1498 In this temple also there was a wooden statue of Apollo, θύϊος

(probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, Hesychius.

1499 For this account see a paper _Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos_, in

the Kunstblatt for 1821, No. 16. This also serves to confirm the

conjecture of Visconti that the bas-relief of the Museo

Pio-Clementino V. 23. represents Menelaus dedicating the arms of

Euphorbus to the Didymæan Apollo; for the god upon the pillar has

nearly the form in question. To the copies of this Apollo many might

now be added.

1500 Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 18.

1501 Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader should guard against supposing with

Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. p. 93.) that

these statues of Apollo in temples had the elegant proportions and

light character of the later works of art.

1502 Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning the ancient statues of Apollo see also

Winckelmann’s Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. note. vol. III. p.

548.

1503 This important statement is given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Mai. Vet.

Script. Nov. Syll. I. 3. p. 41. It has first explained fully the

epigram of Antipater to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck Analect. vol.

II. p. 14. No. 30.

1504 A statue of Apollo by Myron is mentioned by Cicero in Verr. II. 4.

43.

_ 1505 E.g._ those of Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip the

First.

_ 1506 E.g._ the head in the Louvre, No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.

1507 A bronze found at Argos, of the same character, is mentioned by

Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having a great

resemblance to the Belvedere Apollo occur in many collections, some

of which have even more heroic forms.

1508 Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian Apollo

is represented in this position, with the laurel in his right hand,

the cithara beside him, and the bow at his feet (Mionnet No. 396.);

similar to those of Germe, Apollonia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and Cos.

1509 The statue of this class in the Museo Pio-Clementino I. tav. 13. is,

according to Vis conti’s conjecture, a copy of the Palatine Apollo

of Scopas, Plin. N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This form of the Apollo

Musagetes was most in vogue in the time of Nero. There is a

remarkable statue of this god described and figured by Raffei in his

_Ricerche sopra un Apolline delta villa Albani_. He is represented

as sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod covered with a skin, with his

right hand on his knees (to be kissed, as was the custom in

temples); in his left hand is a serpent; and his feet rest upon a

_cortina_, also covered with a skin: by the side of this is a lion’s

skin; the hair is interwoven with laurel leaves, and falls in a

broad cluster over the back. The style is neither very ancient nor

good, but the symbols and position are singular in many respects.

1510 See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. p. 153.)

on this subject.

1511 Above, ch. 3. § 7. and book III. ch. 9. § 16.

1512 Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41. According to Aristoxenus apud Diog. Laert.

VIII. 21. he received the fundamental doctrines of his philosophy

from Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. See Fabric. Bibl. Græc.

vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.

1513 One of the important parts of the Pythagorean worship was the

_pæan_, which was sung to the lyre, in spring-time, by a person

sitting in the midst of a circle of listeners: this was called the

κάθαρσις, or purification. See Schol. Ven. Il. XXII. 391. Jamblich.

Vit. Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 32. This is evidently an

application of ancient rites of the worship of Apollo. The Pythian

oracle likewise commanded the Greeks of Lower Italy to sing pæans in

the spring as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus p. 93. ed. Mahn.

apud Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.

1514 See Creuzer’s _Symbolik_.

1515 Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. XXVII. 14. and the

ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην in Æschin. Ctesiph. p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου

καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] in the great Delphian inscription

in Boeckh No. 1688. The whole family was also in the temple at

Cirrha, Pausan. X. 36. 7.

1516 See above, ch. 7. § 6.

1517 Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus was joined with

Latona and Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.

1518 Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 133. The Artemis Cnagia at Sparta came

from Crete, according to Pausan. III. 18. 3. Amnisian nymphs of

Artemis, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1519 Above, p. 342, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“thirst for revenge,” starting “On this point.”]

1520 Antonin. Liberal. c. 1.

1521 Inscription in Walpole’s Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος

Πυθίης.

1522 Above, ch. 2. § 3.

1523 Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. XIV. p. 676.

1524 Hyginus fab. 186. Whether the Artemis of Rhegium (Thuc. VI. 44.)

came from Delphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or from Eubœa (where she was

worshipped under the name of Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia,

near Eretria, on mount Cotylæum, and all along the Euripus, Callim.

Hymn. Dian. 188.) is uncertain.

1525 Herod. IV. 33. where the worship of the Hyperborean Artemis is also

ascribed to the Thracian and Pæonian women. Compare Tzetzes ad

Lycophr. 936. The Hymn of Olen, Pausan. V. 1.4. represented Demeter

Ἀχαιία as coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delos; but the

Achæan Demeter cannot be meant; and therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ,

as Artemis was called in Ægina. The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the

Argive legend (Menander de Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) perhaps

referred to this.

1526 See Callim. Hymn. Del. 292. Melanopus of Cume ap. Pausan. ubi sup.

cf. I. 43. 4. Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning Οὖπις, see the

English edition of Stephens’ Thesaurus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551.

1527 Thus Apollo was called Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.

1528 Thus Nemesis was also called Οὖπις, as in the inscription of Herodes

Atticus.

1529 Palæphat. 52. Apostolius VI. 44.

1530 Sung among the Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was worshipped, Schol.

Apoll. Rhod. I. 972.

1531 Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The reason why she

kills Ariadne (Od. XI. 324.) is explained by Pherecydes in the

Scholia. Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) probably only as a goddess of

death, and not as Pausanias IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain it. Ἃ

γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος in the Attic Scolion is ambiguous.

1532 Artemis in Homer is, in the first place, the complete image of her

brother, as armed with a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, τοξοφόρος Il.

XX. 39, 71. XXI. 483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, &c.); as a beautiful and

strong maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing

women suddenly and without sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. 59. Od. XI.

171, 323. XV. 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes mildly (Od. XV. 409.

XVIII. 201.), at another time in anger (Il. VI. 205.); as punishing

with death the children of Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and Orion (Od. V.

123.); as κουροτρόφος, and therefore giving height to virgins (Od.

XX. 71. cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally healing (Il. V. 447.); as

honoured by choruses of singers, and herself leading the chorus (Il.

XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. XXVII. 18.). Now, besides this, there is also

the Arcadian notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, her chorus plays in

the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she rejoices in wild boars and stags (VI.

104.); and thus, being armed with a bow, becomes a _huntress_ (Il.

V. 51. XXI. 485.). The Ætolian Artemis, who requires θαλύσια (Il.

IX. 533.), is again of a different kind.

1533 Pausan. IV. 13. 1.

1534 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124.

1535 Apollod. I. 7. 4.

1536 Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 108. ed.

Meineke, &c.

1537 Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. At Melite in Phthia Artemis was, in some

particular worship, called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, Antonin.

Liberal. 13.

1538 She was worshipped under the title of Δαφναία at Las, Pausan. III.

24. 6. and of Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. VIII. p. 343.

1539 Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. Trach. 210. according to Seidler’s

punctuation; above, p. 309, note h. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the

footnote to “in honour of Apollo,” starting “Proclus apud Phot.”]

1540 At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. 6.

1541 Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim ad Callim.

Dian. 38.

1542 Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare above, p. 312,

note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is no such footnote number on that

page.] Alcman used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month

Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in Sicily,

see Castelli Proleg. ad Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος in Corcyra,

according to inscriptions; Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, Thrige Hist. Cyren.

p. 218. Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, Mustoxidi,

Illustrazioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. comp. Chandler. Inscript.

p. 82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.

