Following the protocol and the cessation of hostilities, two major tasks
were to be performed. One was to remove the Spanish forces from the
island and to establish permanent terms of peace, and the other was to
organize and establish a permanent Cuban government.
The former of these was promptly undertaken, by the governments of the
United States and Spain. A joint commission arranged the details of
evacuation, which was a formidable undertaking because of the number of
persons to be transported and the paucity of shipping facilities at the
command of the Peninsular government. The city of Havana was not
evacuated until January 1, 1899, and the last Spanish troops were not
removed from the island until the middle of February following. There
were about 130,000 officers and soldiers transported, together with some
15,000 military and civilian employes and their families.
Simultaneously the task of treaty-making proceeded. President McKinley
on August 26 appointed five Commissioners to conduct the negotiations.
They were William R. Day, Secretary of State, Chairman; Cushman K.
Davis, Senator; William P. Frye, Senator; Whitelaw Reid, Ambassador; and
Edward D. White, Justice of the Supreme Court. Mr. White found himself
unable to serve, and on September 9 George Gray, Senator, was appointed
in his place. The Spanish government named as Commissioners five of
Spain's foremost statesmen: Eugenio Montero Rios, Buenaventura
d'Abarzuza, Jose de Garnica, Wenceslao Ramirez de Villa Urrutia, and
Rafael Cerero. The Commissioners began their deliberations in Paris on
October 1.
The first question discussed was the disposition of Cuba, and over it
strong disagreement arose on two major points. The Spanish Commissioners
declined to recognize the existence of any Cuban government, and argued
that as there was no such government, and as Spain in relinquishing
sovereignty over the island could not let that sovereignty lapse but
must transfer it to some other responsible and competent power, the
United States should accept cession of Cuba to it; which Spain was
willing to grant. The American Commissioners replied that the United
States was pledged not to annex the island, and as a matter of fact did
not intend to do so and therefore could not and would not accept cession
of the island to itself. Spain in the protocol had agreed to renounce
her sovereignty without any stipulations further, and by that
arrangement she must abide. The United States would, however, make
itself responsible for the due observance of international law in Cuba
so long as its occupation of the island lasted. The Spaniards were
reluctant to yield, as a matter of pride and sentiment preferring to
give Cuba to the United States rather than to surrender it to the
insurgent Cubans. But the American Commissioners were resolute, and on
October 27 the first article of the treaty was adopted; to wit:
"Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba.
"And as the island is, on its evacuation by Spain, to be occupied by the
United States, the United States will, so long as such occupation shall
last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under international
law result from the fact of its occupation for the protection of life
and property."
This was clear and unmistakable notice to the world that the American
government intended to fulfil its pledge, not to annex Cuba but to
render that island to the control and government of its own people.
True, not yet were all convinced that this would be done. The Spaniards
were courteously skeptical. A considerable faction in the United States,
half "Jingo" and half sordid, insisted that the island must be annexed.
The majority of Cubans, inclined to judge all governments by their
bitter experiences with that of Spain, were frankly incredulous, not
understanding how any government could be thus altruistic and
self-denying.
The second point of dispute was that of the Cuban debt. The Spanish
government for years had been charging against Cuba the cost of
maintaining an army for its subjugation and the costs of suppressing the
various insurrections that had occurred, and the Commissioners proposed
that all that enormous debt should be saddled upon the island and made a
first charge upon its customs revenues. To this the American
Commissioners demurred. Cuba had for centuries been "the milch cow of
Spain," and had given to Spain far more than she had ever received in
return. It would be monstrous injustice to burden a people with the cost
of subjugating them and keeping them in slavery. In the end the Spanish
Commissioners yielded, and no mention was made in the treaty of any debt
resting upon Cuba.
