were adopted by the synod and then approved by the king. On the
other hand a series of independent proposals conceived in the
interests of the high-church party remained in suspense. The last
effected elections for the general synod committee resulted in
the appointment of three positive-unionist members, including the
president, two confessionalists, and two of the middle party.[549]
§ 193.7. =The Evangelical Church in the Annexed Provinces.=--In
1866 the provinces of Hanover, Hesse and Schleswig-Holstein were
incorporated with the kingdom of Prussia. In these political
particularism, combined with confessional Lutheranism, suspicion
of every organized system of church government as intended
to introduce Prussian unionism, even to the extreme of open
rebellion, led to violent conflicts. The king, indeed, personally
gave assurance in Cassel, Hanover and Kiel that the position of
the church confession should in no way be endangered. “He will
indeed support the union where it already existed as a sacred
legacy to him from his forefathers; he also hopes that it may
always make further progress as a witness to the grand unity of
the evangelical church; but compulsion is to be applied to no
man.” The consistories of these provinces were still to continue
independent of the Supreme Church Council. But the ministerial
order for the restoration of representative synodal constitution
increasingly prevailed, although the wide-spread suspicion and
individual protests against the system of church government,
such as the temporary prohibition of the Marburg consistory of
the mission festival, as avowedly used for agitation against
the intended synodal constitution, helped to intensify the
bitterness of feeling. But on the other hand many preachers by
their unbecoming pulpit harangues, and their refusal to take
the oath of allegiance or service, to pray in church for their
new sovereign, and to observe the general holiday appointed
to be held in 1869 on November 10th (Luther’s birthday),
etc., compelled the ecclesiastical authorities to impose fines,
suspension, penal transportation, and deposition. In the Lutheran
=Schleswig-Holstein= a new congregational constitution was
introduced in 1869 by the minister Von Mühler, as the basis of a
future synodal constitution, which was adopted by the _Vorsynode_
of Rendsburg in 1871, preserving the confessional status laid
down, without discussion. In 1878 an advance was made by the
institution of district or provostship synods, and in February,
1880, the first General Synod was held at Rendsburg. As in Old
Prussia so also here the conservative movement proved victorious.
The laity obtained majorities in all synods, and the supremacy
of the state was secured by the subordination of the church
government under the minister of public worship.
§ 193.8. =In Hanover=, where especially Lichtenberg, president of
the upper consistory, and Uhlhorn, member of the upper consistory
(since 1878 abbot of Loccum), although many Lutheran extremists
long remained dissatisfied, temperately and worthily maintained
the independence and privileges of the Lutheran church, the first
national synod could be convened and could bring to a generally
peaceful conclusion the question of the constitution only in
the end of 1869, after the preliminary labour of the national
synod committee. In 1882 the Reformed communities of 120,000
souls, hitherto subject to Lutheran consistories, obtained an
independent congregational and synodal constitution. Against
the new marriage ordinance enacted in consequence of the
civil marriage law (§ 197, 5), Theod. Harms (brother, and from
1865 successor of L. Harms, § 184, 1), pastor and director of
Hermannsburg missionary seminary, rebelled from the conviction
that civil marriage did not deserve to be recognised as marriage.
He was first suspended, then in 1877 deposed from office, and
with the most of his congregation retired and founded a separate
Lutheran community, to which subsequently fifteen other small
congregations of 4,000 souls were attached. As teacher and pupils
of the seminary made it a zealous propaganda for the secession,
the missionary journals and missionary festivals were misused
for the same purpose, and as Harms answered the questions of the
consistory in reference thereto, partly by denying, partly by
excusing, that court, in December, 1878, forbad the missionary
collections hitherto made throughout the churches at Epiphany
for Hermannsburg, and so completely broke off the connection
between the state church and the institution which had hitherto
been regarded as “its pride and its preserving salt.” A reaction
has since set in in favour of the seminary and its friends on
the assurance that the interests of the separation would not be
furthered by the seminary, and that several other objectionable
features, _e.g._ the frequent employment in the mission service
of artisans without theological training, the sending of them out
in too great numbers without sufficient endowment and salary, so
that missionaries were obliged to engage in trade speculations,
should be removed as far as possible; but since the seminary
life was always still carried on upon the basis of ecclesiastical
secession, it could lead to no permanent reconciliation with the
state church. Harms died in 1885. His son Egmont was chosen his
successor, and as the consistory refused ordination, he accepted
consecration at the hands of five members of the Immanuel Synod
at Magdeburg.
§ 193.9. =In Hesse= the ministry of Von Mühler sought to bring
about a combination of the three consistories of Hanau, Cassel,
and Marburg, as a necessary vehicle for the introduction of a
new synodal constitution. In the province itself an agitation
was persistently carried on for and against the constitutional
scheme submitted by the ministers, which wholly ignored the old
church order (§ 127, 2), which, though in the beginning of the
seventeenth century through the ecclesiastical disturbances of
the time (§ 154, 1), it had passed out of use, had never been
abrogated and so was still legally valid. A _Vorsynode_ convened
in 1870 approved of it in all essential points, but conventions
of superintendents, pastoral conferences and lay addresses
protested, and the Prussian parliament, for which it was not yet
liberal enough, refused the necessary supplies. As these after
Von Mühler’s overthrow were granted, his successor, Dr. Falk,
immediately proceeded in 1873 to set up in Cassel the court
that had been objected to so long. It was constituted after the
pattern of the Supreme Church Council, of Lutheran, Reformed, and
United members with _Itio in partes_ on specifically confessional
questions. The clergy of Upper Hesse comforted themselves
with saying that the new courts in which the confessions were
combined, if not better, were at least no worse than the earlier
consistories in which the confessions were confounded; and they
felt obliged to yield obedience to them, so long as they did not
demand anything contradictory the Lutheran confession. On the
other hand, many of the clergy of Lower Hesse saw in the advance
from a merely eventual to an actual blending of the confessional
status in church government an intolerable deterioration. And so
forty-five clergyman of Lower and one of Upper Hesse laid before
the king a protest against the innovation as destructive of the
confessional rights of the Hessian church contrary to the will
of the supreme majesty of Jesus Christ. They were dismissed with
sharp rebuke, and, with the exception of four who submitted, were
deposed from office for obstinate refusal to obey. There were
about sixteen congregations which to a greater or less extent
kept aloof from the new pastors appointed by the consistories,
and without breaking away from the state church wished to remain
true to the old pastor “appointed by Jesus Christ himself.”--In
autumn, 1884, the movement on behalf of the restoration of a
presbyterial and synodal constitution of the Hessian evangelical
church, which had been delayed for fourteen years, was resumed.
A sketch of a constitution, which placed it under three
general superintendents (Lutheran, Reformed, United) and
thirteen superintendents, and, for the fair co-operation of
the lay element in the administration of church affairs (the
confession status, however, being beyond discussion), provided
suitable organs in the shape of presbyteries and synods, with a
predominance of the lay element, was submitted to a _Vorsynode_
that met on November 12th, consisting of two divisions, like a
Lower and Upper House, sitting together. The first division, as
representative of the then existing church order, embraced, in
accordance with the practice of the old Hessian synods, all the
members of the consistory, _i.e._ the nine superintendents and
thirteen pastors elected by the clergy; the second, consisting at
least of as many lay as clerical members, was chosen by the free
election of the congregation. The royal assent was given to the
decrees of the _Vorsynode_ in the end of December, 1885, and the
confessional status was thereby expressly guaranteed.
§ 194. THE NORTH GERMAN SMALLER STATES.
In most of the smaller North German states, owing to the very slight
representation of the Reformed church, which was considerable only
in Bremen, Lippe-Detmold, and a part of Hesse and East Friesland, the
union met with little favour. Yet only in a few of those provinces did a
sharply marked confessional Lutheranism gain wide and general acceptance.
This was so especially and most decidedly in Mecklenburg, but also in
Hanover, Hesse, and Saxony. On the other hand, since the close of 1860,
in almost all those smaller states a determined demand was made for a
representative synodal constitution, securing the due co-operation of
the lay element.--The Catholic church was strongest in Hanover, and next
come some parts of Hesse, which had been added to the ecclesiastical
province of the Upper Rhine (§ 196, 1), but in the other North German
smaller states it was only represented here and there.
§ 194.1. =The Kingdom of Saxony.=--The present kingdom of Saxony,
formerly an electoral principality, has had Catholic princes
since 1679 (§ 153, 1), but the Catholic church could strike its
roots again only in the immediate neighbourhood of the court.
Indeed those belonging to it did not enjoy civil and religious
equality until 1807, when this distinction was set aside. The
erection of cloisters and the introduction of monkish orders,
however, continued even then forbidden, and all official
publications of the Catholic clergy required the _placet_ of
the government. The administration of the evangelical church,
so long as the king is Catholic, lies, according to agreement,
in the hands of the ministers commissioned _in evangelicis_.
Although several of these have proved defenders of ecclesiastical
orthodoxy, the rationalistic Illumination became almost
universally prevalent not only among the clergy but also
among the general populace. Meanwhile a pietistic reaction
set in, especially powerful in Muldenthal, where Rudelbach’s
labours impressed on it a Lutheran ecclesiastical character.
The religious movement, on the other hand, directed by Martin
Stephan, pastor of the Bohemian church in Dresden, came to a
sad and shameful end. As representative and restorer of strict
Lutheran views he had wrought successfully in Dresden from 1810,
but, through the adulation of his followers, approaching even
to worship, he fell more and more deeply into hierarchical
assumption and neglect of self-vigilance. When the police in
1837 restricted his nightly assemblies, without, however, having
discovered anything immoral, and suspended him from his official
duties, he called upon his followers to emigrate to America. Many
of them, lay and clerical, blindly obeyed, and founded in 1835,
in Missouri, a Lutheran church communion (§ 208, 2). Stephan’s
despotic hierarchical assumptions here reached their fullest
height; he also gave his lusts free scope. Women oppressed or
actually abused by him at length openly proclaimed his shame in
1839, and the community excommunicated him. He died in A.D. 1846.
