Cuba entered the Great War. That fact was the supreme seal to her
title-deeds to a place as peer among the nations; placing her in
blood-brotherhood with her neighbors. She entered the war almost
simultaneously with the United States, though with less delay than that
country. At Washington the President addressed Congress on April 2,
advising a declaration of war against Germany, and the declaration was
made on April 6. At Havana the President delivered his war message on
April 6, and on April 7 war was declared. In that impressive and epochal
message, the most momentous and solemn that any chief of state can ever
utter, President Menocal reviewed in dispassionate detail the criminal
record of Germany in her unrestricted submarine warfare, and then
continued:
"The government of the United States, to which country we are bound by
the closest ties, had during the last two years incessantly formulated
energetic protests and claims based on the most elemental principles of
justice in defence of its citizens who were victims on many occasions of
attacks by German submarines; of the liberty of the seas and the respect
due the lives and property of neutrals; and revindicating the right to
navigate and engage in commerce freely, without restrictions save those
sanctioned by international law, by treaties, and by the universal
practise of civilized nations.
"Since February 1 submarines have attacked and sunk without mercy. Such
acts of war without quarter, directed against all nations, to close
down the world's commerce under terrible penalties, cannot be tolerated
without accepting them as legitimate to-day and always.
"Cuba cannot appear indifferent to such violations, which at any moment
may be carried out at the cost of the lives and interests of its own
citizens. Nor can it, without loss of dignity and decorum, show
indifference to the noble attitude assumed by the United States, to
which we are bound by ties of gratitude and by treaties. Cuba cannot
remain neutral in this supreme conflict, because a declaration of
neutrality would compel it to treat alike all belligerents, denying them
with equal vigor entrance to our ports and imposing other restrictions
which are contrary to the sentiment of the Cuban people and which
inevitably in the end would result in conflict with our friend and ally.
"In full and firm consciousness that I am fulfilling one of my most
sacred duties, although with profound sentiment, because I am about to
propose a resolution which will plunge our country into the dangers of
the greatest conflagration in history, but without casting odium upon,
or without animosity toward, the German people, but convinced that we
are compelled to take this step by our international obligations and the
principles of justice and liberty, I appeal to the honorable Congress in
the use of its executive faculties, with full knowledge of all the
antecedents in the case and with the mature deliberation of its
important claim, to resolve, as a result of these unjustifiable and
repeated acts of aggression by submarines, notwithstanding the protests
of neutral governments, among them Cuba, that there has been created and
exists a state of war between Cuba and the imperial German government,
and adopt all measures necessary, which I reserve to myself the right to
recommend at the proper moment, for the maintenance of our rights; to
defend our territory; to provide for our security, and to cooperate
decidedly to these ends with the United States government, lending it
what assistance may be in our power for the defence of the liberty of
the seas, of the rights of neutrals, and of international justice."
The next day the Cuban Congress adopted the declaration of war, in the
exact words of the President's message. A resolution was at the same
time introduced and adopted, authorizing the President to organize and
to place at the disposal of the President of the United States a
contingent of 10,000 men, for military service in Europe.
It would be superfluous to dwell upon the causes which led Cuba thus
promptly and heartily to commit herself to the side of the Allies in the
war. They were largely identical with those which impelled other nations
to the same course. There was a resolution to vindicate the sanctity of
treaties and the majesty of international law. There was an abhorrence
of the infamous practices of the German government and the German army.
There was resentment against the gross violation of neutral rights of
which Germany had been guilty. There was recognition of the grave menace
to popular governments the world over which was presented by the
voracious and unscrupulous ambitions of Prussian militarism. There was a
feeling that as the war had first been directed against two small
nations, on the principle that small states had no rights that large
ones were bound to respect, it was incumbent upon other small states to
protest against that arrogant attitude. There was a desire to show that
Cuba, youngest and one of the smallest of the nations, was ready to take
her full part as a nation among nations, in war as well as in peace.
There was, also, no doubt a legitimate feeling that in this matter it
would be appropriate for Cuba--though of course under no compulsion--to
align herself with the great northern neighbor with whom she sustained
such close relations.