It was further agreed that both parties should release and repatriate
all prisoners of war, and that the United States would undertake to
obtain such release of all Spanish prisoners held by the Cubans. Each
party relinquished all claims for indemnity of any and every kind which
had arisen since the beginning of the Cuban war. Spain relinquished in
Cuba all immovable property belonging to the public domain and to the
crown of Spain; such relinquishment not impairing lawful property rights
of municipalities, corporations or individuals. Spanish subjects were to
be free to remain in Cuba or to remove therefrom, in either event
retaining full property rights; and in the former case being free to
become Cuban citizens or to retain their allegiance to Spain; and they
were to be secured in the free exercise of their religion. There were
various other stipulations, such as are customary in treaties, intended
to assure Spain and Spaniards of equitable treatment and relationships
in Cuba. It was added that the obligations of the United States in Cuba
were to be limited to the period of its occupation of that island; but
upon the termination of that occupation the United States promised to
advise the succeeding Cuban government to assume the same obligations.
The treaty was finally agreed to and signed on December 10, 1898, and it
was ratified by the United States Senate on February 6, 1899.
General Ramon Blanco meanwhile, on November 26, 1898, resigned the
Governor-Generalship of Cuba and returned to Spain. To General Jiminez
Castellanos was left the unwelcome duty of holding nominal sway for a
few weeks and then surrendering the sovereignty of four centuries to an
alien power. Already American troops were in actual occupation and
control of nearly all the island. In the latter part of December, 1898,
the Seventh Army Corps, commanded by Major-General Fitzhugh Lee, was
brought into the outskirts of Havana in readiness for the final function
which was to be performed on the first day of the new year.
The end came. It was on January 1, 1899. Four hundred and six years, two
months and three days before, the first Spaniard had landed upon Cuban
soil and had planted there the quartered flag of Leon and Castile in
token of sovereignty. Now, after all that lapse of time, largely, it
must be confessed, ill spent and ill-improved, the Spanish flag was
finally to be lowered and withdrawn, in token of the passing away of
Spanish sovereignty forever from the soil of Cuba.
[Illustration: PART OF OLD CITY WALL OF HAVANA, STILL STANDING]
The ceremonies were brief and simple; far more brief and simple, we may
well believe, than were those with which the imaginative and exuberant
Admiral proclaimed possession of the island centuries before. The
official representatives of Spain and the United States met at noon in
the Hall of State in the Governor's Palace, the scene of so many proud
and imperious events in Spanish colonial history. On the one side the
chief was General Jiminez Castellanos, the last successor of Velasquez.
On the other, Major-General John R. Brooke. The one was the last of a
long, long line of Spanish Governors-General; the other was the first
of a brief succession of American Military Governors who were soon to
give way to an unending line of native Cuban Republican Presidents and
Congresses. With a sad heart, with tear-suffused eyes, and with a hand
that trembled to hold a pen far more than ever it had to wield a sword,
General Jiminez Castellanos signed the document which abdicated and
relinquished Spanish sovereignty in that Pearl of the Antilles which was
nevermore to be known as the "Ever Faithful Isle." The crimson and gold
barred banner of Spain descended. The Stars and Stripes rose in its
place. The deed was done. The final settlement was made with Spain.