Taught by such experiences, and purged of the Donatist-separatist
element, a church reaction against advancing rationalism made
considerable progress under a form of church that favoured it,
and secured also influential representatives in members of the
theological faculty of the university of Leipzig distinguished
for their scientific attainments. After repeated debates in
the chamber over a scheme of a new ecclesiastical and synodal
order submitted by the ministry, the first evangelical Lutheran
state synod met in Dresden, in May, 1871. On the motion of
the government, the law of patronage was here modified so that
the patron had to submit three candidates to the choice of the
ecclesiastical board. It was also decided to form an upper or
state consistory, to which all ecclesiastical matters hitherto
administered by the minister of public worship should be given
over; the control of education was to remain with the ministry,
and the state consistory was to charge itself with the oversight
only of religious instruction and ethico-religious training. The
most lively debates were those excited by the proposal to abolish
the obligation resting upon all church teachers to seem to adhere
to the confession of the Lutheran church, led by Dr. Zarncke,
the rector of the state university. The commission of inquiry
sent down, under the presidency of Professor Luthardt, demanded
the absolute withdrawal of this proposal, which aimed at perfect
doctrinal freedom. On the other hand, Professor G. Baur made the
mediate proposal to substitute for the declaration on oath, the
promise to teach simply and purely to the best of his knowledge
and according to conscience the gospel of Christ as it is
contained in Scripture, and witnessed in the confessions of the
Lutheran church. And as even now Luthardt, inspired by the wish
not to rend the first State Synod at its final sitting by an
incurable schism, agreed to this suggestion, it was carried
by a large majority. In consequence of this decision, a number
of “Lutherans faithful to the confession,” withdrew from the
State church, and on the anniversary of the Reformation in 1871,
constituted themselves into an Evangelical Lutheran Free Church,
associated with the Missouri synod (§ 208, 2), from which, on
the suggestion of some of the members of the community who had
returned from America, they chose for themselves a pastor called
Ruhland. There were five such congregations in Saxony: at Dresden,
Planitz, Chemnitz, Frankenberg, and Krimmitschau, to which some
South German dissenters at Stenden, Wiesbaden, Frankfort, and
Anspach attached themselves.
§ 194.2. =The Saxon Duchies.=--The Stephan emigration had
also decoyed a number of inhabitants from Saxe-Altenburg. In
a rescript to the Ephorus Ronneburg, in 1838, the consistory
traced back this separatist movement to the fact that the
religious needs of the congregations found no satisfaction in the
rationalistic preaching, and urged a more earnest presentation
from the pulpit of the fundamental and central doctrines of
evangelical Christianity. This rescript was the subject of
violent denunciation. The government took the opinion of four
theological faculties on the procedure of the consistory and
its opponents, who published it simply with the praise and blame
contained therein, and thus prevented any investigation. Also
in =Weimar= and =Gotha= the rationalism of Röhr and Bretschneider,
which had dominated almost all pulpits down to the middle of
the century, began gradually to disappear, and the more recent
parties of Confessional, Mediation, and Free Protestant theology
to take its place. The last named party found vigorous support
in the university of Jena. A petition addressed to it in 1882
from the Thuringian Church Conference of Eisenach, to call
to Jena also a representative of the positive Lutheran theology,
was decidedly refused, and, in a controversial pamphlet by
Superintendent Braasch, condemned as “the Eisenach outrage”
(_Attentat_). In =Meiningen= the _Vorsynode_ convened there
in 1870 sanctioned the sketch of a moderately liberal synodal
constitution submitted to it, which placed the confession indeed
beyond the reach of legislative interference, but also secured
its rights to free inquiry. The first State Synod, however, did
not meet before 1878. In =Weimar= the first synod was held in
1873, the second in 1879.
§ 194.3. =The Kingdom of Hanover.=--Although the union found no
acceptance in Hanover, after the overthrow of the rationalism of
the _ancien régime_, the union theology became dominant in the
university. The clergy, however, were in great part carried along
by the confessional Lutheran current of the age. The Preachers’
Conference at Stade in 1854 took occasion to call the attention
of the government to the “manifest divergence” between the union
theology of the university and the legal and actual Lutheran
confession of the state church, and urged the appointment
of Lutheran teachers. The faculty, on the other hand, issued
a memorial in favour of liberty of public teaching, and the
curators filled the vacancies again with union theologians.
When in April, 1862, it was proposed to displace the state
catechism introduced in 1790, which neither theologically nor
catechetically satisfied the needs of the church, by a carefully
sifted revision of the Walther catechism in use before 1790,
approved of by the Göttingen faculty, the agitation of the
liberal party called forth an opposition, especially in city
populations, which expressed itself in insults to members of
consistories and pastors, and in almost daily repeated bloody
street fights with the military, and obliged the government at
last to give way.--The negotiations about a concordat with Rome
reached up further in 1824 than obtaining the circumscription
bull _Impensa Romanorum_, by which the Catholic church obtained
two bishoprics, those of Hildesheim and Osnabrück.--In 1886,
Hanover was incorporated with the kingdom of Prussia (§ 193, 8).
§ 194.4. =Hesse.=--Landgrave Maurice, 1592-1627, had forced upon
his territories a modified Melanchthonian Calvinism (§ 154, 1),
but a Lutheran basis with Lutheran modes of viewing things and
Lutheran institutions still remained, and the Lutheran reaction
had never been completely overcome, not even in Lower Hesse,
although there the name of the Reformed Church with Reformed
modes of worship had been gradually introduced in most of the
congregations. The communities of Upper Hesse and Schmalcald,
however, by continuous opposition saved for the most part their
Lutheranism, which in 1648 was guaranteed to them anew by the
Darmstadt Recess, and secured an independent form of church
government in the Definitorium at Marburg. The union movement,
which issued from Prussia in 1817, met with favour also in Hesse,
but only in the province of Hanau in 1818 got the length of a
formal constituting of a church on the basis of the union. In
1821, however, the elector issued the so-called Reorganization
edict, by which the entire evangelical church of the electorate,
without any reference to the confession status, but simply in
accordance with the political divisions of the state, was put
under the newly instituted consistories of Cassel, Marburg,
and Hanau, in the formation of which the confession of the
inhabitants had not been considered. The Marburg Definitorium
indeed protested, but in vain, against this despotic act, which
was felt a grievance, less on account of the wiping out of the
confession than on account of the loss of independent church
government which it occasioned. The government appointed pastors,
teachers and professors without enquiring much about their
confession. In 1838 the hitherto required subscription of the
clergy to the confessional writings, the Augsburg Confession and
its Apology, was modified into a formula declaring conscientious
regard for them. But in this Bickell, professor of law at Marburg,
saw a loss to the church in legal status, an endangering of the
evangelical church; the theological professor, Hupfeld, also
in the further course of the controversy took his side, while
the advocate, Henkel, in Cassel, as a popular agitator opposed
him and demanded a State Synod for the formal abolishing of all
symbolical books. The government ignored both demands, and the
vehement conflict was quieted by degrees. With 1850 a new era
began in the keen controversy over the question, which confession,
whether Lutheran or Reformed, was legally and actually that
of the state. The ministry of Hassenpflug from 1850, which
suppressed the revolution, considered it as legally the Lutheran,
and determined the ecclesiastical arrangements in this sense,
and in this course Dr. Vilmar, member of the Consistory, was the
minister’s right hand. But the elector was from the beginning
personally opposed to this procedure, and on the overthrow of
the ministry in 1855, Vilmar (died 1868) was also transferred to
a theological professorship at Marburg. This, however, only gave
a new impulse to the confessional Lutheran movement in the state,
for the spirit and tendency of the highly revered theological
teacher powerfully influenced the younger generation of the
Hessian clergy. In consequence of the German war, Hesse was
annexed to Prussia in 1866 (§ 193, 9).--On the Catholic church
in this state, compare § 196, 1.
§ 194.5. =Brunswick, Oldenburg, Anhalt, and Lippe-Detmold.=--Much
ado was made also in =Brunswick= over the introduction of a new
constitution for the Lutheran state church in 1869, and at last
in 1871 a synodal ordinance was passed by which the State Synod,
consisting of fourteen clerical and eighteen lay members, was
to meet every four years, so as not to be a too offensive factor
in the ecclesiastical administration and legislation, which
therefore has left untouched the content of the confession. The
first synod of 1872 began by rejecting the injunction to open
the sessions with prayer and reading of scripture. =Oldenburg=,
which in 1849, by a synod whose membership had been chosen by the
original electorate, had been favoured with a democratic church
constitution wholly separate from the state, accepted in 1854
without opposition a new constitution which restored the headship
of the church to the territorial lords, the administration of the
church to a Supreme Church Council and ecclesiastical legislation
to a State Synod consisting of clerical and lay members.--The
prince in the exercise of his sovereign rights gave a charter
in 1878 to the evangelical church of the Duchy of =Anhalt= to
a synodal ordinance which, though approved by the _Vorsynode_ of
1876, had been rejected by parliament, and afterwards it gained
the assent of the national representatives.--In the Reformed
=Lippe-Detmold= there were in 1844 still five preachers who,
wearied of the illuminationist catechism of the state church, had
gone back to the Heidelberg catechism and protested against the
abolition of acceptance on oath of the symbols, as destructive
of the peace of the church. The democratic church constitution
of 1851, however, was abrogated in 1854, and instead of it, the
old Reformed church order of 1684 was again made law. At the same
time, religious pardon and equality were guaranteed to Catholics
and Lutherans. The first Reformed State Synod was constituted
in 1878.