1543 See Plato de Rep. p. 406. Strab. XIV. p. 635.

1544 Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.

1545 II. XVI. 183.

1546 Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. Pind. p. 453.

1547 See the verses in Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. Pausan. X.

12. 1.

1548 Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. 1, 4. The temple was on the confines of

Mantinca and Orchomenos 12. 3. It may be also seen from Polyæn.

VIII. 34. that the Tegeates sent sacred processions to Artemis of

Pheneus.

1549 Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes give a

different account.

1550 Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 2.

_Æginetica_, p. 31. Artemis was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful,

ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. Agam. p. 9.

1551 Callisto was called even by Hesiod the constellation of the Bear,

Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. p. 356. Lactant. 6.

1552 It is easy to conceive that, as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi

represented in the form of a wolf, so likewise the bear was made the

symbol of Artemis by the Arcadians.

1553 The exceptions are few; for instance, perhaps, Apollo Cereatas in

Æpytis, Pausan. VIII. 34. 3.

1554 Ap. Menand. de Encom. 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. She was

called Λυκοᾶτις on mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. 36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near

Tegea, ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, ib. 13. 2. (so named from

a cedar on which the statue stood); Στυμφαλία at Stymphalus, ib. 22.

5. comp. Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia,

near Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις at

Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 342; in

Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. in Δέρρα. The hymn

to Artemis Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was called Κάλαβις; there was

also an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius.

Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. Ἰσσωρία

near Pitana, Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. 1. 14. Callim. Hymn.

Dian. 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and Hesychius (according to Pausanias

the Artemis Issoria or Limnæa was not properly an Artemis, but

Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις near Argos, Steph. Byz. in Οἴνη, Hesychius in

Οἰνωᾶτις. Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. 30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap.

Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. Steph.

Byz. in Κορυφαῖον (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part II. p. 603. found,

by means of an inscription, what are probably the ruins of the

temple upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία at Letrini, Paus. VII. 22. 5;

Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, ib. VII. 19.

1. (an united temple of three ancient κῶμαι); Ἀκταία at Pellene,

Plutarch. Arat. 32.

1555 As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, ib.

III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία at

Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; and particularly in the celebrated λιμναῖον,

on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. IV. 4. 31. Tacit.

Ann. IV. 43. Hence, according to Strabo p. 362. the Limnæum in

Laconia was derived. At Trœzen she was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the

hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, Hesych. in

ἐλεία, probably ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the borders of Arcadia,

Strabo VIII. p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should probably be written

Ἑλείας.

1556 Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. IV. 35. 6.

1557 Paus. III. 29. 7.

1558 Under the title of ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes p. 132.

ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. Concerning

this fountain, see Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. Mir. Auscult. p. 1102

B.

1559 Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium also there was _in piscina templum

Dianæ Luciferæ et Veneris Placidæ_, Dionys. de Thrac. Bosporo. In

Samos also there was Artemis Χησιὰς and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn.

Dian. 228. Catullus calls her _amnium domina_, XXX. 12; Horace,

_lætam foliis et nemorum coma_, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius Rhodius

also calls her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος,

Hymn. Dian. 39.

1560 Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. Pind.

Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple of Artemis in

this region is mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.

1561 As is shown by Strabo, ubi sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius ap. Athen.

VIII. p. 376 B.

1562 Paus. VIII. 41. 4.

1563 Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer’s Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, &c.

1564 Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.

1565 Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.

1566 Paus. VI. 22. 5.

1567 Pind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning the temple

at Ortygia, see D’Orville’s Siculis, p. 196. and Boeckh, ibid. p.

243. The beautiful female heads on the tetradrachms of Syracuse,

with the hair entwined with reeds, surrounded by four fishes,

probably represent the river Artemis.

1568 Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. I. 117.

1569 Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 2.

1570 Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.

1571 Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls Ortygia the resting-place of the Alpheus;

and he too, perhaps, considers Artemis as the object of pursuit.

1572 See the excellent note of Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. 350.

1573 Paus. VIII. 37. 2.

1574 See Paus. VIII. 10. 4. Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She had the name of

Ἐλαφιαία in Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence the Ἐλαφηβόλία (Anecd. Bekk.

p. 249.), a festival widely extended (_e.g._ Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p.

267.) The symbol of the deer, however, appears to have been common

to all the different branches of the worship of Artemis; thus there

is in Mr. Payne Knight’s collection a coin in which she is

represented bearing a stag’s horns, which he ascribes to Delos.

1575 Concerning human sacrifices to Artemis on the river Ameilichus,

which were abolished by the worship of Dionysus Æsymnetes, at Patræ,

see the description in Paus. V. 19. 1. Human sacrifices were also

offered to the same goddess near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. Græcos I.

p. 165 A. Compare Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, §

143.

1576 Λόμβαι. αἱ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θυσιῶν ἄρχουσαι ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν παιδιὰν

σκευῆς, οἱ γὰρ φάλητες οὕτω καλοῦνται. Hesychius.

1577 Agam. 144.

1578 Εὐρίππα at Pheneus, Paus. VIII. 14. 4. ἱπποσόα, Pind. Olymp. III.

27. comp. Boeckh Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. Hence Artemis

(χρυσήνιος) is frequently represented on vases in a chariot with

horses; in Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. and in the bas reliefs of

Phigaleia, she is attended by goats.

1579 Under the title of κορυθαλλία at the Tiassa, near Sparta, near the

Cleta, Athen. IV. p. 139; also κουροτρόφος, φιλομείραξ, Diod. V. 73.

(and see Wesseling’s note.) Paus. IV. 34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8.

comp, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 6. These names may, however, be

referred to the worship of Apollo; above ch. 8. § 7. She was

worshipped under the general epithet of σώτειρα at Pegæ (Paus. I.

44. 7.), Megara (I. 40. 2.), BϾ (III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27.

1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), and at Syracuse, as we know from its

coins. Comp. Dorville’s Sicula, p. 327. sq.

1580 Above, ch. 6. § 2, 3. ch. 9. § 2.

1581 Eurip. Hypsipyl. and Aristoph. Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in ἀρκτεῦσαι.

See _Orchomenos_, p. 309.

1582 Apostolius VIII. 19.

1583 Boeckh not. Crit. ad Pind. Olymp. XIII. 109. There was also at

Miletus a festival of Artemis called Νηληὶς, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p.

287. ed. Hutten. There was also a temple of Artemis at Pygela, near

Ephesus, which was said to have been built by Agamemnon, Strab. XIV.

p. 639. Also on coins of Miletus, Mionnet Description, &c. tom. III.

p. 186.

1584 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. 77. Χιτώνη

Ἄρτεμις, Steph. Byz. in v.; among the Ionians κιθωνέα (probably

κιθωνέη) Ἄρτεμις Hesych. in v. Also Artemis Χιτώνεα at Syracuse,

Athen. XIV. p. 629 E.

1585 Paus. I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. cf. III. 17. 6. Eurip. Troad. 1462. sqq.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 173. Euphorion also placed the sacrifice of

Iphigenia at Brauron, fragm. 81. ed. Meineke.

1586 The Argives, Stesichorus, and Euphorion, according to Paus. II. 22.

7. Antonin. Liber. 27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183.

1587 Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer’s Comment. Herod.

p. 244. From this temple Helen was carried away, according to

Plutarch Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; whose name reminds us of the

Ἐλενηφοροῦντες of Artemis of Brauron.