At the same time, backed undoubtedly by German money, and as a part of
the German propaganda, financial interests, banks and houses of long
standing in Cuba, all of which were eventually placed on a black list,
exerted a very strong influence among their customers and through their
connections, commercial, social and political, in favor of Germany. They
did succeed in influencing and directing the editorial policy of some
prominent newspapers, but the chief result of their pernicious
activities was to get themselves and their sympathizers into trouble.
One of the foremost bankers of Havana, where he had lived for many years
and was personally much liked and esteemed in society, while not openly
espousing the cause of Germany, after Cuba had declared war, was known
to be thoroughly in sympathy with Germany. He with over a hundred other
Germans was interned, or kept _incommunicado_, and in his house
documents were found demonstrating that he was not only an agent in
distributing German propaganda, but also a distributor of funds intended
to promote the cause of Germany in Cuba and the West Indies.
Another very strong influence that was exerted in Cuba against the
attitude of President Menocal and his government was that of many of the
clergy of the Roman Catholic church, who openly spoke to their
congregations in favor of Germany and against the cause of the Allies.
Nor was the Liberal party by any means as loyal to the Allies as the
unanimous vote in Congress might seem to suggest. Many of its members
either openly or secretly gave their sympathy and influence to the
German side. This was partly because of their inveterate opposition to
anything advocated by the Conservative government; and partly because of
the aid which German interests in Cuba had given, morally, politically
and pecuniarily, to the insurrection of José Miguel Gomez in 1917. It
was proved in trials in the courts of Cuba, which were held in
consequence of the damages wrought by that uprising, that Germans and
men of German parentage had conspired to give information to the rebels
and to supply them with munitions, and in other ways strove to aid that
movement in overthrowing the government. But these seditious and
disloyal elements in Cuba were probably no stronger in Cuba than in the
United States or other countries.
Cuba did not suffer from incendiarism and similar German outrages as did
the United States. On the other hand, the Cuban government was fully as
strict as that of the United States in taking possession of German
property, and in blacklisting all firms and individuals known to be in
sympathy with Germany. All trading of any kind with such parties was
forbidden; an arrangement being made by which open accounts with them
could be closed. A Custodian of Alien Property was also appointed.
Even before the declaration of war the Cuban government took strenuous
means to prevent violations of neutrality. A few weeks before the
declaration of war German agents fitted up a steamer in Havana harbor as
a commerce-destroying cruiser, and watched for an opportunity to take
her out to the high seas. Learning of these plans, the Cuban government
stationed a cruiser alongside that vessel, with guns trained upon her,
to prevent the purposed escape. Immediately upon the declaration of war
the four German ships which were lying interned in Havana harbor were
seized by the Cuban government. It was found that the German crews had
seriously damaged the machinery of the vessels, as they did at New York
and elsewhere; but the Cuban government had repairs made and then turned
the vessels over to the United States.
In what we may call the non-military activities of the war, Cuba was
notably energetic and efficient. There was close cooperation with the
United States government in the matter of food conservation and supply.
Cuba was naturally looked to for an increased supply of sugar, for which
there was great need; and as a result of inquiries by Mr. Hoover, the
United States Food Commissioner, as to what the island could do in that
respect, the Cuban Department of Agriculture sent the chief of its
Bureau of Information, Captain George Reno, to Washington to confer with
Mr. Hoover and to formulate plans for the exercise of the most efficient
cooperation possible between Cuba and the United States. Recognizing the
desirability if not the necessity that Cuba should not only be able to
feed herself during the war but should also export as much food as
possible, the insular government took steps at once for the increase of
food production to the highest attainable degree, and also for the
practice of thrift and economy. In consequence Cuba endured cheerfully
the same system of wheatless days and meatless days and rationing in
various articles of food that prevailed in the United States; with
excellent results.
President Menocal also made preparations, at the suggestion of and in
conjunction with the United States War Department, for the provision of
a detachment of troops for service either in Europe or in any part of
the world that the Department at Washington might deem expedient. The
best officers of the Cuban army accepted an invitation from the
military authorities of the United States to receive instruction in
modern military tactics, which had been brought out by the war, and
Senator Manuel Coronado patriotically gave a sum sufficient for the
building of a number of airplanes, to be used by Cuban aviators.