§ 194.6. =Mecklenburg.=--Mecklenburg-Schwerin from 1848 was
in possession of a strictly Lutheran church government under
the direction of Kliefoth, and its university at Rostock
had decidedly Lutheran theologians. When the chamberlain Von
Kettenburg, on going over to the Catholic church, appointed
a Catholic priest on his estate, the government in 1852, on
the ground that the laws of the state did not allow Catholic
services which extended beyond simple family worship, held that
he had overstepped the limits. A complaint, in reference thereto,
presented to the parliament and then to the German _Bund_, was
in both cases thrown out. Even in 1863 the Rostock magistrates
refused to allow tower and bells in the building of a Catholic
church.--An extraordinary excitement was caused by the removal
from office in January, 1858, of Professor M. Baumgarten of
Rostock. An examination paper set by him on 2 Kings xi. by which
the endeavour was made to win scripture sanction for a violent
revolution, obliged the government even in 1856 to remove him
from the theological examination board. At the same time his
polemic addressed to a pastoral conference at Parchim, against
the doctrine of the Mecklenburg state catechism on the ceremonial
law, especially in reference to the sanctification of the Sabbath,
increased the distrust which the clergy of the state, on account
of his writings, had entertained against his theological position
as one which, from a fanatical basis, diverged on all sides into
fundamental antagonism to the confession and the ordinances of
the Lutheran state church. The government finally deposed him
in 1858 (leaving him, however, in possession of his whole salary,
also of the right of public teaching), on the ground and after
the publication of a judgment of the consistory which found him
guilty of heretical alteration of all the fundamental doctrines
of the Christian faith and the Lutheran confession, and sought to
prove this verdict from his writings. As might have been foreseen,
this step was followed by a loud outcry by all journals; but even
Lutherans, like Von Hofmann, Von Scheurl [Scheuerl], and Luthardt,
objected to the proceedings of the government as exceeding the
law laid down by the ecclesiastical ordinance and the opinion
of the consistory as resting upon misunderstanding, arbitrary
supposition and inconsequent conclusion.
§ 195. BAVARIA.
Catholic Bavaria, originally an electorate, but raised in 1806, by
Napoleon’s favour, into a royal sovereignty, to which had been adjudged
by the Vienna Congress considerable territories in Franconia and the
Palatine of the Rhine with a mainly Protestant population, attempted
under Maximilian Joseph (IV.) I., after the manner of Napoleon,
despotically to pass a liberal system of church polity, but found
itself obliged again to yield, and under Louis I. became again the
chief retreat of Roman Catholic ecclesiasticism of the most pronounced
ultramontane pattern. It was under the noble and upright king,
Maximilian II., that the evangelical church of the two divisions of
the kingdom, numbering two-thirds of the population, first succeeded in
securing the unrestricted use of their rights. Nevertheless, Catholic
Bavaria remained, or became, the unhappy scene of the wildest demagogic
agitation of the Catholic clergy and of the Bavarian “Patriots” who
played their game, whose patriotism consisted only in mad hatred of
Prussia and fanatical ultramontanism. Yet King Louis II., after the
brilliant successes of the Franco-German war, could not object to the
proposal of November 30th, 1870, to found a new German empire under a
Prussian and therefore a Protestant head.
§ 195.1. =The Bavarian Ecclesiastical Polity under Maximilian I.,
1799-1825.=--Bavaria boasted with the most unfeigned delight
after the uprooting of Protestantism in its borders as then
defined (§ 151, 1), that it was the most Catholic, _i.e._ the
most ultramontane and most bigoted, of German-speaking lands, and,
after a short break in this tradition by Maximilian Joseph III.
(§ 165, 10), went forth again with full sail, under Charles
Theodore, 1777-1779, on the old course. But the thoroughly
new aspect which this state assumed on the overthrow of the
old German empire, demanded an adapting territorially of the
civil and ecclesiastical life in accordance with the relations
which it owed to its present political position. The new elector
Maximilian Joseph IV., who as king styled himself Maximilian I.,
transferred the execution of this task to his liberal, energetic,
and thoroughly fearless minister, Count Montgelas, 1799-1817.
In January, 1802, it was enacted that all cloisters should
be suppressed, and that all cathedral foundations should be
secularized; and these enactments were immediately carried out
in an uncompromising manner. Even in 1801 the qualification
of Protestants to exercise the rights of Bavarian citizens
was admitted, and a religious edict of 1803 guaranteed to all
Christian confessions full equality of civil and political
privileges. To the clergy was given the control of education,
and to the gymnasia and universities a considerable number of
foreigners and Protestants received appointments. In all respects
the sovereignty of the state over the church and the clergy was
very decidedly expressed, the episcopate at all points restricted
in its jurisdiction, the training of the clergy regulated
and supervised on behalf of the state, the patronage of all
pastorates and benefices usurped by the government, even
public worship subjected to state control by the prohibition
of superstitious practices, etc. But amid many other infelicities
of this autocratic procedure was specially the gradual dying out
of the old race of bishops, which obliged the government to seek
again an understanding with Rome; and so it actually happened
in June, 1817, after Montgelas’ dismissal, that a concordat was
drawn up. By this the Roman Catholic apostolic religion secured
throughout the whole kingdom those rights and prerogatives which
were due to it according to divine appointment and canonical
ordinances, which, strictly taken, meant supremacy throughout the
land. In addition, two archbishoprics and seven bishoprics were
instituted, the restoration of several cloisters was agreed to,
and the unlimited administration of theological seminaries, the
censorship of books, the superintendance of public schools and
free correspondence with the holy see were allowed to the bishops.
On the other hand, the king was given the choice of bishops (to
be confirmed by the pope), the nomination of a great part of
the priests and canons, and the _placet_ for all hierarchical
publications. After many vain endeavours to obtain amendments,
the king at last, on October 17th, ratified this concordat;
but, to mollify his highly incensed Protestant subjects, he
delayed the publication of it till the proclamation of the new
civil constitution on May 18th following. The concordat was
then adopted, as an appendage to an edict setting forth the
ecclesiastical supremacy of the state, securing perfect freedom
of conscience to all subjects, as well as equal civil rights to
members of the three Christian confessions, and demanding from
them equal mutual respect. The irreconcilableness of this edict
with the concordat was evident, and the newly appointed bishops
as well as the clerical parliamentary deputies, declared by papal
instruction that they could not take the oath to the constitution
without reservation, until the royal statement of Tegernsee,
September 21st, that the oath taken by Catholic subjects simply
referred to civil relations, and that the concordat had also the
validity of a law of the state, induced the curia to agree to
it. But the government nevertheless continued to insist as before
upon the supremacy of the state over the church, enlarged the
claims of the royal _placet_, put the free intercourse with
Rome again under state control, arbitrarily disposed of church
property and supervised the theological examinations of the
seminarists, made the appointment of all clergy dependent on
its approbation, and refused to be misled in anything by the
complaints and objections of the bishops.
§ 195.2. =The Bavarian Ecclesiastical Polity under Louis I.,
1825-1848.=--Zealous Catholic as the new king was, he still
held with unabated tenacity to the sovereign rights of the crown,
and the extreme ultramontane ministry of Von Abel from 1837
was the first to wring from him any relaxations, _e.g._ the
reintroduction of free intercourse between the bishops and the
holy see without any state control. But it could not obtain the
abolition of the _placet_, and just as little the eagerly sought
permission of the return of the Jesuits. On the other hand the
allied order of Redemptorists was allowed, whose missions among
the Bavarian people, however, the king soon made dependent
on a permission to be from time to time renewed. His tolerant
disposition toward the Protestants was shown in 1830, by his
refusing the demand of the Catholic clergy for a Reverse in
mixed marriages, and recognising Protestant sponsors at Catholic
baptisms. But yet his honourable desire to be just even to
the Protestants of his realm was often paralysed, partly by
his own ultramontane sympathies, partly and mainly by the
immense influence of the Abel ministry, and the religious
freedom guaranteed them by law in 1818 was reduced and restricted.
Among other things the Protestant press was on all sides gagged
by the minister, while the Catholic press and preaching enjoyed
unbridled liberty. Great as the need was in southern Bavaria the
government had strictly forbidden the taking of any aid from the
_Gustavus Adolphus Verein_. Louis saw even in the name of this
society a slight thrown on the German name, and was specially
offended at its vague, nearly negative attitude towards the
confession. Yet he had no hesitation in affording an asylum in
Catholic Bavaria to the Lutheran confessor Scheibel (§ 177, 2)
whom Prussian diplomacy had driven out of Lutheran Saxony,
and did not prevent the university of Erlangen, after its dead
orthodoxy had been reawakened by the able Reformed preacher
Krafft (died 1845), becoming the centre of a strict Lutheran
church consciousness in life as well as science for all
Germany. The adoration order of 1838, which required even the
Protestant soldiers to kneel before the host as a military salute,
occasioned great discontent among the Protestant population,
and many controversial pamphlets appeared on both sides. When
finally the parliament in 1845 took up the complaint of the
Protestants, a royal proclamation followed by which the usually
purely military salute formerly in use was restored. In 1847 the
ultramontane party, with Abel at its head, fell into disfavour
with the king, on account of its honourable attitude in the
scandal which the notorious Lola Montez caused in the circle of
the Bavarian nobility; but in 1848 Louis was obliged, through the
revolutionary storm that burst over Bavaria, to resign the crown.