1588 The διαμαστίγωσις was preceded by the φούαξιρ, ἡ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας

σωμασκία τῶν μελλόντων μαστιγοῦσθαι, Hesychius. The word φούαξιρ

appears to be derived from φούα, Laconian for φύα, and ἄξιρ or ἄξις

contracted from ἄσκησις. See App. V. § 4. Comp. Hemsterhuis and

Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 277. There were also other games at this

festival, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1416. ἐπὶ Ἀλκίππου νικάσας τὸ

παιδικὸν κέλητι Ἀρτέμιτι Ὀρθίᾳ.

1589 Plutarch. Arist. 17.

1590 Prod. Chrestomath. ap. Hephæst. Gaisford.

1591 Ap. Etym. Mag. in Ταυρόπολον.

1592 Paus. I. 43. 1.

1593 Theognis Paræn. 11. Dicæarch. Anagr. 88. Plutarch. Ages. 6. Etymol.

Magn. p. 747. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Siebelis ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9.

1594 See the confused account in Plutarch. Mulier. Virt. 7. Quæst. Græc.

21. Polyæn. VII. 49.

_ 1595 Orchomenos_, p. 311.

1596 Etym. Magn. p. 815, sq.

1597 Hygin. fab. 121. on the two Chryses.

1598 Uhden, Berlin Transactions for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Diverses

Peintures, planche 51. Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 512.

Compare Buttmann ad Sophod. Philoct. ad Argum. Metr. p. 57.

1599 The subject of a picture mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. 17. Dio

Chrysost. Or. LIX. p. 577. 21.

1600 Millingen ibid, planche 50.

1601 Herod. IV. 87.

1602 Etym. Magn. ubi sup. Dionysius de Bosporo Thracio p. 22. ed. Hudson.

Hesychius Milesius de Constantinopoli.

1603 Ammianus XXII. 8. Antonin. Liberal. 27. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H.

II. 25. Hemsterhuis ad Poll. IX. 12. p. 982.

1604 Herod. IV. 103. Comp. Scymnus Chius v. 88. Strab. VII. p. 508. XII.

p. 535. Mannert’s Géographie, vol. IV. p. 279. (ed. 1820).

1605 See Callim. (fr. 417.) and Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. in Αἰθοπία,

Hesychius in Αἰθιοπαῖδα.

1606 A temple of Artemis Orthosia at Teuthrania on the Caicus, Plutarch,

de Fluv.; of the Tauric Artemis at Tmolia on the Pactolus, ibid.; of

Artemis Orthia in Cappadocia, Paus. III. 16. 6.; and of Iphigenia at

Comana, Dion Cassius XXXV. 11. Comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἄμανον, Plutarch

de Fluv.; and particularly Strab. XII. p. 537. concerning Artemis

Perasia at Castabala.

1607 Æschylus had divulged something relating to the mysteries in the

Iphigenia, Eustratius ad Aristot Eth. Nic. III. 1. See above, § 4.

1608 Herod. III. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ταυροπόλιον. She was also there

called Καπροφάγος, Hesychius in v. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p.

63.

1609 Strab. XIV. p. 639. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. The Tauropolium in the

island of Icaria in the Persian bay (where Apollo Tauropolus was

also worshipped) was probably not established till after the time of

Alexander, Ælian. N. A. II. 9. Dionys. Perieg. 611.

1610 Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. Also in the neighbourhood of Magnesia on

the Sipylus, Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60.

1611 Sophod. Aj. 174.

1612 See particularly Strab. V. p. 239. She is represented on coins

sitting on an ox running, which Apollodorus explained of the

periodic course of the goddess, with reference to the moon, p. 402.

ed. Heyne. Comp. Etymol. M. in Ταυροπόλον. Apostolius XVIII. 23. See

also Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Dian. 174, 187.

1613 Concerning the situation of which see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p.

87. Compare Caylus Mém. de l’Acad. tom. XX. pp. 428-441. Choiseul

Gouffier Voyage pittoresque, tom. I. p. 191.

1614 Herod. II. 10. Artemis visited the son of the Cayster according to

Callimachus fragm. 102. ed. Bentl.

1615 At Corinth, Paus. II. 2. 5. Alea, id. VIII. 23. 1. An Ephesium at

Massilia, Strabo IV. pp. 179, 184. at the founding of which there

was a priestess named Aristarche (compare the Ἀρισταρχεῖον of

Artemis at Elis, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 47).

1616 Of a peculiar character also were the sacrifices of parsley and salt

at Dætis in Ephesus, Etym. Mag. in Δαιτίς.

1617 The Megabyzi, so called as early as the time of Xenophon. Also Μύξος

was a priest’s name, Apostol. V. 44. The servants of the goddess

were, according to their different grades, called μελλιερῆς, ἱερῆς,

and παριερῆς, according to Plutarch An Seni sit ger. Resp. 24. p.

130. ed. Hutten.

1618 πρωτοθρονίη , Paus. X. 38. 3.

1619 Latona is said to have given birth to her at Corissus in the

Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in Κόρισσος.

1620 The union of Apollo of Colophon, of the Ephesian Diana, and of the

Nemesis of Smyrna on coins of these cities in the time of the

emperors is only a mutual compliment. In the speech of the Ephesians

in Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is evidently much inaccuracy. The

Ἀπόλλων Ἀμαζόνιος in Paus. III. 25. 2. is a singular curiosity.

1621 Ἀμμὰς, ἡ τρόφος Ἀρτέμιδος. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ Ῥέα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ,

Hesychius.

1622 Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. Gudian. p. 320. 26.

1623 See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, vol. II. p. 1166.

1624 Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. Fragm. Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See Callim.

Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. in Ἔφεσος. cf. in

Σίσυρβα, Κύννα. Etym. Mag. in Ἔφεσος. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 56. p.

407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. 223, 225. The contrary is stated in

Eusebius Chron. n. 870. Ἀμαζόνες τὸ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ἱερὸν ἐνέπρησαν.

1625 Moses’ Vases, plate 133.

1626 Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμαζ. According to Heraclides Ponticus

33. their settlements reached from Mycale to Pitane, Diod. III. 55.

from Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII.

p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. in Ἀναία of a place called Anæa opposite

Samos, where an Amazon of that name was buried. The inhabitants were

called Ἀναΐται. Perhaps an Artemis Anaitis was here worshipped.

1627 Proposed by Tölken, Ueber das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and approved

by Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55.

1628 Paus. VII. 2. 5.

1629 Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. p. 431.

1630 Il. III. 185.

1631 Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. Boeckh.

1632 Æschyl. Prometh. 723. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 370.

Herod. IV. 110. Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus Chius v. 229. Creuzer

Vet. Histor. Græc. p. 80. According to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. (cf.

990.) there were in the πεδίον Δοίαντος in Phrygia (in the

neighbourhood of Thermodon) three cities of the Amazons; not far off

was Alcmonia (Acmonia Steph. Byz), where Harmonia produced the

Amazons to Mars.

1633 Xenoph. Hell. III. 2. 19.

1634 Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. Paus. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6.

1635 Heyne Antiquarische Aufsätze, vol. I. p. 109. Compare Paciaudi

Monum. Pelop. vol. II. p. 13.

