See this man in your mind as you see him in the street, realise that it

is his open mind we wish to influence or his empty stomach we wish to

cure, and then consider seriously (if you can) the five men, including

two of his own alleged oppressors, who were summoned as a Royal

Commission to consider his claims when he or his sort went out on strike

upon the railways. I knew nothing against, indeed I knew nothing about,

any of the gentlemen then summoned, beyond a bare introduction to

Mr. Henderson, whom I liked, but whose identity I was in no danger of

confusing with that of a railway-porter. I do not think that any old

gentleman, however absent-minded, would be likely on arriving at Euston,

let us say, to hand his Gladstone-bag to Mr. Henderson or to attempt to

reward that politician with twopence. Of the others I can only judge

by the facts about their status as set forth in the public Press. The

Chairman, Sir David Harrell, appeared to be an ex-official distinguished

in (of all things in the world) the Irish Constabulary. I have no

earthly reason to doubt that the Chairman meant to be fair; but I am not

talking about what men mean to be, but about what they are. The police

in Ireland are practically an army of occupation; a man serving in them

or directing them is practically a soldier; and, of course, he must

do his duty as such. But it seems truly extraordinary to select as one

likely to sympathise with the democracy of England a man whose whole

business in life it has been to govern against its will the democracy

of Ireland. What should we say if Russian strikers were offered the

sympathetic arbitration of the head of the Russian Police in Finland

or Poland? And if we do not know that the whole civilised world sees

Ireland with Poland as a typical oppressed nation, it is time we did.

The Chairman, whatever his personal virtues, must be by instinct

and habit akin to the capitalists in the dispute. Two more of the

Commissioners actually were the capitalists in the dispute. Then

came Mr. Henderson (pushing his trolley and cheerily crying, “By your

leave.”), and then another less known gentleman who had “corresponded”

with the Board of Trade, and had thus gained some strange claim to

represent the very poor.

Now people like this might quite possibly produce a rational enough

report, and in this or that respect even improve things. Men of

that kind are tolerably kind, tolerably patriotic, and tolerably

business-like. But if any one supposes that men of that kind can

conceivably quiet any real quarrel with the Man of the Other Kind, the

man whom I first described, it is frantic. The common worker is angry

exactly because he has found out that all these boards consist of the

same well-dressed Kind of Man, whether they are called Governmental or

Capitalist. If any one hopes that he will reconcile the poor, I say, as

I said at the beginning, that such a one has not looked on the light of

day or dwelt in the land of the living.

But I do not criticise such a Commission except for one most practical

and urgent purpose. It will be answered to me that the first Kind of Man

of whom I spoke could not really be on boards and committees, as modern

England is managed. His dirt, though necessary and honourable, would

be offensive: his speech, though rich and figurative, would be almost

incomprehensible. Let us grant, for the moment, that this is so. This

Kind of Man, with his sooty hair or sanguinary adjectives, cannot be

represented at our committees of arbitration. Therefore, the other Kind

of Man, fairly prosperous, fairly plausible, at home at least with the

middle class, capable at least of reaching and touching the upper class,

he must remain the only Kind of Man for such councils.

Very well. If then, you give at any future time any kind of compulsory

powers to such councils to prevent strikes, you will be driving the

first Kind of Man to work for a particular master as much as if you

drove him with a whip.

THE MEDIÆVAL VILLAIN

I see that there have been more attempts at the whitewashing of King

John.

But the gentleman who wrote has a further interest in the matter; for he

believes that King John was innocent, not only on this point, but as a

whole. He thinks King John has been very badly treated; though I am not

sure whether he would attribute to that Plantagenet a saintly merit or

merely a humdrum respectability.