§ 195.3. =The Bavarian Ecclesiastical Polity under Maximilian II.,
1848-1864, and Louis II.= (died 1886).--Much more thoroughly
than his father did Maximilian II. strive to act justly toward
the Protestant as well as the Catholic church, without however
abating any of the claims of constitutional supremacy on the
part of the state. In consequence of the Würzburg negotiations
(§ 192, 4), the Bavarian bishops assembled at Freysing, in
November, 1850, presented a memorial, in which they demanded the
withdrawal of the religious edict included in the constitution
of 1818, as in all respects prejudicial to the rights of the
church granted by the concordat, and set forth in particular
those points which were most restrictive to the free and
proper development of the catholic church. The result was
the publication in April, 1852, of a rescript which, while
maintaining all the principles of state administration hitherto
followed, introduced in detail various modifications, which,
on the renewal of the complaints in 1854, were somewhat further
increased as the fullest and final measure of surrender.--The
change brought about 1866 in the relation of Bavaria to North
Germany led the government under Louis II. to introduce liberal
reforms, and the offensive and defensive alliance which the
government concluded with the heretical Prussia, the failure of
all attempts on the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian war to force
it in violation of treaty to maintain neutrality, and then to
prevent Bavaria becoming part of the new German empire founded in
1871 at the suggestion of her own king, roused to the utmost the
wrath of the Bavarian clerical patriots. In the conflicts of the
German government, in 1872, against the intolerable assumptions,
claims and popular tumults of the ultramontane clergy, the
department of public worship, led by Lutz, inclined to take
an energetic part. But this was practically limited to the
passing of the so-called _Kanzelparagraphen_ (§ 197, 4) in
the _Reichstag_. Comp. § 197, 14.
§ 195.4. =Attempts at Reorganization of the Lutheran
Church.=--Since 1852, Dr. von Harless (§ 182, 13), as president
of the upper consistory at Munich, stood at the head of the
Lutheran church of Bavaria. Under his presidency the general
synod at Baireuth in 1853 showed a vigorous activity in the
reorganization of the church. On the basis of its proceedings
the upper consistory ordered the introduction of an admirable
new hymnbook. This occasioned considerable disagreement. But when,
in 1856, the upper consistory issued a series of enactments on
worship and discipline, a storm, originating in Nuremberg, burst
forth in the autumn of that same year, which raged over the whole
kingdom and attacked even the state church itself. The king was
assailed with petitions, and the spiritual courts went so far in
faint-heartedness as to put the acceptance and non-acceptance of
its ordinances to the vote of the congregations. Meanwhile the
time had come for calling another general synod (1857). An order
of the king as head of the church abolished the union of the
two state synods in a general synod which had existed since 1849,
and forbad all discussion of matters of discipline. Hence instead
of one, two synods assembled, the one in October at Anspach, the
other in November at Baireuth. Both, consisting of equal numbers
of lay and clerical members, maintained a moderate attitude,
relinquishing none of the privileges of the church or the
prerogatives of the upper consistory, and yet contributed greatly
to the assuaging of the prevalent excitement. Also the lay and
clerical members of the subsequent reunited general synods held
every fourth year for the most part co-operated successfully
on moderate church lines. The synod held at Baireuth in 1873
unanimously rejected an address sent from Augsburg inspired by
“Protestant Union” sympathies, as to their mind “for the most
part indistinct and where distinct unevangelical.”
§ 195.5. =The Church of the Union in the Palatine of the
Rhine.=--In the Bavarian =Palatine of the Rhine= the union had
been carried out in 1818 on the understanding that the symbolical
books of both confessions should be treated with due respect, but
no other standard recognised than holy scripture. When therefore
the Erlangen professor, Dr. Rust, in 1832 appeared in the
consistory at Spires and the court for that time had endeavoured
to fill up the Palatine union with positive Christian contents,
204 clerical and lay members of the Diocesan Synod presented
to the assembly of the states of the realm, opportunely meeting
in 1837, a complaint against the majority of the consistory.
As this memorial yielded practically no result, the opposition
wrought all the more determinedly for the severance of the
Palatine church from the Munich Upper Consistory. This was first
accomplished in the revolutionary year 1848. An extraordinary
general synod brought about the separation, and gave to the
country a new democratic church constitution. But the reaction
of the blow did not stop there. The now independent consistory at
Spires, from 1853 under the leadership of Ebrard, convened in the
autumn of that year a general synod, which made the _Augustana
Variata_ of 1540 as representing the consensus between the
_Augustana_ of 1530 and the Heidelberg as well as the Lutheran
catechism, the confessional standard of the Palatine church,
and set aside the democratic election law of 1848. When now the
consistory, purely at the instance of the general synod of 1853,
submitted to the diocesan synod in 1856 the proofs of a new
hymnbook, the liberal party poured out its bitter indignation
upon the system of doctrine which it was supposed to favour.
But the diocesan synods admitted the necessity of introducing
a new hymnbook and the suitability of the sketch submitted,
recommending, however, its further revision so that the recension
of the text might be brought up to date and that an appendix
of 150 new hymns might be added. The hymnbook thus modified was
published in 1859, and its introduction into church use left to
the judgment of presbyteries, while its use in schools and in
confirmation instruction was insisted upon forthwith. This called
forth protest after protest. The government wished from the
first to support the synodal decree, but in presence of growing
disturbance, changed its attitude, recommended the consistory
to observe decided moderation so as to restore peace, and
in February, 1861, called a general synod which, however, in
consequence of the prevailingly strict ecclesiastical tendencies
of its members, again expressed itself in favour of the new
hymnbook. Its conclusions were meanwhile very unfavourably
received by the government. Ebrard sought and obtained liberty
to resign, and even at the next synod, in 1869, the consistory
went hand in hand with the liberal majority.
§ 196. THE SOUTH GERMAN SMALLER STATES AND
RHENISH ALSACE AND LORRAINE.
The Protestant princely houses of South Germany had by the Lüneville
[Luneville] Peace obtained such an important increase of Catholic
subjects, that they had to make it their first care to arrange their
delicate relations by concluding a concordat with the papal curia in a
manner satisfactory to state and church. But all negotiations broke down
before the exorbitant claims of Rome, until the political restoration
movements of 1850 led to modifications of them hitherto undreamed of.
The concordats concluded during this period were not able to secure
enforcement over against the liberal current that had set in with
redoubled power in 1860, and so one thing after another was thrown
overboard. Even in the Protestant state churches this current made
itself felt in the persistent efforts, which also proved successful, to
secure the restoration of a representative synodal constitution which
would give to the lay element in the congregations a decided influence.
§ 196.1. =The Upper Rhenish Church Province.=--The governments
of the South German States gathered in 1818 at Frankfort, to
draw up a common concordat with Rome. But owing to the utterly
extravagant pretensions nothing further was reached than a new
delimitation in the bull “_Provida sollersque_,” 1821, of the
bishoprics in the so-called Upper Rhenish Church Province: the
archbishopric of Freiburg for Baden and the two Hohenzollern
principalities, the bishoprics of Mainz for Hesse-Darmstadt,
Fulda for Hesse-Cassel, Rottenburg for Württemberg, Limburg for
Nassau and Frankfort; and even this was given effect to only
in 1827, after long discussions, with the provision (bull _Ad
dominicæ gregis custodiam_) that the choice of the bishops should
issue indeed from the chapter, but that the territorial lord
might strike out objectionable names in the list of candidates
previously submitted to him. The actual equality of Protestants
and Catholics which the pope had not been able to allow in the
concordat, was now in 1880 proclaimed by the princes as the
law of the land. Papal and episcopal indulgences had to receive
approval before their publication; provincial and diocesan
synods could be held only with approval of the government and
in presence of the commissioners of the prince; taxes could not
be imposed by any ecclesiastical court; appeal could be made to
the civil court against abuse of spiritual power; those preparing
for the priesthood should receive scientific training at the
universities, practical training in the seminaries for priests,
etc. The pope issued a brief in which he characterized these
conditions as scandalous novelties, and reminded the bishops of
Acts v. 29. But only the Bishop of Fulda followed this advice,
with the result that the Catholic theological faculty at Marburg
was after a short career closed again, and the education of the
priests given over to the seminary at Fulda. Hesse-Darmstadt
founded a theological faculty at Giessen in 1830; Baden had one
already in Freiburg, and Würtemberg [Württemberg] had in 1817
affiliated the faculty at Ellwanger with the university of
Tübingen, and endowed it with the revenues of a rich convent. In
all these faculties alongside of rigorous scientific exactness
there prevailed a noble liberalism without the surrender of
the fundamental Catholic faith. The revolutionary year, 1848,
first gave the bishops the hope of a successful struggle for
the unconditional freedom of the church. In order to enforce the
Würzburg decrees (§ 192, 4), the five bishops issued in 1851 a
joint memorial. As the governments delayed their answer, they
declared in 1852 that they would immediately act as if all had
been granted them; and when at last the answer came, on most
points unfavourable, they said in 1853, that, obeying God rather
than man, they would proceed wholly in accordance with canon law.
§ 196.2. =The Catholic Troubles in Baden down to 1873.=--The
Grand Duchy of Baden, with two-thirds of its population Catholic,
where in 1848 the revolution had shattered all the foundations
of the state, and where besides a young ruler had taken the
reins of government in his hands only in 1852, seemed in spite
of the widely prevalent liberality of its clergy, the place best
fitted for such an attempt. The Archbishop of Freiburg, =Herm.
von Vicari=, in 1852, now in his eighty-first year, began by
arbitrarily stopping, on the evening of May 9th, the obsequies of
the deceased grand-duke appointed by the Catholic Supreme Church
Council for May 10th, prohibiting at the same time the saying
of mass for the dead (_pro omnibus defunctis_) usual at Catholic
burials, but in Baden and Bavaria hitherto not refused even to
Protestant princes. More than one hundred priests, who disobeyed
the injunction, were sentenced to perform penances. In the
following year he openly declared that he would forthwith carry
out the demands of the episcopal memorial, and did so immediately
by appointing priests in the exercise of absolute authority;
and by holding entrance examinations to the seminary without
the presence of royal commissioners as required by law. As a
warning remained unheeded, the government issued the order that
all episcopal indulgences must before publication be subscribed
by a grand-ducal special commissioner appointed for the purpose.
