; not to kill was by sudden

revulsion of emotion, accepted as a kindly saving of life. To be kind to

those who had desisted from hurting was natural. Besides, the

persecution was incited and pressed by the government in Rome. The

populace even there were not responsible for it, and in the distant

provinces simply followed the metropolitan precedent. Their infatuation

had therefore its pitiable as well as its outrageous aspect. They too

were victims of the imperial policy, were perishing of the contagion

which that policy caused, and thus were paying a terrible penalty for

their own unwitting crime. It is unnecessary to suppose that any

personal contagion from the character of Jesus, stealing through the

murky ages of eastern and western life, communicated its saving grace to

the Carthaginian brotherhood. Uninspired human nature is sufficient to

explain the beneficent display.

The conclusion is that no clearly defined traces of the personal Jesus

remain on the surface or beneath the surface of Christendom. The silence

of Josephus and other secular historians may be accounted for without

falling back on a theory of hostility or contempt. The Christ-idea

cannot be spared from Christian development, but the personal Jesus, in

some measure, can be.

In some measure, not wholly; the earliest period of the church does

require his presence; the first, the original, the only disciples lived

under the influence of a great personalty, and were moulded by it. Their

attachment to a commanding friend is avowed in the apparently authentic

parts of the New Testament. If we know anything about those men, it is

that they lived, moved and had their being in the memory of a great

friend. Their attachment to him took hold of their heart-strings. They

were haunted by him. This appears in their frequent meetings for the

expression and confirmation of their feelings, in their communion

suppers, memorial occasions purely and always, without a trace of

mysticism or a shade of awe; in their attachment to the places he had

consecrated by his presence; in their affection for each other. Ignorant

they were, unintellectual, unspiritual in the moral sense of the word,

rather impervious to ideas, dull, common place, simple-hearted. They

were not soaring spirits, audacious, independent like Paul, but exactly

the reverse, timid, self-distrustful, pusillanimous by constitution.

Their ambition flew low, fluttering round sparkling jewels on the

Messianic crown. Their master was not such an one as they would have

chosen, had they been allowed to select. He met none of their

expectations, he fulfilled none of their hopes. His rebuke was more

frequent and more cordial than his praise. Their stupidity annoyed him,

their selfishness grieved his heart. Instead of justifying their

confidence in him as the Christ, he utterly overthrew one form of it by

allowing himself to be captured, convicted and put to death. Still they

clung to his memory. True, they clung to him in the conviction that he

was the Christ and would have confessed themselves dupes had that

conviction been dispelled. But why was it not dispelled? Why did they

believe, in the face of the crushing demonstration of the cross? They

anticipated his return, because he had told them he should reappear in

clouds. But why did they believe him? Why did they believe, when month

after month, year after year, went by and still he did not return? It

was because they loved him, and trusted him in spite of evidence. When

he did not return, they thought he meant to try their faith; still they

met together; still they prayed and waited, imagining themselves to be

in intimate communion with him in his skies.

That these men, with their unworthy conceptions of the kingdom, accepted

him as their Christ, proves not only that his power over them was very

great, but that he himself lived on the highest level of hebrew thought,

and illustrated the highest type of hebrew character; that he was a

genuine prophet and saint; all the more so, perhaps, for the

completeness of his self-abnegation. Had he raised the standard of

revolt, and appealed to arms, his name might have been more conspicuous

in secular history. He sacrificed himself wholly; kept no shred of

preeminence for his own behoof.

Hence, the person of Jesus, though it may have been immense, is

indistinct. That a great character was there may be conceded; but

precisely wherein the character was great, is left to our conjecture. Of

the eminent persons who have swayed the spiritual destinies of mankind,

none has more completely disappeared from the critical view. The ideal

image which christians have, for nearly two thousand years worshipped

under the name of Jesus, has no authentic, distinctly visible

counterpart in history.

This conclusion will be distressing to those who have accorded to Jesus,

by virtue of a perfect humanity a certain primacy over the human race,

and even to those who, regarding him as the complete fulfilment and

perfect type of human character have looked to him as the beacon star

"guiding the nations, groping on their way." It will be welcome only to

the few calm minds who feel the force of ideas, the regenerating power

of principles. These will rejoice to be relieved of the last thin shadow

of a supernatural authority in the past, and committed without reserve

to the support and solace of simple humanity trained in the humble

observance of uninterrupted law. Their gratitude for the human influence

of the person is unqualified by distrust of the claims of the

individual.

The Christ of the fourth Gospel--the incarnate Word--who has been

asserting absolute spiritual creatorship over his disciples, calling

himself the vine whereof they were branches, the door by which they must

enter, the light by which they must walk, the way their steps must

tread,--says to them at the critical hour: "It is expedient for you that

I go away; if I go not away the Comforter cannot come to you." There was

danger in his personal continuance. They were to live not in dependence

on him, but in communion with the "Spirit of Truth," which, as

proceeding from him and from the Father also, was to bring freshly home

to them what he had said, and to guide them further on to all truth. How

many times must those words be repeated, with new applications in the

new exigencies of faith! How little disposition do we find in his

followers to heed them! They have gone on with the process of

idealization, placing him higher and higher; making his personal

existence more and more essential; insisting more and more urgently on

the necessity of private intercourse with him; letting the Father

subside into the background as an "effluence," and the Holy Ghost lapse

from individual identity into impersonal influence, in order that he

might be all in all as regenerator and saviour. From age to age the

personal Jesus has been made the object of an extreme adoration, till

now, faith in the living Christ is the heart of the gospel; philosophy,

science, culture, humanity are thrust resolutely aside, and the great

teachers of the race are extinguished in order that his light may shine.

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