I sympathise with the whitewashing of King John, merely because it is

a protest against our waxwork style of history. Everybody is in a

particular attitude, with particular moral attributes; Rufus is always

hunting and Coeur-de-Lion always crusading; Henry VIII always marrying,

and Charles I always having his head cut off; Alfred rapidly and in

rotation making his people's clocks and spoiling their cakes; and

King John pulling out Jews' teeth with the celerity and industry of

an American dentist. Anything is good that shakes all this stiff

simplification, and makes us remember that these men were once alive;

that is, mixed, free, flippant, and inconsistent. It gives the mind

a healthy kick to know that Alfred had fits, that Charles I prevented

enclosures, that Rufus was really interested in architecture, that Henry

VIII was really interested in theology.

And as these scraps of reality can startle us into more solid

imagination of events, so can even errors and exaggerations if they are

on the right side. It does some good to call Alfred a prig, Charles I a

Puritan, and John a jolly good fellow; if this makes us feel that they

were people whom we might have liked or disliked. I do not myself think

that John was a nice gentleman; but for all that the popular picture of

him is all wrong. Whether he had any generous qualities or not, he had

what commonly makes them possible, dare-devil courage, for instance, and

hotheaded decision. But, above all, he had a morality which he broke,

but which we misunderstand.

The mediæval mind turned centrally upon the pivot of Free Will. In

their social system the mediævals were too much PARTI-PER-PALE, as

their heralds would say, too rigidly cut up by fences and quarterings

of guild or degree. But in their moral philosophy they always thought of

man as standing free and doubtful at the cross-roads in a forest. While

they clad and bound the body and (to some extent) the mind too stiffly

and quaintly for our taste, they had a much stronger sense than we have

of the freedom of the soul. For them the soul always hung poised like an

eagle in the heavens of liberty. Many of the things that strike a modern

as most fantastic came from their keen sense of the power of choice.

For instance, the greatest of the Schoolmen devotes folios to the minute

description of what the world would have been like if Adam had refused

the apple; what kings, laws, babies, animals, planets would have been

in an unfallen world. So intensely does he feel that Adam might have

decided the other way that he sees a complete and complex vision of

another world, a world that now can never be.

This sense of the stream of life in a man that may turn either way

can be felt through all their popular ethics in legend, chronicle, and

ballad. It is a feeling which has been weakened among us by two heavy

intellectual forces. The Calvinism of the seventeenth century and the

physical science of the nineteenth, whatever other truths they may have

taught, have darkened this liberty with a sense of doom. We think of

bad men as something like black men, a separate and incurable kind of

people. The Byronic spirit was really a sort of operatic Calvinism. It

brought the villain upon the stage; the lost soul; the modern version

of King John. But the contemporaries of King John did not feel like that

about him, even when they detested him. They instinctively felt him to

be a man of mixed passions like themselves, who was allowing his evil

passions to have much too good a time of it. They might have spoken of

him as a man in considerable danger of going to hell; but they would

have not talked of him as if he had come from there. In the ballads of

Percy or Robin Hood it frequently happens that the King comes upon the

scene, and his ultimate decision makes the climax of the tale. But we

do not feel, as we do in the Byronic or modern romance, that there is

a definite stage direction “Enter Tyrant.” Nor do we behold a deus ex

machina who is certain to do all that is mild and just. The King in the

ballad is in a state of virile indecision. Sometimes he will pass from

a towering passion to the most sweeping magnanimity and friendliness;

sometimes he will begin an act of vengeance and be turned from it by

a jest. Yet this august levity is not moral indifference; it is moral

freedom. It is the strong sense in the writer that the King, being

the type of man with power, will probably sometimes use it badly and

sometimes well. In this sense John is certainly misrepresented, for he

is pictured as something that none of his own friends or enemies saw. In

that sense he was certainly not so black as he is painted, for he lived

in a world where every one was piebald.

King John would be represented in a modern play or novel as a kind

of degenerate; a shifty-eyed moral maniac with a twist in his soul's

backbone and green blood in his veins. The mediævals were quite capable

of boiling him in melted lead, but they would have been quite incapable

of despairing of his soul in the modern fashion. A striking a fortiori

case is that of the strange mediæval legend of Robert the Devil.