Volunteers for this division were easily secured and the instruction
began under the direction of Cuban aviators who had been in the service
of France. The War Department of the United States notified the Republic
of Cuba that owing to the severe exposure of the men to the freezing
water and mud of the trenches of Belgium and France, it was doubtful
whether soldiers of tropical countries could withstand the strain upon
their health necessarily endured during the winter campaign in Europe,
intimating that their services would be far more useful in taking the
place of other troops stationed in warmer climates, as the Porto Ricans
were taking the place of the marines that were stationed in the Panama
Canal Zone. This was a rather severe disappointment to General Pujol and
the other officers, who were very anxious to take their places in the
line of fire.
Noteworthy and most admirable were the achievements of Cuba in the
financial operations of the war. Subscriptions were eagerly made to
every one of the Liberty Loans, and to the final Victory Loan, with the
result that in every case the amount allotted to Cuba was far exceeded.
The quota for the third loan was subscribed twice over within five days.
In this work not only did banks and commercial houses take part, as a
matter of business, but also many private citizens volunteered as
canvassers; though indeed the eagerness of people to subscribe made
canvassing perfunctory and urging superfluous.
[Illustration: SEÑORA MENOCAL
It is not alone through the felicitous circumstance of her being the
wife of President Mario G. Menocal that Señora Marienita Seva de Menocal
is entitled to the distinction--never more appropriate than in her
case--of being the "first lady of the land." Her title rests equally
upon personal charm, the graces of social hospitality, and womanly
leadership of the most efficient kind in philanthropic and patriotic
endeavor for the advancement of the public welfare and the confirmation
of the integrity and promotion of the prosperity of the Republic; while
her indefatigable labors in the great war invested her name with
affectionate and grateful distinction in the camps and among the peoples
of the Allied nations.]
A similar interest was manifested in Red Cross contributions and Red
Cross work, with equally gratifying results. In both of these activities
a leading and most efficient part was taken by the women of Cuba. In
subscribing to the loans they were most generous; in canvassing for
subscriptions from others and in collecting and working for the Red
Cross they were indefatigable and irresistible. They made it a point of
patriotic honor, and almost a condition of social acceptability, to
respond in the fullest possible manner to every such call of the war. In
Cuba's domestic struggles, the women had suffered cruelly, and their
sympathies sprang spontaneously and generously toward the lands of
Europe where womanhood was suffering a thousand martyrdoms. Thus as the
manhood of Cuba with a unanimity which the few exceptions only
emphasized rallied to the call of the President to throw the material
and militant might of the Republic on the side of law, of civilization
and of democracy, the womanhood of Cuba, with no less unanimity and
zeal, followed Señora Menocal in the equally necessary and grateful
tasks of the campaign which women even better than men could perform.
No tribute could be too high to render to these devoted women, who were
always ready to make personal sacrifices of time, of strength, of money,
of work, for the cause of humanity. Amid all its historic fiestas and
pageants, Havana has seen no fairer or more inspiring spectacle than
that of the Red Cross women, Senora Menocal at their head, marching in
stately procession through her streets to manifest their devotion to the
cause and to arouse others to equal earnestness. The magnitude of the
sums raised by the women of Cuba for the war loans and for the Red
Cross, and for Cuban hospital units at the front, and the amount of
bandages and other hospital supplies and clothing prepared by them for
the armies "over there," made proud items in Cuban statistics of the
Great War.
Thitherto Cuba had often been engaged in war, but it was always in what
may be termed selfish war, for her own defence against an alien enemy or
for her own liberation from oppressors who, at first kin, had become
alien. Now for the first time it was her privilege to engage in a
greater struggle than any before, and one which was for her own
interests only to the extent to which those interests were involved with
and were practically identical with the interests of all civilized
nations and of world-wide humanity. Said Thomas Jefferson on a memorable
occasion, referring to the relations between America and Great Britain:
"Nothing would more tend to knit our affections than to be fighting once
more, side by side, in the same cause."
Thus we must reckon that affection and confidence between Cuba and the
United States were greatly strengthened and confirmed by the fact that
they were at least potentially and indeed to some degree actually
fighting side by side in the same cause, and that cause not exclusively
their own but that of the whole world. Nor was the event without a
comparable effect upon Cuba's relations to the world at large. Her
sympathies were broadened; her recognition by other powers was extended;
and as once she had been a mere pawn in the international game, now she
became a vital and potent factor in international affairs.