1636 See the coins in Mionnet tom. III. p. 137.

1637 VI. 22. 1. The Sicilian Greeks also celebrated to Artemis the

effeminate Ionian dance. Pollux IV. 14, 104.

1638 Scylax, p. 39. Strab. XIV. p. 667. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. Cicero

in Verr. I. 20. III. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, Photius, &c. in Περγαία

θεός. Apostolius IX. 91. where for παναγαῖα read περγαία. At Perge

also the Syrian Adonis was worshipped under the name of Aboba,

Hesychius in Ἀβωβα.

1639 Represented on coins as a _signum informe_.

1640 For example, Artemis Κινδυὰς of Bargyliæ, Polyb. XVI. 12. 3; Artemis

Ἑστιὰς; of Iasbus, ibid. ΑΣΤΙΑΣ Inscript. Chandler, p. 19. n. 57;

the goddess of ἱερὰ κώμη; at Thyateira, called Ὀρεῖτις, Polyb.

XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 575; the Mysian

Artemis, Paus. III. 20. 8. cf. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 116; the Astyrene

Artemis under mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, 613; the Boritine

Artemis of Lydia, Eckhel Doct. Num. vol. III. p. 121; Artemis

Adrasteia in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocration in Ἀδράστεια, &c.

1641 Θυάδα, φοιβάδα, μαινάδα, λυσσάδα, Plut. de Superst. 9. p. 75.

1642 Athen. XIV. p. 636 A.

1643 From this temple was derived the Olympicum at Syracuse (see above,

book I. ch. 6. § 7.), the priest of which, called Ἀμφίπολος, was the

highest annual officer, Thucyd. VII. 65, 70. Diod. XVI. 70. Exc.

Virt. et Vit. p. 558. Cic. Verr. II. 51.

1644 Creuzer Symbolik, vol. II. p. 575. Ἥρας Προσυμναίας ἱερὸν,

Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluv. Strab. p. 573, is probably not correct in

distinguishing the temple of Here at Prosymna from the celebrated

one. The names _Prosymna_ and _Prosymnus_ also occur at Lerna and at

Gortyna in Arcadia. Inscription of Gortyna in Boeckh No. 1535, ἁ

πατρα των προσυμναιων νικομαχην αριστοθεμιτος δᾳδουχησασαν.

1645 Pausanias III. 13. Sturz Pherecydes, p. 79. See particularly Heyne

ad Il. Δ. 52. Eurydice the daughter of Acrisius was said to have

built the temple. To the statement of Pausanias III. 15. 7. μόνοις

δὲ Ἑλλήνων Λακεδαιμονίοις καθέστηκεν Ἥραν ἐπονομάζειν αἰγοφάγον καὶ

αἶγας τῇ θεῷ θύειν (compare Hesych. in Αἰγοφάγος Χήρα ἐν Σπάρτῃ with

Welcker on Schwenck’s Etymologische Andeutungen, p. 294.), it may be

objected that the same custom prevailed in Corinth; see Photius Lex.

in ἡ δὲ αἶξ τὴν μάχαιραν, p. 613. Zenob. Proverb. I. 27. Diogen.

Prov. I. 52.

1646 Thucyd. V. 75.

1647 See _Orchomenos_, p. 267.

1648 The chief temple at Corcyra was that of Here, Thucyd. I. 24. III.

75, 79. Also at Syracuse, Ælian. V.H. VI. 11, &c.

_ 1649 Orchomenos_, p. 297. The divinity of Medea there asserted is

completely proved by the testimony of Athenagoras Legat. p. 14. that

Hesiod and Alcman called her _goddess_.

1650 She was worshipped under the titles of Εἰλήθυια and Γαμηλὴ,

Hesychius in Εἰλήθυια, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1156.

1651 Athen. XV. p. 672.

1652 Hesychius in v. See also Creuzer’s Symbolik, whose chapter upon Here

contains much in the spirit of the ancient religion, and Welcker on

Schwenck, p. 268.

1653 At Sparta there was also the Arcadian worship of Athene Alea,

Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 27.

1654 Pausan. III. 18.1. Plutarch Lycurg. 11.

1655 Pausan. II. 24.

1656 Clem. Alexand. Protrept. p. 29. ed. Sylburg.

1657 Ἀκρία Ἀθηνᾶ ἐν Ἄργει. Also Here, Artemis, and Aphrodite, see Hesych.

in Ἀκρέα.

1658 But with a particular reference to Bellerophon. From Pegasus was

derived the goddess Hippia, Pind. Olymp. XIII. 97, whose altar was

chiefly remarkable for the rite of incubation. Ἑλλωτία is, as we

also learn from the Scholiast of Pindar, like Ἀλέα, the goddess of

light. There was also the worship of Athene at Syracuse, Diod. de

Virt. et Vit. p. 549. ed. Wesseling.

1659 Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. II. 1. p. 123. V. 9. p. 148, and

particularly Polyb. IX. 27. 7. with Timæus in Steph. Byz. in

Ἀτάβυρον. The Athene Polias of Trœzen was introduced by the Ionians,

as the other worships of that city show.

1660 She was always called “the Lindian” even in the city of Rhodes,

Meurs. Rhod. I. 6. Compare Apostolius XVII. 17.

1661 Strabo X. pag. 472. ὡς εἶεν Κορύβαντες δαίμονες τινες, Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ

Ἡλίου παῖδες. This is the proper way of pointing these words.

1662 II. 171.

1663 The Messenians alone made Demeter of Andania the chief goddess of

the state; see book I. ch. 5. § 16.

1664 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1197, 1198, 1199. Comp. Paus. II. 35. 3.

Perhaps the name of Hermione also refers to the worship of the

χθόνιοι θεοί, see Hesych. in Ἑρμιόνη.

1665 Athen. XIV. pag. 624 E. Compare the hymn of Philicus of Corcyra,

Hephæst. p. 53. ed. Gaisford. and the verses of Aristocles ap.

Ælian, de N. A. XI. 4.

1666 Boeckh Inscript. No. 1193.

1667 Pausan. II. 22. 2. Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ

ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα.

1668 Hellanicus ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. et Steph. Byz. in v. Τριόπιον.

Callimachus Hymn. Cer. 24. Inscript. Herod. Attici; and compare the

excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. pag.

315.

1669 See _Orchomenos_, p. 195.

1670 Herod. VII. 153. Schol. Pind. ubi sup.

_ 1671 Orchomenos_, p. 337.

1672 Ibid. pag. 257. afterwards extended over the whole of Sicily. Boeckh

Explic. Pind. Olymp. II. p. 123. Κόρης παρὰ Σικελιώταις Θεογάμια καὶ

Ἀνθεσφόρια, Pollux I. 37. The Θεογάμια were probably connected with

the festival ἀνακαλυπτήρια (Schol. rec. ad Olymp. VI. 160), and this

festival was derived from Thebes. Cyzicus also, founded by

Tyrrhenian Pelasgi (from Bœotia), was considered as an ἐμπροίκιον of

Zeus for Proserpine, Appian. Bell. Mithridat. 75. comp. Steph. Byz.

in v. Βέσβικος.