Robert was represented as a monstrous birth sent to an embittered woman

actually in answer to prayers to Satan, and his earlier actions are

simply those of the infernal fire let loose upon earth. Yet though he

can be called almost literally a child of hell, yet the climax of the

story is his repentance at Rome and his great reparation. That is the

paradox of mediæval morals: as it must appear to the moderns. We must

try to conceive a race of men who hated John, and sought his blood, and

believed every abomination about him, who would have been quite capable

of assassinating or torturing him in the extremity of their anger. And

yet we must admit that they would not really have been fundamentally

surprised if he had shaved his head in humiliation, given all his goods

to the poor, embraced the lepers in a lazar-house, and been canonised

as a saint in heaven. So strongly did they hold that the pivot of Will

should turn freely, which now is rusted, and sticks.

For we, whatever our political opinions, certainly never think of our

public men like that. If we hold the opinion that Mr. Lloyd George is a

noble tribune of the populace and protector of the poor, we do not admit

that he can ever have paltered with the truth or bargained with the

powerful. If we hold the equally idiotic opinion that he is a red and

rabid Socialist, maddening mobs into mutiny and theft, then we expect

him to go on maddening them--and us. We do not expect him, let

us say, suddenly to go into a monastery. We have lost the idea of

repentance; especially in public things; that is why we cannot

really get rid of our great national abuses of economic tyranny and

aristocratic avarice. Progress in the modern sense is a very dismal

drudge; and mostly consists of being moved on by the police. We move on

because we are not allowed to move back. But the really ragged prophets,

the real revolutionists who held high language in the palaces of kings,

they did not confine themselves to saying, “Onward, Christian soldiers,”

still less, “Onward, Futurist soldiers”; what they said to high emperors

and to whole empires was, “Turn ye, turn ye, why will ye die?”

THE DIVINE DETECTIVE

Every person of sound education enjoys detective stories, and there

are even several points on which they have a hearty superiority to

most modern books. A detective story generally describes six living

men discussing how it is that a man is dead. A modern philosophic story

generally describes six dead men discussing how any man can possibly be

alive. But those who have enjoyed the roman policier must have noted

one thing, that when the murderer is caught he is hardly ever hanged.

“That,” says Sherlock Holmes, “is the advantage of being a private

detective”; after he has caught he can set free. The Christian Church

can best be defined as an enormous private detective, correcting

that official detective--the State. This, indeed, is one of the

injustices done to historic Christianity; injustices which arise from

looking at complex exceptions and not at the large and simple fact. We

are constantly being told that theologians used racks and thumbscrews,

and so they did. Theologians used racks and thumbscrews just as they

used thimbles and three-legged stools, because everybody else used them.

Christianity no more created the mediæval tortures than it did the

Chinese tortures; it inherited them from any empire as heathen as the

Chinese.

The Church did, in an evil hour, consent to imitate the commonwealth and

employ cruelty. But if we open our eyes and take in the whole picture,

if we look at the general shape and colour of the thing, the real

difference between the Church and the State is huge and plain. The

State, in all lands and ages, has created a machinery of punishment,

more bloody and brutal in some places than others, but bloody and brutal

everywhere. The Church is the only institution that ever attempted to

create a machinery of pardon. The Church is the only thing that ever

attempted by system to pursue and discover crimes, not in order to

avenge, but in order to forgive them. The stake and rack were merely the

weaknesses of the religion; its snobberies, its surrenders to the

world. Its speciality--or, if you like, its oddity--was this

merciless mercy; the unrelenting sleuthhound who seeks to save and not

slay.

I can best illustrate what I mean by referring to two popular plays

on somewhat parallel topics, which have been successful here and in

America. The Passing of the Third Floor Back is a humane and reverent

experiment, dealing with the influence of one unknown but divine figure

as he passes through a group of Squalid characters. I have no desire to

make cheap fun of the extremely abrupt conversions of all these people;

that is a point of art, not of morals; and, after all, many conversions

have been abrupt. This saviour's method of making people good is to tell

them how good they are already; and in the case of suicidal outcasts,

whose moral backs are broken, and who are soaked with sincere

self-contempt, I can imagine that this might be quite the right way.