For three hundred and eighty-seven years Spain had been the sovereign of
Cuba, exercising her power through one hundred and thirty-six
administrations, of which the first was one of the longest and the last
was one of the shortest. It will be worth our while to recall the roll,
which bears some of the noblest and some of the vilest names in Spanish
history:
_No._ _Date_
1 1512 Diego Velasquez, Lieutenant-Governor
2 1524 Manuel de Rojas, Lieutenant-Governor, provisional
3 1525 Juan de Altamirano, Lieutenant-Governor
4 1526 Gonzalo de Guzman, Lieutenant-General
5 1532 Manuel de Rojas, Lieutenant-Governor, provisional
6 1535 Gonzalo de Guzman, Lieutenant-Governor
7 1538 Hernando de Soto, Governor-General
8 1544 Juan de Avila, Governor-General
9 1546 Antonio Chavez, Governor-General
10 1550 Gonzalo Perez de Angulo, Governor-General
11 1556 Diego de Mazariegos, Governor-General
12 1565 Francisco Garcia Osorio, Governor-General
13 1568 Pedro Menendez de Avilas, Governor-General
14 1573 Gabriel Montalvo, Governor-General
15 1577 Francisco Carreno, Governor-General
16 1579 Gaspar de Torres, Governor-General, provisional
17 1581 Gabriel de Lujan, Captain-General
18 1589 Juan de Tejada, Captain-General
19 1594 Juan Maldonado Balnuevo, Captain-General
20 1602 Pedro Valdes Balnuevo, Captain-General
21 1608 Gaspar Ruiz de Pereda, Captain-General
22 1616 Sancho de Alguizaz, Captain-General
23 1620 Geronimo de Quero, Captain-General, provisional
24 1620 Diego Vallejo, Captain-General
25 Aug. 14, 1620 Francisco de Venegas, Captain-General
26 Juan Esquivil, Captain-General, provisional
27 Juan Riva Martin, Captain-General, provisional
28 1624 Garcia Giron de Loaysa, Captain-General, provisional
29 1624 Cristobal de Aranda, Captain-General, provisional
30 1625 Lorenzo de Cabrera, Captain-General
31 1630 Juan Bitrian de Viamontes, Captain-General
32 1634 Francisco Riano de Gamboa, Captain-General
33 1639 Alvaro de Luna, Captain-General
34 1647 Diego de Villalba, Captain-General
35 1653 Francisco Xeldes, Captain-General
36 1655 Juan Montano, Captain-General
37 1658 Juan de Salamanca, Captain-General
38 1663 Rodrigo de Flores, Captain-General
39 1664 Francisco Dairle, Captain-General
40 1670 Francisco de Ledesma, Captain-General
41 1680 Jose Fernandez de Cordoba, Captain-General
42 1685 Andres Munibe, Captain-General, provisional
43 Manuel Murguia, Captain-General, provisional
44 1687 Diego de Viana, Captain-General
45 1689 Severino de Manraneda, Captain-General
46 1695 Diego de Cordoba, Captain-General
47 1702 Pedro Benites de Lugo, Captain-General
48 1705 Nicolas Chirino, Captain-General, provisional
49 .... Luis Chacon, Captain-General, provisional
50 1706 Pedro Alvares Villarin, Captain-General
51 1708 Laureano de Torres, Captain-General
52 1711 Luis Chacon, Captain-General
53 1713 Laureano de Torres, Captain-General
54 1716 Vicente Baja, Captain-General
55 1717 Gomez de Alvarez, Captain-General
56 1717 Gregorio Guazo, Captain-General
57 1724 Dionisio Martinez, Captain-General
58 1734 Juan F. Guemes, Captain-General
59 1745 Juan A. Tineo, Captain-General
60 1745 Diego Pinalosa, Captain-General
61 1747 Francisco Cagigal, Captain-General
62 1760 Pedro Alonso, Captain-General
63 1761 Juan de Prado Portocarrero, Captain-General
64 July 1, 1762 Ambrosio Villapando, Count of Riela,
Captain-General