1673 A festival Θεσμοφόρια at Syracuse (Athen. XIV. p. 647 A. Θεσμοφόρων

τέμενος, Plutarch Dio 56. a month Thesmophorius, see Castelli),

Κούρεια Plutarch ubi sup. comp. Diod. V. 4. sqq.

1674 See book I. ch. 6. § 7. and above, § 1.

1675 Plut. Timoleon 8. Diod. XVI. 66. Demeter ἐποικιδίη in Corinth

according to Hesychius.

1676 Pausan. The mystical worship of _Damia_ and _Auxesia_ at Epidaurus

and Trœzen was also connected with that of Demeter, as the

manuscript Scholiast ap. Mitscherlisch ad Hymn. in Cerer. 122.

declares. But Δημήτηρ Ἀζησία (Sophocl. ap. Hesych. in v. comp.

Valcken. Adoniaz. p. 292) and Δημήτηρ Ἀμαία (Suidas in v.) must not

be confounded with those goddesses.

1677 Pausan. III. 20. 5. 6. compare Hesychius, Ἐλευσίνια ἀγὼν θυμελικὸς

ἀγόμενος Δήμητρι παρὰ Λάκωσι.

1678 III. 14. 5. Compare Hesychius in Ἐπιπολλὰ and Ἐπικρῆναι.

1679 The priests were probably called Ταιναρισταὶ, see Hesych. in v.

Ταιναρίας.

1680 Ἀμφιβαῖος, _i.e._ Ἀμφι—αῖος, Boeckh Explic. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268.

also Πελλάνιος according to Hesychius.

1681 Æginetica, p. 148. and see Plat. Sympos. IX. 6. p. 410.

1682 Hence also the sacred month Geræstius at Trœzen (Athen. XIV. p.

639), which points to Eubœa.

1683 See above, ch. 3. § 2. on the ancient difference between the

Isthmian and Olympic games.

1684 Ælian V. H. III. 42. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 963. Pac. 1071.

1685 Pausan. III. 13. 4. Here, too, as well as at Athens, there was

Διόνυσος ἐν Λίμναις, Strab. VIII. p. 363. See above, ch. 9. § 3.

concerning the Dymænæ.

1686 Pausan. II. 23, 24. 37. Compare Hesychius in Ὑαργίδες.

1687 See above, book I. ch. 5. § 3. Phlius, on account of this worship,

was the birthplace of the σατυρικοὶ ποιηταὶ Aristeas and Pratinas.

1688 Pausan. II. 7. 6. Also Διόνυσος Χοιροψάλης in that town, Clem. Alex.

Protrept. p. 25.

1689 Concerning the crown ἰάκχα see Athen. XV. p. 678. Compare Hesychius

in θιακχὰ and ἰάκχα.

1690 The celebration of which appears to be referred to in the ancient

epigram in Athen. XIV. p. 629 A.

1691 Herod. V. 67. The word ἀπέδωκε proves that the tragic choruses were

originally celebrated to Bacchus. Perhaps the Adrastea were

engrafted upon the Dionysia.

1692 Athen. XIV. p. 21, 622. It is to these that the Epigr. Onestæ 2.

refers. Comp. Hermann ad Aristot. Poet. 3. p. 104.

1693 Worshipped under the titles of Βακχεῖος and Λύσιος in that town,

Pausan. II. 2. 5.

1694 Olymp. XIII. 18. and see Boeckh’s Explic.

1695 πολύξενοι νεάνιδες, Pindar Schol. Fragm. 1.

1696 σὺν δ᾽ ἀναγκᾳ πᾶν καλὸν, Pindar ibid. Concerning the ἱερόδουλοι see

Hirt _Ueber die Hierodulen_ and others. I only add that some of them

were called κατάκλειστοι, _i.e._, shut up in single cells (Hesychius

in v.); but the reason of this name is not evident.

1697 Aphrodite Εὐδωσὼ (Hesych. in v.) and Aphrodite Βαιῶτις (ibid.) at

Syracuse came from Corinth; see Clem. Alex. p. 25.

1698 That is, on those which are falsely ascribed to the Siphnians and

Seriphians (ΣΕ or ΣΙ), but are found in great numbers in the

district of Sicyon.

1699 Hesych. in Βάκχου Διώνης.

1700 Zenob. Prov. IV. 21. Diogen. V. 21.

1701 Pausan. III. 15. 8. III. 23. 1. Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253.

Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 449. She was, however, also represented armed at

Corinth, Pausan. II. 4. 7.

1702 Hesychius in v. According to the great etymologist Κίρρις is merely

Cyprian. Compare Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. I. 3.

1703 Pausan. II. 32. 6. and concerning the Trœzenian worship of Aphrodite

see Valckenaer ad Euripid. Hippolyt. 32. Concerning the sacrifices

of a sow to Aphrodite in _Argos_ at the ὑστήρια see Athen. III. p.

96 A. Callimach. Fragm. 102 ed. Bentl. Aphrodite was worshipped

there with the title Περιβασίν, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 24. ed.

Sylburg.

1704 See Timæus apud Zenob. Prov. I. 31.

1705 Thuc. VI. 20.

1706 Book I. ch. 6. § 1.

_ 1707 Orchomenos_, p. 199.

1708 Pausan. II. 10. 3.

1709 Paus. II. 26. 7. Tacit. Annal. XIV. 18. comp. Callimach. Epigr. 58.

1710 Compare the somewhat different opinion of Boeckh Expl. Pind. p. 288.

1711 See Heyne ad Apollod. III. 15. 7.

1712 Paus. III. 18. 4. ib. 9. 35.

1713 Athen. XIII. p. 361.

1714 In an inscription found at Sparta Eleutheria, Poseidæa, and Erotidæa

occur as festivals, Corp. Inscript. 1430. and see Boeckh’s note.

1715 Plutarch de Amore Pat. I. p. 36. comp. Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 225.

above, p. 103. note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“Castor and Pollux,” starting “Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας.”] In Argos there

were ancient figures of the Διοσκοῦροι by Dipœnus and Scyllis, Paus.

Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 31 A.

1716 As ἐπίκλητοι in Herod. V. 35. so likewise the Lacedæmonians probably

sent the statues of the Tyndaridæ (οἱ ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ) to the assistance

of the Dorians, as the Æginetans sent the Æacidæ to Salamis,

Æginetica, p. 163. The Κάστωρ Μιξαρχαγέτας of the Argives (Plutarch

Quæst. Gr. 23. p. 393.) is very obscure.

1717 So among the Spartans Phormion, Paus. III. 16. 3. at the house of an

Azanian of Pagupolis, Herod. VI. 127. Hence also the Θεοξένια of the

Διοσκοῦροι at Agrigentum, Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. III. p. 135.

1718 Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. II. p. 148. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253.

1719 Plat. ubi sup. cf. Plutarch, Lycurg. 19. Compare the corresponding

expression of the Delphian oracle, Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 15.

1720 The worship of Ammon makes an exception, which was brought into

repute in Sparta by Lysander, _Orchomenos_, p. 359.

1721 Hence the Thracian Cotytto, Eupolis ap. Hesych. Suid. in Θιασώτης,

Κότυς.

1722 Ἡρακλῆς γενάρχας in a Spartan inscription, Boeckh, No. 1446.