I should not deliver this message to authors or members of Parliament,

because they would so heartily agree with it.

Still, it is not altogether here that I differ from the moral of Mr.

Jerome's play. I differ vitally from his story because it is not a

detective story. There is in it none of this great Christian idea of

tearing their evil out of men; it lacks the realism of the saints.

Redemption should bring truth as well as peace; and truth is a fine

thing, though the materialists did go mad about it. Things must be

faced, even in order to be forgiven; the great objection to “letting

sleeping dogs lie” is that they lie in more senses than one. But in Mr.

Jerome's Passing of the Third Floor Back the redeemer is not a divine

detective, pitiless in his resolve to know and pardon. Rather he is a

sort of divine dupe, who does not pardon at all, because he does not

see anything that is going on. It may, or may not, be true to say, “Tout

comprendre est tout pardonner.” But it is much more evidently true to

say, “Rien comprendre est rien Pardonner,” and the “Third Floor Back”

does not seem to comprehend anything. He might, after all, be a quite

selfish sentimentalist, who found it comforting to think well of his

neighbours. There is nothing very heroic in loving after you have been

deceived. The heroic business is to love after you have been undeceived.

When I saw this play it was natural to compare it with another play

which I had not seen, but which I have read in its printed version.

I mean Mr. Rann Kennedy's Servant in the House, the success of which

sprawls over so many of the American newspapers. This also is concerned

with a dim, yet evidently divine, figure changing the destinies of a

whole group of persons. It is a better play structurally than the other;

in fact, it is a very fine play indeed; but there is nothing

aesthetic or fastidious about it. It is as much or more than the other

sensational, democratic, and (I use the word in a sound and good sense)

Salvationist.

But the difference lies precisely in this--that the Christ of Mr.

Kennedy's play insists on really knowing all the souls that he loves;

he declines to conquer by a kind of supernatural stupidity. He pardons

evil, but he will not ignore it. In other words, he is a Christian, and

not a Christian Scientist. The distinction doubtless is partly explained

by the problems severally selected. Mr. Jerome practically supposes

Christ to be trying to save disreputable people; and that, of course,

is naturally a simple business. Mr. Kennedy supposes Him to be trying

to save the reputable people, which is a much larger affair. The chief

characters in The Servant in the House are a popular and strenuous

vicar, universally respected, and his fashionable and forcible wife.

It would have been no good to tell these people they had some good in

them--for that was what they were telling themselves all day long.

They had to be reminded that they had some bad in them--instinctive

idolatries and silent treasons which they always tried to forget. It is

in connection with these crimes of wealth and culture that we face the

real problem of positive evil. The whole of Mr. Blatchford's controversy

about sin was vitiated throughout by one's consciousness that whenever

he wrote the word “sinner” he thought of a man in rags. But here, again,

we can find truth merely by referring to vulgar literature--its

unfailing fountain. Whoever read a detective story about poor people?

The poor have crimes; but the poor have no secrets. And it is because

the proud have secrets that they need to be detected before they are

forgiven.

THE ELF OF JAPAN

There are things in this world of which I can say seriously that I

love them but I do not like them. The point is not merely verbal, but

psychologically quite valid. Cats are the first things that occur to me

as examples of the principle. Cats are so beautiful that a creature from

another star might fall in love with them, and so incalculable that he

might kill them. Some of my friends take quite a high moral line about

cats. Some, like Mr. Titterton, I think, admire a cat for its moral

independence and readiness to scratch anybody “if he does not behave

himself.” Others, like Mr. Belloc, regard the cat as cruel and secret, a

fit friend for witches; one who will devour everything, except, indeed,

poisoned food, “so utterly lacking is it in Christian simplicity and

humility.” For my part, I have neither of these feelings. I admire cats

as I admire catkins; those little fluffy things that hang on trees. They

are both pretty and both furry, and both declare the glory of God. And

this abstract exultation in all living things is truly to be called

Love; for it is a higher feeling than mere affectional convenience; it

is a vision. It is heroic, and even saintly, in this: that it asks for

nothing in return. I love all the cats in the street as St. Francis of

Assisi loved all the birds in the wood or all the fishes in the sea; not

so much, of course, but then I am not a saint. But he did not wish to

bridle a bird and ride on its back, as one bridles and rides on a horse.