65 June, 1765 Diego Manrique, Captain-General
66 July, 1765 Pasual Jimenez de Cisners, Captain-General,
provisional
67 March 19, 1766 Antonio M. Bucarely, Captain-General
68 1771 Marques de la Torre, Captain-General
69 June, 1777 Diego J. Navarro, Captain-General
70 May, 1781 Juan M. Cagigal, Captain-General
71 1782 Luis de Unzaga, Captain-General, provisional
72 1785 Bernardo Troncoso, Captain-General, provisional
73 .... Jose Espeleta, Captain-General, provisional
74 .... Domingo Cabello, Captain-General, provisional
75 Dec. 28, 1785 Jose Espeleta, Captain-General
76 Apr. 20, 1789 Domingo Cabello, Captain-General, provisional
77 July 8, 1790 Luis de las Casas, Captain-General
78 Dec. 6, 1796 Juan Bassecourt, Captain-General
79 May 13, 1799 Salvador de Muro, Captain-General
80 Apr. 14, 1812 Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, Captain-General
81 July 2, 1816 Jose Cienfuegos, Captain-General
82 Apr. 20, 1819 Juan M. Cagigal, Captain-General
83 Mar. 3, 1821 Nicolas de Mahy, Captain-General
84 July 2, 1823 Sebastian Kindelan, Captain-General, provisional
85 May 2, 1823 Dionisio Vives. Given absolute authority
by royal decree, 1821
86 May 2, 1832 Mariano Rocafort. Given
absolute authority by
royal decree, 1825
87 June 1, 1834 Miguel Tacon. Given absolute
authority by royal
decree of 1825
88 From June 1, 1834, Lt.-Gen. Miguel Tacon y
to Apr. 16, 1838 Rosique, Captain-General
89 From Apr. 16, 1838, Lieut. Gen. Joaquin Espeleta
to Feb., 1840 y Enrille
90 Feb., 1840, to May Lieut. Gen. Pedro Tellez
10, 1841 de Gironm, Prince of
Anglona
91 From May 10, 1841, Lieut. Gen. Geronimo Valdes
to Sept. 15, 1843 y Sierra
92 From Sept. 15, to Lieut. Gen. of the Royal
Oct. 26, 1843 Navy, Francis Xavier de
Ulloa, provisional
93 From Oct. 26, 1843, Lieut. Gen. Leopoldo
to Mar. 20, 1848 O'Donnell y Joris, Count
of Lucena.
94 From Mar. 20, 1848, Lieut. Gen. Federico Roncali,
to Nov. 13, 1850 Count of Alcoy
95 From Nov. 13, 1850, Lieut. Gen. Jose Gutierrez
to Apr. 22, 1852 de la Concha
96 From Apr. 22, 1852, Lieut. Gen. Valentin Canedo
to Dec. 3, 1853 Miranda
97 From Dec. 3, 1853, Lieut. Gen. Juan de la
to Sept. 21, 1854 Pezuela, Marquis of de
la Pezuela
98 From Sept. 14, 1854, Lieut. Gen. Jose Gutierrez
to Nov. 24, 1859 de la Concha, Marquis
of Habana, second time
99 From Nov. 14, 1859, Lieut. Gen. Francisco Serrano,
to Dec. 10, 1862 Duke de la Torre
100 From Dec. 10, 1862, Lieut. Gen. Domingo Dulce
to May 30, 1866 y Garay
101 From May 20, 1866, Lieut. Gen. Francisco Lersundi
to Nov. 3, 1866
102 From Nov. 3, 1866, Lieut. Gen. Joaquin del
to Sept. 24, 1867 Manzano y Manzano
on which date he
died
103 From Sept. 24, 1867, Lieut. Gen. Blas Villate,
to Dec. 12, 1867 Count of Valmaseda
104 From Dec. 13, 1867, Lieut. Gen. Francisco Lersundi
to Jan. 4, 1869
105 From Jan. 4, 1869, Lieut. Gen. Domingo Dulce
to June 2, 1869 y Garay, second time
106 From June 2, 1869, Lieut. Gen. Felipe Ginoves
to June 28, 1869 del Espinar, provisional
107 From June 28, 1869, Lieut. Gen. Antonio Fernandez
to Dec. 15, 1870 y Caballero de Rodas
108 From Dec. 15, 1870, Lieut. Gen. Blas Villate,
to July 11, 1872 Count of Valmaseda
109 From July 11, 1872, Lieut. Gen. Francisco Ceballos
to Apr. 18, 1873 y Vargas
110 From Apr. 18, 1873, Lieut. Gen. Candido Pieltain
to Nov. 4, 1873 y Jove-Huelgo
111 From Nov. 4, 1873, Lieut. Gen. Joaquin Jovellar