1723 See Bentley Epistol. ad Mill. p. 503. Jacobs Animadv. ad Anthol. Gr.

vol. I. 2. p. 286. Weichert _Ueber Apollonios_, p. 246. The poem is

called a Ἡρακλεία in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

1724 Od. VIII. 228. Theocrit. XXIV. 105. Apollod. II. 4. 9. cf. II. 4.

11.

1725 The subject of the poem, the misfortunes of Iole, is given in

general by Callimachus Epig. (Strab. XIV. p. 638). The detail is

given by Apollodorus II. 6. 1. II. 7. 7, who agrees with Herodotus

ap. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 550. where likewise the Θηβαίων παράδοξα of

Lysimachus are cited, Soph. Trach. 205. Schol. ad v. 358. which

follow Pherecydes and Menecrates, Diod. IV. 31, 37. Schol. Il. V.

392. where for Βοιωτίας write Εὐβοίας. comp. Scythinus ap. Athen.

XI. p. 461 F. Hyginus Fab. 29, 35. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 13. p.

322. The names of Iole’s relations vary. See Hesiod ap. Schol.

Trach. 266. as emended by Bentley, Creophylus cited by Bentley and

Diod. ubi sup.

1726 Soph. Trach. 354, 858. comp. Hermann ad v. 326.

1727 Book I. ch. 1. § 4.

1728 Hecatæus ap. Paus. IV. 2. 2. Strabo X. p. 448.

1729 Hence Pherecydes ap. Schol. Soph. Trach. 354. places it in Arcadia,

ἐν Θούλῃ Ἀρκαδίας, perhaps ἐν ΘΩΜΗΙ, _i.e._ Ἰθώμῃ. Demetrius of

Scepsis in Strabo VIII. p. 339. identifies Œchalia and Andamia, cf.

X. p. 448. Strabo in this passage also mentions an Œchalia in

Trachinia, and another in Ætolia, comp. Eustath. ad Il. p. 298. ed.

Rom.

1730 II. 594.

1731 XXI. 13.

1732 Ubi sup. Pausanias likewise follows the local tradition, IV. 33. 5.

cf. 27. 4.

1733 Schol. Soph. ubi sup.

1734 Book I. ch. 1. § 8.

1735 Ubi sup. Also Scythinus, Sophocles and Apollodorus ubi sup.

According to Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 87. and Schol. Ven. ad Catal. 103.

the νεώτεροι in general. Probably all these placed this exploit

after the adventures in Trachinia, and immediately before his death,

cf. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 50.

1736 Il. B. 730. comp. Steph. Byz. in Οἰχαλία. Eustath. ad Il. p. 330. ad

Od. p. 1899. ed. Rom. and see the local tradition in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

1737 Odyss. and Pherecyd. ubi sup. cf. Soph. Trach. 38. The Odyssey has,

however, quite a different story; viz., that the death of Iphitus

(which was, moreover, a peaceable death, ἐν δώμασιν, XXI. 33. but

inflicted by Apollo VIII. 227.) _preceded_ the slaughter of Iphitus.

1738 Above, ch. 1. § 3.

1739 Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 37.

1740 Above, ch. 3. § 3.

1741 Perhaps the Ἡρακλῆς Ἡπιάλητα πνίγων (the nightmare) of Sophron was a

parody of this fable, Eustath. ad Il. p. 571. ed. Rom.

1742 Æsch. Agam. 1038. καὶ παῖδα γάρ τοί φασιν Ἀλκμήνης ποτὲ Πραθέντα

τλῆναι καὶ ζύγων θιγεῖν βίᾳ. Comp. below, § 8.

1743 Schol. Od. XXI. 23. cf. Apollod. II. 6. 2.

1744 Erineus was, according to a fable preserved in a strange and

apocryphal inscription, the place of a combat between Hercules and

Calchas Mopsus. Boeckh, No. 1759. Κάλχαντα Μόψον δικαίως Ἡρακλῆς

χλεύμενος (_i.e._ χολούμενος) περὶ ἐρινεοῦ, πλήξας αὐτὸν τῷ κολάφῳ

καὶ ἀποκτείνας τέθαφεν ἐν Ἐρινεῷ. The transcript has δικαιος and

τεθαψεν; for which Hermann has emended as above. The inscription

itself is a fabrication either of the latest period of antiquity, or

of the middle ages. The same legend is told, with additional

circumstances, and a different locality, by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 980.

According to Hesiod, the contest was between the two prophets,

Calchas and Mopsus, fragm. 14. ed. Gaisford.

1745 . I. ch. 2. § 4. B. II. ch. 3. § 3.

1746 Schol. Soph. Trach. 40.

1747 Steph. Byz. in Τραχίς. Marm. Farnes. 1. 66. emended by Heyne ad

Apollod. p. 191.

1748 Paus. II. 23. 5.

1749 B. I. ch. 3. § 9.

1750 Apollod. Diod. &c. Sophocles, however, calls her a native of

Pleuron, Trach. 7.

1751 Described by Archilochus, according to Schol. Ven. ad Il. XXI. 237.

1752 Archilochus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1213. This scene is very

coarsely represented on an ancient vase (Hancarville IV. 31.), with

the inscription ΔΑΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ ΝΕΣΣΟΣ, as should be read.

1753 See the verse in Strabo VIII. p. 342. Steph. Byz. in Ὤλενος, which,

however, probably belongs to the story in Apollod. I. 8. 4.

1754 According to Hyginus Fab. 31, 33. Deianira is the daughter of

Dexamenus. The Schol. Callim. Hymn. Del. 102. call Dexamenus himself

a Centaur; and thus on a vase of the best age Hercules is

represented as wrestling with him for Deianira, with the inscription

ΟΙΝΕΥΣ ΔΕΞΑΜΕΝΟΣ ΔΕΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ from left to right, Millingen Diverses

Peintures 33.

1755 Bacchylides ap. Schol. Od. XXI. 295. with Buttmann’s note.

1756 Raoul-Rochette, Etabliss. des Col. Grecques, tom. I. p. 219.

1757 Hughes’ Travels, vol. II. p. 313. Pouqueville, vol. I. p. 471.

1758 Heyne ad Il. II. 659. Strabo’s opinion, that in Homer, and the fable

of Hercules, Ephyra in Elis is meant (VII. p. 328. VIII. 338.), is

refuted by the passages of Homer himself.

1759 Some of these fables were mixed up with the war against Pylos, and

some (_e.g._, the abduction of Cerberus) taken over to Tænarum and

Heraclea Pontica; the latter probably first by Herodorus, who was a

native of that Heraclea, see Heeren de fontibus Plutarchi, p. 17.

Compare the coin of Heraclea in Mionnet, No. 160, in which Hercules

is represented as bringing Cerberus to the statue of Demeter.

1760 Iliad. II. 657.

1761 Strabo IX. p. 443. Polyæn. Strateg. VII. 44. Veil. Paterc. I. 3. 2.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1089. See Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. X. p. 332.

The kings of the Molossi likewise supposed themselves descended from

a certain Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodæus, of the Hyllean tribe,

Plutarch Pyrrh. 1. Justin. XVII. 3.

1762 Iliad. II. 678. Compare b. I. ch. 6. § 3.

1763 Apollod. II. 5. 10.

1764 Ib. I. 6. 4. where it is incidentally mentioned from an earlier

tradition.