He did not wish to put a collar round a fish's neck, marked with the

name “Francis,” and the address “Assisi”--as one does with a dog.

He did not wish them to belong to him or himself to belong to them;

in fact, it would be a very awkward experience to belong to a lot of

fishes. But a man does belong to his dog, in another but an equally

real sense with that in which the dog belongs to him. The two bonds of

obedience and responsibility vary very much with the dogs and the men;

but they are both bonds. In other words, a man does not merely love a

dog; as he might (in a mystical moment) love any sparrow that perched

on his windowsill or any rabbit that ran across his path. A man likes a

dog; and that is a serious matter.

To me, unfortunately perhaps (for I speak merely of individual taste), a

cat is a wild animal. A cat is Nature personified. Like Nature, it is

so mysterious that one cannot quite repose even in its beauty. But like

Nature again, it is so beautiful that one cannot believe that it is

really cruel. Perhaps it isn't; and there again it is like Nature. Men

of old time worshipped cats as they worshipped crocodiles; and those

magnificent old mystics knew what they were about. The moment in which

one really loves cats is the same as that in which one (moderately and

within reason) loves crocodiles. It is that divine instant when a man

feels himself--no, not absorbed into the unity of all things (a

loathsome fancy)--but delighting in the difference of all things.

At the moment when a man really knows he is a man he will feel, however

faintly, a kind of fairy-tale pleasure in the fact that a crocodile is

a crocodile. All the more will he exult in the things that are more

evidently beautiful than crocodiles, such as flowers and birds and

cats--which are more beautiful than either. But it does not follow

that he will wish to pick all the flowers or to cage all the birds or to

own all the cats.

No one who still believes in democracy and the rights of man will admit

that any division between men and men can be anything but a fanciful

analogy to the division between men and animals. But in the sphere of

such fanciful analogy there are even human beings whom I feel to be like

cats in this respect: that I can love them without liking them. I

feel it about certain quaint and alien societies, especially about the

Japanese. The exquisite old Japanese draughtsmanship (of which we shall

see no more, now Japan has gone in for Progress and Imperialism) had a

quality that was infinitely attractive and intangible. Japanese pictures

were really rather like pictures made by cats. They were full of

feathery softness and of sudden and spirited scratches. If any one will

wander in some gallery fortunate enough to have a fine collection of

those slight water-colour sketches on rice paper which come from the

remote East, he will observe many elements in them which a fanciful

person might consider feline. There is, for instance, that odd enjoyment

of the tops of trees; those airy traceries of forks and fading twigs, up

to which certainly no artist, but only a cat could climb. There is that

elvish love of the full moon, as large and lucid as a Chinese lantern,

hung in these tenuous branches. That moon is so large and luminous

that one can imagine a hundred cats howling under it. Then there is the

exhaustive treatment of the anatomy of birds and fish; subjects in which

cats are said to be interested. Then there is the slanting cat-like eye

of all these Eastern gods and men--but this is getting altogether

too coincident. We shall have another racial theory in no time

(beginning “Are the Japs Cats?”), and though I shall not believe in

my theory, somebody else might. There are people among my esteemed

correspondents who might believe anything. It is enough for me to say

here that in this small respect Japs affect me like cats. I mean that I

love them. I love their quaint and native poetry, their instinct of easy

civilisation, their unique unreplaceable art, the testimony they bear

to the bustling, irrepressible activities of nature and man. If I were

a real mystic looking down on them from a real mountain, I am sure I

should love them more even than the strong winged and unwearied birds

or the fruitful, ever multiplying fish. But, as for liking them, as one

likes a dog--that is quite another matter. That would mean trusting

them.

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