to Apr. 7, 1874 y Soler
112 From Apr. 7, 1874, Lieut. Gen. José Gutierrez
to May 8, 1875 de la Concha, Marquis of
Habana
113 From May 8, 1875, Lieut. Gen. Buenaventura
to June 8, 1875 Carbo, provisional
114 From June 8, 1875, Lieut. Gen. Blas Villate,
to Jan. 18, 1876 Count of Valmaseda,
third time
115 From Jan. 18, 1876, Lieut. Gen. Joaquin Jovellar
to June 18, 1878 y Soler. He was
under Martinez Campos,
who was the general in
chief
116 From Oct. 8, 1876, Lieut. Gen. Arsenio Martinez
to Feb. 5, 1879 Campos
117 From Feb. 5, 1879, Lieut. Gen. Cayetano Figueroa
to Apr. 17, 1879 y Garaondo, provisional
118 From Apr. 17, 1879, Lieut. Gen. Ramon Blanco
to Nov. 28, 1881 y Erenas
119 From Nov. 28, 1881, Lieut. Gen. Luis Prendergast
to Aug. 5, 1883 y Gordon, Marquis
of Victoria de las Tunas
120 From. Aug. 5, 1883, Lieut. Gen. of Division
to Sept. 28, 1883 Tomas de Reyan y
Reyna, provisional
121 From Sept. 28, 1883, Lieut. Gen. Ignacio Maria
to Nov. 8, 1884 del Castillo
122 From Nov. 8, 1884, Lieut. Gen. Ramon Fajardo
to Mar. 25, 1886 e Izquierdo
123 From Mar. 25, 1886, Lieut. Gen. Emilio Calleja
to July 15, 1887 e Isasi
124 From July 15, 1887, Lieut. Gen. Saba Marin y
to Mar. 13, 1889 Gonzalez
125 From Mar. 13, 1889, Lieut. Gen. Manuel Salamanca
died Feb. 6, 1890 y Begrete
126 From Mar. 13, 1889, General of Division Jose
to Apr. 4, 1890 Sanchez Gomez, provisional
127 From Apr. 4, 1890, Lieut. Gen. Jose Chinchilla
to Aug. 20, 1890 y Diez de Onate
128 From Aug. 20, 1890, Lieut. Gen. Camilo Polavieja
to June 20, 1892 y del Castillo
129 From June 20, 1892; Lieut. Gen. Alejandro Rodriguez
died July 15, 1893 Arias
130 From July 15, 1893, General of Division Jose
to Sept. 5, 1893 Arderius y Garcia, provisional
131 From Sept. 5, 1893, Lieut. Gen. Emilio Calleja
to Apr. 16, 1895 e Isasi
132 From Apr. 16, 1895, Captain Gen. Arsenio Martinez
to Jan. 20, 1896 Campos
133 From Jan. 20, 1896, Lieut. Gen. Savas Marin y
to Feb. 11, 1896 Gonzalez
134 From Feb. 11, 1896, Lieut. Gen. Valeriano Weyler
to Oct. 31, 1897 y Nicolau
135 From Oct. 31, 1897, Capt. Gen. Ramon Blanco
to Nov. 30, 1898 y Erenas
136 From Nov. 30, 1898, Lieut. Gen. Adolfo Jimines
to Jan. 1, 1899, Castellanos
at 12 noon.
There must be added an unwelcome note. The Spaniards--not their high
officials--left most ungraciously. It is not to be wondered at that they
were sad, that they were sullen, that they were resentful; that they
were fearful lest the Cubans should rise against them at the last moment
and inflict upon them vengeance for the treasured wrongs of many years.
But there was of course no such uprising. The Cubans wished to make the
day an occasion of great public celebration, but the authorities--Cuban
and American as well as Spanish--would not permit it. It was not
courteous to exult over a beaten foe. Besides, any such celebration
would have caused great danger of trouble. What was inexcusable,
however, was the condition in which the Spanish left all public
buildings. They looted and gutted them of everything that could be
removed. They destroyed the plumbing and lighting fixtures. They broke
or choked up the drains. They left every place in an indescribably
filthy condition. There was nothing in all their record in Cuba more
unbecoming than their manner of leaving it. Such was the last detail of
the settlement with Spain.