1765 Ap. Arrian. II. 16. frag. p. 50. ed. Creuzer.

1766 P. 23. ed. Gronov. The mountain _Abas_ and river _Anthemoeis_ in

Erythea, according to Apollodorus, should probably also be referred

to this district. At least there were Abantes in the exact spot

where Erythea is placed, on the Aous, near Oricum. According to

Aristot. Mirab. § 145. Erythea was in the territory of the Ænianes.

Hercules stole the oxen there from Cythera Persephassa. Compare

Antonin. Liberal, c. 4. πολεμήσαντας γὰρ αὐτῷ Κελτοὺς καὶ Χάονας καὶ

Θεσπρώτους καὶ σύμπαντας Ἠπειρώτας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κρατηθῆναι, ὅτι τὰς

Γηρυόνου βοῦς συνελθόντες (ἤθελον) ἀφελέσθαι. The _Celts_ are

introduced from some Geryonis; see Diod. V. 24. Etymol. M. p. 502.

50. See also Appian, Bell. Civ. II. 29.

1767 Herod. IX. 93. Conon, Narr. c. 30. Two legends connected with this

fable are remarkable; first, the punishment of blindness for any one

who had neglected the worship of the Sun; secondly, the tale that

the Greek gods themselves had sent wolves against their herds. The

cattle of the Sun in the Odyssey are only those of Tænarum and

Epirus transferred to a greater distance: there was likewise a

fabulous reason for the νηθάλιοι θυσίαι of the Sun, as they were

performed in many cities of Greece, Od. XII. 363.

1768 Paus. II. 1. 6, &c.

1769 Proxenus ἐν Ἡπειρωτικοῖς ap. Suid. et Apostol. in λαρινοὶ βόες.

Compare Lycus of Rhegion ibid. Ælian, N. H. XII., 11. III. 33.

1770 Herod. VII. 216.

1771 Peisander ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1047. τῷ δ᾽ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι θεὰ

γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη Ποίει θερμὰ λοετρὰ παρὰ ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης, which

verses are referred to by Zenobius Prov. VI. 49. Compare Ruhnken ap.

Heyn. ad Æn. II. Exc. I. p. 287. Wesseling ad Diod. IV. 23. Herod.

VII. 176. Phileas ap. Harpocrat. in Θερμοπύλαι. The fable was

carried over to the hot spring near Himera in Sicily, Boeckh Explic.

Pind. Olymp. XII. p. 210.

1772 Callim. Hymn. Dian. 159. Schol. ad 1. Arrian ap. Eustath. ad Dionys.

Perieg. p. 107. The Φρίκιον ὄρος should be distinguished from the

place where Hercules slew a Centaur, Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον.

1773 Strabo IX. p. 428. The part of Œta, where the funeral pile is said

to have stood, was called _Pyra_; Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IX. 10.

Livy XXXVI. 30.

1774 Steph. Byz. in Τύφρηστος. The ἀσέληνα ὄρη of Trachis were mentioned

in the fourteenth book of the Heraclea of Rhianus, Etymol. M. in v.

Suidas in Ῥίανος.

1775 Strabo XIII. p. 613. Diod. XII. 59. the coins in Eckhel Num. Anecd.

tab. 6. p. 89. Dodwell’s Travels vol. I. p. 76. Clarke’s Travels

vol. IV. p. 197.

1776 Scythinus and Polemon ap. Athen. XI. p. 461.

1777 Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 6. remarks with judgment, “_Herculis

Thebani facta et fata ad Thebanas historias accommodare difficile

est._”

1778 Annual sacrifices were here offered to the eight children of

Hercules. See Pausan. Pind. Isthm. III. 79. and Chrysippus in the

Scholia. The graves of Amphitryon, Iolaus, and Alcmena, and the

Gymnasium for the Iolaän or Heraclean games, were in front of the

gate of Prœtidæ, Pind. Pyth. IX. 82. Nem. IV. 20. Schol. et Dissen.

Explic. p. 382. where the subject is very clearly explained.

1779 Ap. Antonin. Liberal. c. 33.

1780 Marini Ville Alban. p. 150. Compare Bœttiger’s Amalthea, vol. I. p.

130.

1781 Other versions of this story may be seen in Cicero De Nat. D. III.

16. where see Creuzer’s note, and in Paus. X. 13. 4. See also

Visconti, Museo Pio-Clementino, II. 5. Zoëga, Bassirilievi, vol. II.

p. 98.

1782 The reconsecration on the foot of a candelabrum at Dresden. The

atonement, on a Corinthian _puteal_, in the genuine archaic style,

published by Dodwell in his Travels and his collection of

Bas-reliefs, Rome, 1820. It afterwards came into the possession of

the late lord Guilford. In this Apollo, Artemis, and Latona are met

by Pallas, Hercules, and Alcmena, or some other woman: the Graces

follow behind. Perhaps this is a copy of the Sicyonian group of

Dipœnus and Scyllis (Plin. H. N. XXXVI. 4.) unless this also

represented the contest, as the one in Paus. ubi sup. There is a

similar composition on a vase in Millingen’s Vases de Coghill, pl.

11. Apollo δαφνηφόρος, sitting by the tripod with Artemis and

Latona, receives Hercules; a goddess with a sceptre (Vesta,

according to Zoega), and Hermes, are standing by. Hercules is always

drawn as a youth in this subject.

1783 Hence also his labours were represented on the metopes of the

Delphian temple, Eurip. Ion. 196, 239.

1784 See the legend of Tripodiscus in Paus. I. 43. 7. comp. above, p. 14.

1785 Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 245.

1786 He erected three statues of Demonesian brass; above, p. 250. note l.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “sacred tithe,”

starting “From Megara.”] Comp. Callim. fragm. 75. v. 5.

1787 It can indeed be only collected from coins. See Visconti, Mus.

Pio-Clement. tom. VII. 4. b. No. 11. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p.

109. No. 94. and Planches LIII. 4. Pouqueville, Voyage, tom. IV. p.

208. I likewise saw a similar coin in lord Northwick’s collection.

1788 Above, ch. 2. § 11. Hence the scene of the Rhadamanthus of Euripides

was laid in Bœotia, fragm. 1.

1789 Plutarch, Lysand. 18. De Socrat. Genio 5. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 50.

Apollod. II. 4. 11. Pherecydes ap. Antonin. Liberal, c. 32. fragm.

50. ed. Sturz. comp. Visconti ad Herod. Att. Inscript. Triop. fin.

1790 Pherecydes ubi sup. Paus. IX. 16. 4.

_ 1791 Orchomenos_, pp. 84. 208. On Hercules Ἱπποδέτης see the story in

Plutarch, Parallel, p. 416.

1792 The passage most in point is in the Theocritean poem XXIV. 100.

where, however, much Alexandrine fiction may be discerned.

1793 See, among other writers, Alcidamas Rhetor adv. Palamed. § 25. ed.

Bekker. where for Τέννος write Λίνος, with two manuscripts.

1794 Below, ch. 12. § 1.

1795 See Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. III. 18. above, ch. 3. § 2. At Nemea

honours were paid to the 360 supposed companions of Hercules, Ælian,

V. H. IV. 5; evidently referring to the year of 360 days.

1796 Heyne ad Apollod. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 509.

1797 The madness of Hercules also occurred in the Κύπρια ἔπη, as appears

from the extract of Proclus (at the end of Gaisford’s Hephæstion);

but in that poem it was, if I rightly apprehend the context,

represented as caused by the love and seduction of Hercules.