Against him, as well as against all the members of the Supreme
Church Council, the archbishop proclaimed the ban, issued a
fulminating pastoral letter, which was to have been read with
the excommunication in all churches, and ordered preaching for
four weeks for the instruction of the people on these matters.
At the same time he solemnly protested against all supremacy
of the state over the church. The government drove the Jesuits
out of the country, forbad the reading of the pastoral, and
punished disobedient priests with fines and imprisonment.
But the archbishop, spurred on by Ketteler, Bishop of Mainz,
advanced more boldly and recklessly than ever. In May, 1854,
the government introduced a criminal process against him,
during the course of which he was kept prisoner in his own house.
The attempts of his party to arouse the Catholic population
by demonstrations had no serious result. At the close of the
investigation the archbishop was released from his confinement
and continued the work as before. The government, however, still
remained firm, and punished every offence. In June, 1855, however,
a provisional agreement was published, and finally in June, 1859,
a formal concordat, the bull _Æterni patris_, was concluded with
Rome, its concessions to the archbishop almost exceeding even
those of Austria (§ 198, 2). In spite of ministerial opposition
the second chamber in March, 1860, brought up the matter before
its tribunal, repudiated the right of the government to conclude
a convention with Rome without the approbation of the states of
the realm, and forbad the grand-duke to enforce it. He complied
with this demand, dismissed the ministry, insisted, in answer
to the papal protest, on his obligation to respect the rights of
the constitution, and on October 9th, 1860, sanctioned jointly
with the chambers a law on the legal position of the Catholic and
Protestant churches in the state. The archbishop indeed declared
that the concordat could not be abolished on one side, and still
retain the force of law, but in presence of the firm attitude
of the government he desisted, and satisfied himself with giving
in 1861 a grudging acquiescence, by which he secured to himself
greater independence than before in regard to imposing of dues
and administration of the church property. Conflicts with the
archbishop, however, and with the clerical minority in the
chamber, still continued. The archbishop died in 1868. His see
remained vacant, as the chapter and the government could not
agree about the list of candidates; the interim administration
was carried on by the vicar-general, Von Kübel (died 1881),
as administrator of the archdiocese, quite in the spirit of
his predecessor. The law of October 9th, 1860, had prescribed
evidence of general scientific culture as a condition of
appointment to an ecclesiastical office in the Protestant as well
as the Catholic church. Later ordinances required in addition:
Possession of Baden citizenship, having passed a favourable
examination on leaving the university, a university course of at
least two and half years, attendance upon at least three courses
of lectures in the philosophical faculty, and finally also an
examination before a state examining board, within one and half
years of the close of the university curriculum, in the Latin
and Greek languages, history of philosophy, general history,
and the history of German literature (later also the so called
_Kulturexamen_). The Freiburg curia, however, protested, and in
1867 forbad clergy and candidates to submit to this examination
or to seek a dispensation from it. The result was, that forthwith
no clergymen could be definitely appointed, but up to 1874 no
legal objection was made to interim appointments of parochial
administrators. The educational law of 1868 abolished the
confessional character of the public schools. In 1869 state
recognition was withdrawn from the festivals of Corpus Christi,
the holy apostles, and Mary, as also, on the other hand, from the
festivals of Maundy Thursday and Good Friday. In 1870 obligatory
civil marriage was introduced, while all compulsion to observe
the baptismal, confirmational, and funeral rites of the church
was abolished, and a law on the legal position of benevolent
institutions was passed to withdraw these as much as possible
from the administration of the ecclesiastical authorities. On
the subsequent course of events in Baden, see § 197, 14.
§ 196.3. =The Protestant Troubles in Baden.=--The union of the
Lutheran and Reformed churches was carried out in the Grand Duchy
of Baden in 1821. It recognised the normative significance of the
_Augustana_, as well as the Lutheran and Heidelberg catechisms,
in so far as by it the free examination of scripture as the
only source of Christian faith, is again expressly demanded
and applied. A synod of 1834 provided this state church with
union-rationalistic agenda, hymnbook, and catechism. When there
also a confessional Lutheran sentiment began again in the
beginning of 1850 to prevail, the church of the union opposed
this movement by gensdarmes, imprisonment and fines. The pastor
Eichhorn, and later also the pastor Ludwig, with a portion
of their congregations left the state church and attached
themselves to the Breslau Upper Church Conference, but amid
police interference could minister to their flocks only under
cloud of night. After long refusal the grand-duke at last in
1854 permitted the separatists the choice of a Lutheran pastor,
but persistently refused to recognise Eichhorn as such. Pastor
Haag, who would not give up the Lutheran distribution formula
at the Lord’s supper, was after solemn warning deposed in 1855.
On the other hand the positive churchly feeling became more
and more pronounced in the state church itself. In 1854 the old
rationalist members of the Supreme Church Council were silenced,
and Ullmann of Heidelberg was made president. Under his auspices
a general synod of 1855 presented a sketch of new church and
school books on the lines of the union consensus, with an
endeavour also to be just to the Lutheran views. The grand-duke
confirmed the decision and the country was silent. But when in
1858 the Supreme Church Council, on the ground of the Synodal
decision of 1855, promulgated the general introduction of a
new church book, a violent storm broke out through the country
against the liturgical novelties contained therein (extension
of the liturgy by confession of sin and faith, collects,
responses, Scripture reading, kneeling at the supper, the making
a confession of their faith by sponsors), the Heidelberg faculty,
with Dr. Schenkel at its head, leading the opposition in the
Supreme Church Council. Yet Hundeshagen, who in the synod had
opposed the introduction of a new agenda, entered the lists
against Schenkel and others as the apologist of the abused church
book. The grand-duke then decided that no congregation should be
obliged to adopt the new agenda, while the introduction of the
shorter and simpler form of it was recommended. The agitations
these awakened caused its rejection by most of the congregations.
Meanwhile in consequence of the concordat revolution in 1860, a
new liberal ministry had come into power, and the government now
presented to the chambers a series of thoroughly liberal schemes
for regulating the affairs of the evangelical church, which
were passed by large majorities. Toward the end of the year the
government, by deposing the Supreme Church Councillor Heintz,
began to assume the patronage of the supreme ecclesiastical court.
Ullmann and Bähr tendered their resignations, which were accepted.
The new liberal Supreme Church Council, including Holtzmann,
Rothe, etc., now published a sketch of a church constitution on
the lines of ecclesiastical constitutionalism, which with slight
modifications the synod of July, 1861, adopted and the grand-duke
confirmed. It provided for annual diocesan synods of lay and
clerical members, and a general synod every five years. The
latter consists of twenty-four clerical and twenty-four lay
members, and six chosen by the grand-duke, besides the prelate,
and is represented in the interval by a standing committee of
four members, who have also a seat and vote in the Supreme Church
Council.--Dr. Schenkel’s “_Leben Jesu_” of 1864 led the still
considerable party among the evangelical clergy who adhered to
the doctrine of the church to agitate for his removal from his
position as director of the Evangelical Pastors’ Seminary at
Heidelberg; but it resulted only in this, that no one was obliged
to attend his lectures. The second synod, held almost a year
behind time in 1867, passed a liberal ordination formula. At the
next synod in 1871, the orthodox pietistic party had evidently
become stronger, but was still overborne by the liberal party,
whose strength was in the lay element. Meanwhile a praiseworthy
moderation prevailed on both sides, and an effort was made
to work together as peaceably as possible.--In Heidelberg a
considerable number attached to the old faith, dissatisfied
with the preaching of the four “Free Protestant” city pastors,
after having been in 1868 refused their request for the joint use
of a city church for private services in accordance with their
religious convictions (§ 180, 1), had built for this purpose a
chapel of their own, in which numerously attended services were
held under the direction of Professor Frommel of the gymnasium.
When a vacancy occurred in one of the pastorates in 1880, this
believing minority, anxious for the restoration of unity and
peace, as well as the avoidance of the separation, asked to
have Professor Frommel appointed to the charge. At a preliminary
assembly of twenty-one liberal church members this proposal was
warmly supported by the president, Professor Bluntschli, by all
the theological professors, with the exception of Schenkel and
eighteen other liberal voters, and agreed to by the majority of
the two hundred liberals constituting the assembly. But when the
formal election came round the proposal was lost by twenty-seven
to fifty-one votes.
§ 196.4. =Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau.=--In 1819 the government
of the Grand Duchy of =Hesse= recommended the union of all
=Protestant= communities under one confession. Rhenish Hesse
readily agreed to this, and there in 1822 the union was
accomplished. In the other provinces, however, it did not take
effect, although by the rationalism fostered at Giessen among the
clergy and by the popular current of thought in the communities,
the Lutheran as well as the Reformed confession had been robbed
of all significance. But since 1850 even there a powerful
Lutheran reaction among the younger clergy, zealously furthered
by a section of the aristocracy of the state, set in, especially
in the district on the right bank of the Rhine, which has eagerly
opposed the equally eager struggles of the liberal party to
introduce a liberal synodal representative constitution for the
evangelical church of the whole state. These endeavours, however,
were frustrated, and at an extraordinary state synod of 1873, on
all controverted questions, the middle party gave their vote in
favour of the absorptive union. The state church was declared
to be the united church. The clause that had been added to the
government proposal: “Without prejudice to the status of the
confessions of the several communities,” was dropped; the place
of residence and not the confession was that which determined
qualifications in the community; the ordination now expressed
obligation to the Reformation confessions generally, etc. The
members of the minority broke off their connection with the
synod, and seventy-seven pastors presented to the synod a protest
against its decisions. The grand-duke then, on the basis of
these deliberations, gave forthwith a charter to the church
constitution, in which indeed the Lutheran, Reformed, and United
churches were embraced in one evangelical state church with
a common church government; but still also, by restoring the
phrase struck out by the synod from § 1, the then existing
confessional status of the several communities was preserved and
the confession itself declared beyond the range of legislation.