The settlement with Cuba came next. Indeed, it was concurrently
undertaken. And it was by far the more formidable task of the two. It
was necessary to arrange for the transfer of the temporary trust of the
United States to a permanent Cuban authority, and to do so in
circumstances and conditions which would afford the largest possible
degree of assurance of success. It is said that when the American flag
was raised at Havana in token of temporary sovereignty, on January 1,
1899, an American Senator among the spectators exclaimed, "That flag
will never come down!" There were also, doubtless, those among the Cuban
spectators who thought and said that it should never have been raised,
but that sovereignty should have been transferred directly from Spain to
Cuba.
Both were wrong; as both in time came to realize. It was necessary for
the sake of good faith and justice that the American flag should in time
come down and give place to the flag of Cuba. It was equally necessary
for the sake of the welfare of Cuba and of its future prosperity and
tranquillity that there should be a period of American stewardship
preparatory to full independence.
There was, as we have already indicated, some friction between Cubans
and Americans at the time of intervention in the Spring of 1898. The
Cubans thought that the American army should not enter Cuba at all, save
with an artillery force to serve as an adjunct to the Cuban army. On the
other hand, Americans were too much inclined to disregard the Cuban army
and Provisional Government, to forget what the Cubans had already
achieved, and to act as though the war were solely between the United
States and Spain. When the actual landing of Shafter's army was made,
however, the Cubans accepted the fact loyally and gracefully, and gave
the fullest possible measure of helpful cooperation.
The Provisional Government of the Cuban Republic, as soon as hostilities
were ended and negotiations for peace had begun, decided to summon
another National Assembly to determine what should be done during the
interval which should elapse before the United States placed the
destinies of Cuba in the hands of Cubans. This decision was made at a
meeting at Santa Cruz on September 1, at which were present the
President, Bartolome Maso; the Vice-President, Mendez Capote; and the
three Secretaries, Aleman, Fonts-Sterling and Moreno de la Torre. It was
felt, and not without reason, that the Insular government and its forces
had not received the recognition which was their due. Calixto Garcia and
Francisco Estrada had given valuable participation in the siege and
capture of Santiago, yet they were not permitted by General Shafter to
participate in the ceremony of the surrender of the Spanish forces, or
even to be present on that exultant occasion. When the Americans thus
took possession of Santiago and Oriente, the Cuban government, military
and civil, was ignored, and General Leonard Wood was made Military
Governor just as though there was no Cuban government in existence.
[Illustration: OLD AND NEW IN HAVANA
The architecture of Havana ranges from the sixteenth century to the
twentieth, and specimens of all five centuries may in some places be
found grouped within a single scene; with electric lights and telephones
in buildings which were standing when Francis Drake threatened the city
with conquest.]
During the months of the American blockade of the island, moreover, the
Cubans had suffered perhaps even more than the Spanish from lack of
supplies. It was felt that while it was well thus to deprive the Spanish
army of supplies, the Cuban people ought not to have been left to
suffer. After the armistice affairs remained in a distressing condition.
The Cuban army was without food and without pay with which to purchase
food; and the Provisional Government was powerless to help it or to help
the starving civilian population. It had no funds, and of course could
not now raise any either by taxation or by loans. Late in November some
relief was afforded by the sending of food from the United States, but
on the whole the conditions were unsatisfactory, and did not conduce to
cordial confidence between the Cubans and the Americans.
The National Assembly which had been called on September 1 met at Santa
Cruz on November 7, and resolved upon the disbandment of the Provisional
Government, and the appointment of a special Commission to look after
Cuban interests during the period of American occupation. This
Commission consisted of Domingo Mendez Capote, President; Ferdinand
Freyre de Andrade, Vice-President; and Manuel M. Coronado and Dr.