Yet fifteen Lutheran pastors represented that they could not
conscientiously accept this, and the upper consistory hastened to
remove them from office shortly before the shutting of the gates,
_i.e._, before July 1st, 1875, when by the new law (§ 197, 15)
depositions of clergy would belong only to the supreme civil
court. The opposing congregations now declared, in 1877, their
withdrawal from the state church, and constituted themselves as
a “free Lutheran church in Hesse.”--The =Catholic= church in the
Grand Duchy of Hesse, had under the peaceful bishops of Mainz,
Burg (died 1833) and Kaiser (died 1849), caused the government no
trouble. But it was otherwise after Kaiser’s death. Rome rejected
Professor Leopold Schmid of Giessen, favoured at Darmstadt
and regularly elected by the chapter (§ 187, 3), and the
government yielded to the appointment of the violent ultramontane
Westphalian, Baron von Ketteler. His first aim was the extinction
of the Catholic faculty at Giessen (§ 191, 2); he rested not
until the last student had been transferred from it to the
newly erected seminary at Mainz (1851). No less energetic and
successful were his endeavours to free the Catholic church from
the supremacy of the state in accordance with the Upper Rhenish
episcopal memorial. The Dalwigk ministry, in 1854, concluded a
“provisional agreement” with the bishop, which secured to him
unlimited autonomy and sovereignty in all ecclesiastical matters,
and, to satisfy the pope with his desiderata, these privileges
were still further extended in 1856. To this convention, first
made publicly known in 1860, the ministry, in spite of all
addresses and protests, adhered with unfaltering tenacity,
although long convinced of its consequences. The political events
of 1886, however, led the grand-duke in September of that year
to abrogate the hateful convention. But the minister as well
as the bishop considered this merely to refer to the episcopal
convention of 1850, and treated the agreement with the pope of
1856 as always still valid. So everything went on in the old way,
even after Ketteler’s supreme influence in the state had been
broken by the overthrow of Dalwigk in 1871. Comp. § 197, 15.--The
Protestant church in the Duchy of =Nassau= attached itself to
the union in 1817. The conflict in the Upper Rhenish church
overflowed even into this little province. The Bishop of Limburg,
in opposition to law and custom, appointed Catholic clergy on
his own authority, and excommunicated the Catholic officers
who supported the government, while the government arrested the
temporalities and instituted criminal proceedings against bishop
and chapter. After the conclusion of the Württemberg and Baden
concordats, the government showed itself disposed to adopt a
similar way out of the conflict, and in spite of all opposition
from the States concluded in 1861 a convention with the bishop,
by which almost all his hierarchical claims were admitted. Thus
it remained until the incorporation of Nassau in the Prussian
kingdom in 1866.
§ 196.5. In =Protestant Württemberg= a religious movement among
the people reached a height such as it attained nowhere else.
Pietism, chiliasm, separatism, the holding of conventicles,
etc., assumed formidable dimensions; solid science, philosophical
culture, and then also philosophical and destructive critical
tendencies issuing from Tübingen affected the clergy of this
state. Dissatisfaction with various novelties in the liturgy,
the hymnbook, etc., led many formally to separate from the
state church. After attempts at compulsion had proved fruitless,
the government allowed the malcontents under the organizing
leadership of the burgomaster, G. W. Hoffman (died 1846), to form
in 1818 the community of Kornthal, with an ecclesiastical and
civil constitution of its own after the apostolic type. Others
emigrated to South Russia and to North America (§ 211, 6, 7).
Out of the pastoral work of pastor Blumhardt at Möttlingen, who
earnestly preached repentance, there was developed, in connection
with the healing of a demoniac, which had been accompanied with a
great awakening in the community, the “gift” of healing the sick
by absolution and laying on of hands with contrite believing
prayer. Blumhardt, in order to afford this gift undisturbed
exercise, bought the Bad Boll near Göppingen, and officiated
there as pastor and miraculous healer in the way described. He
died in 1880.--After the way to a synodal representation of the
whole evangelical state church had been opened up in 1851 by
the introduction, according to a royal ordinance, of parochial
councils and diocesan synods, the consistory having also in
1858 published a scheme referring thereto, the whole business
was brought to a standstill, until at last in 1867, by means
of a royal edict, the calling of a State Synod consisting of
twenty-five clerical and as many lay members was ordered, and
consequently in February, 1869, such a synod met for the first
time. Co-operation in ecclesiastical legislation was assigned
to it as its main task, while it had also the right to advise
in regard to proposals about church government, also to make
suggestions and complaints on such matters, but the confession
of the evangelical church was not to be touched, and lay entirely
outside of its province. A liberal enactment with regard to
dissenters was sanctioned by the chamber in 1870.
§ 196.6. =The Catholic Church in Württemberg.=--Even after
the founding of the bishopric of Rottenberg [Rottenburg] the
government maintained strictly the previously exercised rights of
sovereignty over the Catholic church, to which almost one-third
of the population belonged, and the almost universally prevalent
liberalism of the Catholic clergy found in this scarcely any
offence. A new order of divine service in 1837, which, with the
approval of the episcopal council, recommended the introduction
of German hymns in the services, dispensing the sacraments in
the German language, restriction of the festivals, masses, and
private masses, processions, etc., did indeed cause riots in
several places, in which, however, the clergy took no part. But
when in 1837, in consequence of the excitement caused throughout
Catholic Germany by the Cologne conflict (§ 193, 1), the hitherto
only isolated cases of lawless refusal to consecrate mixed
marriages had increased, the government proceeded severely to
punish offending clergymen, and transported to a village curacy
a Tübingen professor, Mack, who had declared the compulsory
celebration unlawful. Called to account by the nuncio of Munich
for his indolence in all these affairs and severely threatened,
old Bishop Keller at last resolved, in 1841, to lay before
the chamber a formal complaint against the injury done to the
Catholic church, and to demand the freeing of the church from
the sovereignty of the state. In the second chamber this motion
was simply laid _ad acta_, but in the first it was recommended
that the king should consider it. The bishop, however, and the
liberal chapter could not agree as to the terms of the demand,
contradictory opinions were expressed, and things remained
as they were. But Bishop Keller fell into melancholy and died
in 1845. His successor took his stand upon the memorial and
declaration of the Upper Rhenish bishops, and immediately in 1853
began the conflict by forbidding his clergy, under threats of
severe censure, to submit as law required to civil examinations.
The government that had hitherto so firmly maintained its
sovereign rights, under pressure of the influence which a lady
very nearly related to the king exercised over him, gave in
without more ado, quieted the bishop first of all by a convention
in 1854, and then entered into negotiations with the Roman curia,
out of which came in 1857 a concordat proclaimed by the bull
_Cum in sublimi_, which, in surrender of a sovereign right of
the state over the affairs of the church, far exceeds that of
Austria (§ 198, 2). The government left unheeded all protests and
petitions from the chambers for its abolition. But the example
of Baden and the more and more decided tone of the opposition
obliged the government at last to yield. The second chamber
in 1861 decreed the abrogation of the concordat, and a royal
rescript declared it abolished. In the beginning of 1862 a bill
was submitted by the new ministry and passed into law by both
chambers for determining the relations of the Catholic church to
the state. The royal _placet_ or right of permitting or refusing,
is required for all clerical enactments which are not purely
inter-ecclesiastical but refer to mixed matters; the theological
endowments are subject to state control and joint administration;
boys’ seminaries are not allowed; clergymen appointed to office
must submit to state examination; according to consuetudinary
rights, about two-thirds of the benefices are filled by the
king, one-third by the bishops on reporting to the civil court,
which has the right of protest; clergy who break the law are
removable by the civil court, etc. The curia indeed lodged
a protest, but the for the most part peace-loving clergy reared,
not in the narrowing atmosphere of the seminaries but amid
the scientific culture of the university, in the halls of
Tübingen, submitted all the more easily as they found that in
all inter-ecclesiastical matters they had greater freedom and
independence under the concordat than before.
§ 196.7. =The Imperial Territory of Alsace and Lorraine
since 1871.=--After Alsace with German Lorraine had again, in
consequence of the Franco-Prussian war, been united to Germany
and as an imperial territory had been placed under the rule
of the new German emperor, the secretary of the Papal States,
Cardinal Antonelli, in the confident hope of being able to secure
in return the far more favourable conditions, rights and claims
of the Catholic church in Prussia with the autocracy of the
bishops unrestricted by the state, declared in a letter to the
Bishop of Strassburg, that the concordat of 1801 (§ 203, 1) was
annulled. But when the imperial government showed itself ready
to accept the renunciation, and to make profit out of it in the
opposite way from that intended, the cardinal hasted in another
letter to explain how by the incorporation with Germany a new
arrangement had become necessary, but that clearly the old must
remain in force until the new one has been promulgated. Also a
petition of the Catholic clergy brought to Berlin by the bishop
himself, which laid claim to this unlimited dominion over all
Catholic educational and benevolent institutions, failed of
its purpose. The clergy therefore wrought for this all the
more zealously by fanaticizing the Catholic people in favour of
French and against German interests. On the epidemic about the
appearance of the mother of God called forth in this way, see
§ 188, 7. In 1874 the government found itself obliged to close
the so-called “little seminaries,” or boys’ colleges, on account
of their fostering sentiments hostile to the empire. Yet in
1880 the newly appointed imperial governor, Field-marshal von
Manteuffel (died 1885), at the request of the States-Committee,
allowed Bishop Räss of Strassburg to reopen the seminary at
Zillisheim, with the proviso that his teachers should be approved
by the government, and that instruction in the German language
should be introduced. Manteuffel has endeavoured since, by
yielding favours to the France-loving Alsatians and Lorrainers,
and to their ultramontane clergy, to win them over to the idea of
the German empire, even to the evident sacrifice of the interests
of resident Germans and of the Protestant church. But such
fondling has wrought the very opposite result to that intended.