Porfirio Caliente, Secretaries. The army organization was to be
retained, for the present, with General Maximo Gomez as
Commander-in-Chief.
The real crux of the situation, at the moment, was the demobilization of
the Cuban army. This could not be done--Gomez would not consider
it--until the men could be paid, and there was no money with which to
pay them. Among the 36,000 men on the rosters, there were said to be
20,000 who had served two years or more, and who were entitled to pay.
Gomez issued an appeal to the army and to the Cuban people generally to
accept loyally the temporary American occupation and to cooperate with
the Americans in the reestablishment of order and the development of
governmental institutions, in order that at the earliest possible moment
Cuba might be able to assume the whole task of self government. At the
same time he urgently requested the United States government to advance
money with which to pay off the soldiers, in order that the army might
be disbanded and the men might return to their homes and their work, and
thus restore the industrial prosperity of the island. For this purpose
he suggested the sum of $60,000,000, not only for actual pay but also
for compensation for the losses which the officers and men had suffered
during the war. He was inclined to keep his men under arms until the
United States should relinquish control of Cuba to the Cubans, or should
fix a date for so doing; and toward the end of January, 1899, he
mustered all his forces in the Province of Havana, and made his staff
headquarters in the former palace of the Captain-General. Meantime the
Commission of the Cuban National Assembly recommended that the men be
granted furloughs, to enable them to go to work in response to the great
demand for labor that was arising throughout the island. This course was
pursued to a considerable extent.
Ultimately the United States government granted the sum of $3,000,000
for the purpose of paying off the soldiers. This was not a loan, to be
repaid, but was an outright gift, being the remainder of the sum of
$50,000,000 which had been voted to the President at the beginning of
the war to use at his discretion. It was given on the conditions that
every recipient should prove his service in the army and should
surrender a rifle. To this latter requirement, which meant the disarming
of the Cubans, General Gomez strongly objected, but in the end he
acquiesced and agreed to carry out the plan as soon as the money was at
hand. Thereupon some other Cuban officers disputed his right to commit
the Cuban army to any such arrangement. They were dissatisfied with the
small amount, and they insisted that only the Cuban Assembly had power
to act upon the American offer. They added that they would refuse to
obey the orders of General Gomez, and would look to the Assembly for
justice. It should be added that these officers were not those who had
been most active and efficient in the field.
General Gomez ignored this mutinous demonstration, and proceeded with
arrangements to receive and distribute the $3,000,000; whereupon the
Assembly came together and on March 12 impeached General Gomez and
removed him from office as Commander-in-Chief, the charge being that he
had failed in his military duties and had disobeyed the orders of the
Assembly. This scandalous performance was ignored by Gomez, and was
condemned by the great majority of the Cuban people. It was also ignored
by the American authorities. General Brooke continued his negotiations
with Gomez, and finally reached an agreement. The terms were as follows:
Every Cuban soldier who had been in service since before July 17, 1898,
and who was not in receipt of salary from any public office, upon
delivery of his arms and equipments was to receive $75 in United States
gold. The arms and equipments were to be surrendered to municipal
authorities, and to be placed and kept in armories, under the charge of
armorers appointed by General Gomez, as memorials of the War of
Independence. The Cuban Commissioners protested against and resisted
this settlement, but finally yielded when they saw all the soldiers
accepting it. They continued for some time, however, to manifest
disaffection and distrust toward the United States, and to propagate
doubt whether that country would ever fulfill its promise to make Cuba
independent. Some agitators went so far as to try to provoke
insurrections against the American administration. But all such things
met with no encouragement from General Gomez or from any of the real
leaders of the Cuban people, who expressed the fullest confidence in the
good faith of the United States and did their utmost to lead the nation
to take advantage of the unparalleled opportunity which had been placed
before it. Day by day the magnitude of that opportunity became more
apparent, as did the practical beneficence of the American
administration.