§ 197. THE SO-CALLED KULTURKAMPF IN THE GERMAN EMPIRE.[550]
Ultramontanism had for the time being granted to the Prussian state,
which had not only allowed it absolutely free scope but readily aided
its growth throughout the realm (§ 193, 2), an indulgence for that
offence which is in itself unatoneable, having a Protestant dynasty.
Pius IX. had himself repeatedly expressed his satisfaction at the
conduct of the government. But the league which Prussia made in 1866
with the “church-robbing Sub-alpine,” _i.e._ Italian, government, was
not at all to the taste of the curia. The day of Sadowa, 3rd July, 1866,
called from Antonelli the mournful cry, _Il mondo cessa_, “The world has
gone to ruin,” and the still more glorious day of Sedan, 2nd September,
1870, completely put the bottom out of the Danaid’s vessel of
ultramontane forbearance and endurance. This day, 18th January, 1871,
had as its result the overthrow of the temporal power of the papacy as
well the establishment of a new and hereditary German empire under the
Protestant dynasty of the Prussian Hohenzollerns. German ultramontanism
felt itself all the more under obligation to demand from the new
emperor as the first expiation for such uncanonical usurpation, the
reinstatement of the pope in his lost temporal power. But when he did
not respond to this demand, the ultramontane party, by means of the
press favourable to its claims, formally declared war against the German
empire and its governments, and applied itself systematically to the
mobilization of its entire forces. But the empire and its governments,
with Prussia in the van, with unceasing determination, supported by
the majority of the States’ representatives, during the years 1871-1875
proceeded against the ultramontanes by legislative measures. The
execution of these by the police and the courts of law, owing to the
stubborn refusal to obey on the part of the higher and lower clergy, led
to the formation of an opposition, commonly designated after a phrase
of the Prussian deputy, Professor Virchow, “_Kulturkampf_,” which was
in some degree modified first in 1887. The imperial chancellor, Prince
Bismarck, uttered at the outset the confident, self-assertive statement,
“We go not to Canossa,”--and even in 1880, when it seemed as if a
certain measure of submission was coming from the side of the papacy,
and the Prussian government also showed itself prepared to make
important concessions, he declared, “We shall not buy peace with Canossa
medals; such are not minted in Germany.” Since 1880, however, the
Prussian government with increasing compliance from year to year set
aside and modified the most oppressive enactments of the May laws, so as
actually to redress distresses and inconveniences occasioned by clerical
opposition to these laws, without being able thereby to obtain any
important concession on the part of the papal curia, until at last in
1887, after the government had carried concession to the utmost limit,
the pope put his seal to definitive terms of peace by admitting the
right of giving information on the part of the bishops regarding
appointments to vacant pastorates, as well as the right of protest
on the part of the government against those thus nominated.
§ 197.1. =The Aggression of Ultramontanism.=--Even in the
revolution year, 1848, German ultramontanism, in order to obtain
what it called the freedom of the church, had zealously seconded
many of the efforts of democratic radicalism. Nevertheless, in
the years of reaction that followed, it succeeded in catching
most of the influential statesmen on the limed twig of the
assurance that the episcopal hierarchy, with its unlimited sway
over the clergy and through them over the feelings of the people,
constituted the only certain and dependable bulwark against the
revolutionary movements of the age, and this idea prevailed down
to 1860, and in Prussia down to 1871. But the overthrow of the
concordat in Baden, Württemberg and Darmstadt by the states of
the realm after a hard conflict, the humiliation of Austria in
1866, and the growth in so threatening a manner since of the
still heretical Prussia, produced in the whole German episcopate
a terrible apprehension that its hitherto untouched supremacy
in the state would be at an end, and in order to ward off this
danger it was driven into agitations and demonstrations partly
secret and partly open. On 8th October, 1868, the papal nuncio in
Munich, Monsignor Meglia, uttered his inmost conviction regarding
the Württemberg resident thus: “Only in America, England, and
Belgium does the Catholic church receive its rights; elsewhere
nothing can help us but the revolution.” And on 22nd April, 1869,
Bishop Senestray [Senestrey] of Regensburg declared plainly in a
speech delivered at Schwandorff: “If kings will no longer be of
God’s grace, I shall be the first to overthrow the throne....
Only a war or revolution can help us in the end.” And war at
last came, but it helped only their opponents. Although at
its outbreak in 1870 the ultramontane party in South Germany,
especially in Bavaria, for the most part with unexampled
insolence expressed their sympathy with France, and after the
brilliant and victorious close of the war did everything to
prevent the attachment of Bavaria to the new German empire, their
North German brethren, accustomed to the boundless compliance of
the Prussian government, indulged the hope of prosecuting their
own ends all the more successfully under the new regime. Even
in November, 1870, Archbishop Ledochowski of Posen visited the
victorious king of Prussia at Versailles, in order to interest
him personally in the restoration of the Papal States. In
February, 1871, in the same place, fifty-six Catholic deputies of
the Prussian parliament presented to the king, who had meanwhile
been proclaimed Emperor of Germany, a formal petition for
the restoration of the temporal power of the pope, and soon
afterwards a deputation of distinguished laymen waited upon
him “in name of all the Catholics of Germany,” with an address
directed to the same end. The _Bavarian Fatherland_ (Dr. Sigl)
indeed treated it with scorn as a “belly-crawling-deputation,
which crawled before the magnanimous hero-emperor, beseeching
him graciously to use said deputation as his spittoon.” And the
_Steckenberger Bote_, inspired by Dr. Ketteler, declared: “We
Catholics do not entreat it as a favour, but demand it as our
right.... Either you must restore the Catholic church to all
its privileges or not one of all your existing governments will
endure.” At the same time as the insinuation was spread that the
new German empire threatened the existence of the Catholic church
in Germany, a powerful ultramontane election agitation in view of
the next Reichstag was set on foot, out of which grew the party
of the “Centre,” so called from sitting in the centre of the hall,
with Von Ketteler, Windthorst, Mallinkrodt (died 1874), and the
two Reichenspergers, as its most eloquent leaders. Even in the
debate on the address in answer to the speech from the throne
this party demanded intervention, at first indeed only diplomatic,
in favour of the Papal States. In the discussion on the new
imperial constitution A. Reichensperger sought to borrow from
the abortive German landowners’ bill of 1848, condemned indeed as
godless by the syllabus (§ 185, 2), principles that might serve
the turn of ultramontanism regarding the unrestricted liberty
of the press, societies, meetings, and religion, with the most
perfect independence of all religious communities of the State.
Mallinkrodt insisted upon the need of enlarged privileges for
the Catholic church owing to the great growth of the empire
in Catholic territory and population. All these motions were
rejected by the Reichstag, and the Prussian government answered
them by abolishing in July, 1871, the Catholic department of
the Ministry of Public Worship, which had existed since 1841
(§ 193, 2). The _Genfer Korrespondenz_, shortly before highly
praised by the pope, declared: If kings do not help the papacy
to regain its rights, the papacy must also withdraw from them
and appeal directly to the hearts of the people. “Understand
ye the terrible range of this change? Your hours, O ye princes,
are numbered!” The Berlin _Germania_ pointed threateningly to
the approaching _revanche_ war in France, on the outbreak of
which the German empire would no longer be able to reckon on
the sympathy of its Catholic subjects; and the _Ellwanger kath.
Wochenblatt_ proclaimed openly that only France is able to guard
and save the Catholic church from the annihilating projects
of Prussia. And in this way the Catholic people throughout all
Germany were roused and incited by the Catholic press, as well as
from the pulpit and confessional, in home and school, in Catholic
monasteries and nunneries, in mechanics’ clubs and peasants’
unions, in casinos and assemblies of nobles. Bishop Ketteler
founded expressly for purposes of such agitations the Mainz
Catholic Union, in September, 1871, which by its itinerant
meetings spread far and wide the flame of religious fanaticism;
and a Bavarian priest, Lechner, preached from the pulpit that
one does not know whether the German princes are by God’s or by
the devil’s grace.
§ 197.2. =Conflicts Occasioned by Protection of the Old Catholics,
1871-1872.=--That the Prussian government refused to assist
the bishops in persecuting the Old Catholics, and even retained
these in their positions after excommunication had been hurled
against them, was regarded by those bishops as itself an act
of persecution of the Catholic church. To this opinion they
gave official expression, under solemn protest against all
encroachments of the state upon the domain of Catholic faith and
law, in a memorial addressed to the German emperor from Fulda, on
September 7th, 1871, but were told firmly and decidedly to keep
within their own boundaries. Even before this Bishop =Krementz
of Ermeland= had refused the _missio canonica_ to Dr. Wollmann,
teacher of religion at the Gymnasium of Braunsberg, on account
of his refusing to acknowledge the dogma of infallibility, and
had forbidden Catholic scholars to attend his instructions.
The minister of public worship, Von Mühler, decided, because
religious instruction was obligatory in the Prussian gymnasia,
that all Catholic scholars must attend or be expelled from the
institution. The Bavarian government followed a more correct
course in a similar case that arose about the same time; for
it recognised and protected the religious instructions of the
anti-infallibilist priest, Renftle in Mering, as legitimate, but
still allowed parents who objected to withhold their children
from it. And in this way the new Prussian minister, Falk,
corrected his predecessor’s mistake. But all the more decidedly
did the government proceed against Bishop Krementz, when
he publicly proclaimed the excommunication uttered against
Dr. Wollmann and Professor Michelis, which had been forbidden by
Prussian civil law on account of the infringement of civil rights
connected therewith according to canon law. As the bishop could
not be brought to an explicit acknowledgment of his obligation
to obey the laws of the land, the minister of public worship
on October 1st, 1872, stripped him of his temporalities.
But meanwhile a second conflict had broken out. The Catholic
field-provost of the Prussian army and bishop _in partibus_,
Namszanowski, had under papal direction commanded the
Catholic divisional chaplain, Lünnemann of Cologne, on pain
of excommunication, to discontinue the military worship in the
garrison chapel, which, by leave of the military court, was
jointly used by the Old Catholics, and so was desecrated. He
was therefore brought before a court of discipline, suspended
from his office in May, 1872, and finally, by royal ordinance
in 1873, the office of field-provost was wholly abolished.
§ 197.3. =Struggles over Educational Questions, 1872-1873.=--In
the formerly Polish provinces of the Prussian kingdom the
Polonization of resident Catholic Germans had recently assumed
threatening proportions. The archbishop of Posen and Gnesen,
Count =Ledochowski=, whom the pope during the Vatican Council
appointed primate of Poland, was the main centre of this
agitation. In the Posen priest seminary he formed for himself,
in a fanatically Polish clergy, the tools for carrying it out,
and in the neighbouring Schrimm he founded a Jesuit establishment
that managed the whole movement. Where previously Polish and
German had been preached alternately, German was now banished,
and in the public schools, the oversight of which, as throughout
all Prussia, lay officially in the hands of the clergy, all means
were used to discourage the study of the German language, and
to stamp out the German national sentiment. But even in the two
western provinces the Catholic public schools were made by the
clerical school inspectors wholly subservient to the designs of
ultramontanism. In order to stem such disorder the government,
in February, 1872, sanctioned the =School Inspection Law=
passed by the parliament, by which the right and duty of school
inspection was transferred from the church to the state, so that
for the sake of the state the clerical inspectors hostile to the
government were set aside, and where necessary might be replaced
by laymen. A pastoral letter of the Prussian bishops assembled
at Fulda in April of that year complained bitterly of persecution
of the church and unchristianizing of the schools, but advised
the Catholic clergy under no circumstances voluntarily to resign
school inspection where it was not taken from them. By a rescript
of the minister of public worship in June, the exclusion of all
members of spiritual orders and congregations from teaching in
public schools was soon followed by the suppression of the Marian
congregations in all schools, and it was enjoined in March, 1873,
that in Polish districts, where other subjects had been taught in
the higher educational institutions in the German language, this
also would be obligatory in religious instruction. Ledochowski
indeed directed all religious teachers in his diocese to use the
Polish language after as they had done before, but the government
suspended all teachers who followed his direction, and gave
over the religious instruction to lay teachers. The archbishop
now erected private schools for the religious instruction of
gymnasial teachers, and the government forbad attendance at them.
§ 197.4. =The Kanzelparagraph and the Jesuit law,
1871-1872.=--While thus the Prussian government took more and
more decided measures against the ultramontanism that had become
so rampant in its domains, on the other hand, its mobile band
of warriors in cassock, dress coat, and blouse did not cease to
labour, and the imperial government passed some drastic measures
of defence applicable to the whole empire. At the instance of
the Bavarian government, which could not defend itself from
the violence of its “patriots,” the Federal Council asked the
Reichstag to add a new article to the penal code of the empire,
threatening any misuse of the pulpit for political agitation
with imprisonment for two years. The Bavarian minister of public
worship, Lutz, undertook himself to support this bill before
the Reichstag. “For several decades,” he said, “the clergy
in Germany have assumed a new character; they are become the
simple reflection of Jesuitism.” The Reichstag sanctioned the
bill in December, 1871. Far more deeply than this so-called
=Kanzelparagraph=, the operation of which the agitation of the
clergy by a little circumspection could easily elude, did the
=Jesuit Law=, published on July 4th, 1872, cut into the flesh
of German ultramontanism. Already in April of that year had a
petition from Cologne demanding the expulsion of the Jesuits
been presented to the Reichstag. Similar addresses flowed in
from other places. The Centre party, on the other hand, organized
a regular flood of petitions in favour of the Jesuits. The
Reichstag referred both to the imperial chancellor, with the
request to introduce a law against the movements of the Jesuits
as dangerous to the State. The Federal Council complied with this
request, and so the law was passed which ordained the removal
of the Jesuits and related orders and congregations, the closing
of their institutions within six months, and prohibited the
formation of any other orders by their individual members, and
the government authorised the banishment of foreign members and
the interning of natives at appointed places. A later ordinance
of the Federal Council declared the Redemptorists, Lazarists,
Priests of the Holy Ghost, and the Society of the Heart of Jesus
to be orders related to the Society of Jesus. Those affected
by this law anticipated the threatened interning by voluntarily
removing to Belgium, Holland, France, Turkey, and America.
§ 197.5. =The Prussian Ecclesiastical Laws, 1873-1875.=--In
order to be able to check ultramontanism, even in its pædagogical
breeding places, the episcopal colleges and seminaries, and at
the same time to restrict by law the despotic absolutism of the
bishops in disciplinary and beneficiary matters, the Prussian
government brought in other four ecclesiastical bills, which in
spite of violent opposition on the part of the Centre and the
Old Conservatives, were successively passed by both houses of
parliament, and approved by the king on May 11th, 12th, 13th,
and 14th, 1873. Their most important provisions are: As a
condition for admission to a spiritual office the state requires
citizenship of the German empire, three years’ study at a German
university, and, besides an exit gymnasial examination preceding
the university course, a state examination in general knowledge
(in philosophy, history, and German literature), in addition to
the theological examination. The episcopal boys’ seminaries and
colleges are abolished. The priest seminaries, if the minister
of worship regards them as fit for the purpose, may take the
place of the university course, but must be under regular state
inspection. The candidates for spiritual offices, which must
never be left vacant more than a year, are to be named to the
chief president of the province, and he can for cogent reasons
lodge a protest against them. Secession from the church is
freely allowed, and releases from all personal obligations
to pay ecclesiastical dues and perform ecclesiastical duties.
Excommunication is permissible, but can be proclaimed only
in the congregation concerned, and not publicly. The power of
church discipline over the clergy can be exercised only by German
superiors and in accordance with fixed processional procedure.
Corporal punishment is not permissible, fines are allowed
to a limited extent, and restraint by interning in so-called
_Demeriti_ houses, but only at furthest of three months, and when
the party concerned willingly consents. Church servants, whose
remaining in office is incompatible with the public order, can
be deposed by civil sentence. And as final court of appeal in all
cases of complaint between ecclesiastical and civil authorities
as well as within the ecclesiastical domain, a royal court
of justice for ecclesiastical affairs is constituted, whose
proceedings are open and its decision final.--But even the
May Laws soon proved inadequate for checking the insolence of
the bishops and the disorders among the Catholic population
occasioned thereby. In December, 1873, therefore, by sovereign
authority there was prescribed a new formula of the episcopal
Oath of Allegiance, recognising more distinctly and decisively
the duty of obedience to the laws of the state. Then next a bill
was presented to the parliament, which had been kept in view in
the original constitution, demanding obligatory civil marriage
and abolition of compulsory baptism, as well as the conducting
of civil registration by state officials. In February, 1874, it
was passed into law. On the 20th and 21st =May, 1874=, two other
bills brought in for extending the May Laws of the previous
year, in consequence of which a bishop’s see vacated by death,
a judicial sentence, or any other cause, must be filled within
the space of a year, and the chapter must elect within ten days
an episcopal administrator, who has to be presented to the chief
president, and to undertake an oath to obey the laws of the
state. If the chapter does not fulfil these requirements, a lay
commissioner will be appointed to administer the affairs of the
diocese. During the episcopal vacancy, all vacant pastorates, as
well as all not legally filled, can be at once validly supplied
by the act of the patron, and, where no such right exists,
by congregational election. Parochial property, on the illegal
appointment of a pastor, is given over to be administered by a
lay commissioner.--The empire also came to the help of the May
Laws by an imperial enactment of May 4th, 1874, sanctioned by the
emperor, which empowers the competent state government to intern
all church officers discharged from their office and not yielding
submission thereto, as well as all punished on account of
incompetence in their official duties, and, if this does not help,
to condemn them to loss of their civil rights and to expulsion
from the German federal territory.--Also in its next session the
imperial house of representatives again gave legislative sanction
to the _Kulturkampf_; for in January, 1875, it passed a bill
presented by the Federal Council on the deposition on oath as
to personal rank, and on divorce with obligatory civil marriage,
which, going far beyond the Prussian civil law of the previous
year, and especially ridding Bavaria of its strait-jacket canon
marriage law enforced by the concordat, abolished the spiritual
jurisdiction in favour of that of the civil courts, and gave it
to the state to determine the qualifications for, as well as the
hindrances to, divorce, without, however, touching the domain of
conscience, or entrenching in any way upon the canon law and the
demands of the church.