1798 Eurip. Herc. Fur. Paus. IX. 11. 1.

1799 In this temple a λίθος σωφρονιστὴς, which had restored him to his

senses, was shown under the altar, Paus. IX. 11. 5.

1800 It is to this that the verses of Panyasis refer, in which Hercules

is described as coming over Parnassus to Castalia (fragm. 7. ed.

Gaisford).

1801 Apollod. II. 5. 11. conf. Heyn. According to Herodorus apud Schol.

Soph. Trach. 253. Hercules afterwards serves an ἐνιαυτὸς of three

years; and so also Apollod. II. 6. 4. See above, ch. 11, § 2.

1802 Above, ch. 7. § 9. ch. 8. § 4. The verses from the Heraclea of

Panyasis, Fragm. 4. ed. Gaisford, appear to have been spoken by

Hercules as a consolation for his slavery. Comp. Iliad XXI. 443.

They seem to be incorrectly applied by Heyne ad Apollod. II. 7. 3.

p. 188.

1803 Herod. VI. 116. Paus. I. 15. 4. 32. 4. Harpocrat. in Ἡρακλῆς. Schol.

Pind. OI. IX. 92. XIII. 184. cf. Boeckh Explic. p. 193. Elmsley ad

Eurip. Heraclid. 32.

1804 Aristoph. Ran. 504. Schol. ad 1. et ad 664. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I.

1209. Harpocrat. in Μελίτη, Hesych. in ἐκ Μελίτης, Μήλων et Διομεία,

Suidas in Διομεία. Tzetzes Chil. VIII. 192. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att.

II. p. 335. where, however, there are some inaccuracies.

1805 Together with Hebe, Alcmene, and Iolaus, Paus. I. 19. 3. This temple

is frequently mentioned.

1806 Paus. I. 31.

1807 Diog. Laert. III. 41.

1808 Steph. Byz. in Ἐχελίδαι. Hence, according to some writers, a dance

called τετράκωμος derived its name, Pollux IV. 14. 99. 105. Athen.

XIV. p. 618. Hesych. in τετράκωμος. There was a temple of Hercules,

not far off, on the road to Salamis, Plutarch Themist. 13.

1809 Book I. ch. 3. § 5.

1810 Diod. XII. 45. Schol. Soph. Œd. T. 701.

1811 Plutarch, Thes. 35. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1333.

1812 See the Κυκλικοὶ in Schol. II. T. 242. Herod. IX. 73. Paus. I. 41.

4. III. 18. 3. Isocrat. Encom. Helen, p. 211 E. Plutarch, Thes. 32.

Steph. Byz. and Harpocrat. in Τιτακίδαι. To this also the verse of

Callimachus refers, Frag. 234. ἄνδρ᾽ ελαιοι (write Ἔλαον)

Δεκελειόθεν αμπρεύοντες, “_dragging Elatus from Decelea_,” _i.e._,

as a guide to Aphidna. According to Alcman (Fragm. 3. ed. Welcker)

and the inscription on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. V. 19. 1.) they

even conquered Athens. How this is connected with the gloss in

Hesychius, Ἀσαναίων πόλιν τὰς Ἀφίδνας, which probably refers to

Alcman, does not appear.

1813 Above, ch. 10, § 8.

1814 See book I. ch. 3. § 2.

1815 The striking difference between the two has been remarked, amongst

others, by Dio Chrysost. Orat. 47. p. 523. B.C. The Alexandrine

fiction of the _twelve_ labours is satisfactorily treated of by

Zoega (Bassiril. II. p. 46.) and also by Ouwaroff, Examen critique

de la Fable d’Hercule.

1816 Schol. Pind. Nem. Arg. p. 425. ed. Boeckh. Argus was also fabled to

have there pastured the sacred cows of Here.

1817 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 498. comp. Orph. Fragm. 9. A fragment of

Epimenides ap. Ælian. Nat. Anim. XII. 7. also mentions this fable,

and Herodorus apud Tatian. I. p. 164. (ap. Justin. Martyr, ed.

Col.), where for Ἡροδότου we should read Ἡροδώρου, and again by

Euphorion Fragm. 47. p. 111. ed. Meineke. To the passages there

collected add Hesiod. Theog. 331. Pindar Fragm. inc. 100. p. 660.

ed. Boeckh. Callim. Fragm. 82. Plutarch de Facie in Orbe Lunæ 24. de

Fluv. 18. 4. Steph. Byz. in Ἀπέσας. comp. Hygin. Fab. 30.

1818 Compare the vase published by Millin. II. tab. 75. with the

description of the metopes on the temple at Delphi in Eurip. Ion.

196. On the chest of Cypselus, however, he is represented as slaying

them with arrows.

1819 Heinrich Proleg. in Hesiod. Scut. pag. 69. Dissen. Explic. Pind.

Isthm. V. p. 525. Buttmann ad Soph. Philoct. 726. On the chest of

Cypselus Hercules was represented with arrows, and also with a

sword: he is called αἰχμητὴς in Archilochus Frag. 60. ed. Gaisford.

1820 Odyss. XI. 600. cf. VIII. 224. II. V. 393.

1821 Athen. XII. p. 512 F. Strab. XV. p. 688. Eratosth. Cataster. 12.

Suid. in Πείσανδρος comp. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 1197. concerning

the brazen club of Hercules mentioned by Peisander.

1822 See above, b. I. ch. 3. § 5.

1823 Comp. Isocr. Archid. p. 119 D. Marm. Farnes. p. 152. in Marini and

others.

1824 I understand ἐν Πύλῳ ἐν νεκύεσσι, Il. III. 395 in the same manner as

Pausanias does VI. 25. 3. Apollod. II. 7. 3. The wounding of Hades

was also mentioned by Panyasis, Arnob. adv. Gent. IV. 25. According

to the same author (ap. Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 25. ed. Sylb.) Here

was also wounded at Pylus. The passage in the Iliad V. 392. leaves

this undecided. Comp. Schol. Venet. ad Il. XI. 689. Lycophr. 39.

with the Commentary of Tzetzes. The wounding of Ares is connected

with the above by Hesiod Scut. 368. the battle with Apollo and

Poseidon by Pindar Olymp. IX. 33. Boeckh Expl. p. 189.

1825 Nevertheless there was also near Pylos Triphyliacus a sanctuary of

Hades on mount Minthe.

1826 Schol. Il. V. 392. Venet. II. 336. from the Κατάλογοι of Hesiod.

Diod. IV. 31.

1827 Apollod. II. 6. 2. Schol. Venet. Il. II. 88. Marm. Farnes. p. 151.

1828 Ch. 11. § 1.

1829 Olymp. XI. 57. The names of the conquerors were perhaps taken from

public registers, ἀναγραφαὶ, which usually went back to the mythical

period, like those of the priestesses of Here at Argos (see book I.

ch. 7. § 2). Comp. with ibid. v. 59. Etym. Mag. Δαιτήριον ἐν Ἰλιάδι,

read ΗΛΕΙΑΙ; the spot where Hercules distributed the booty of the

Elean war.

1830 Provided that Doryclus is the Δορυκλὲυς mentioned in Apollod. III.

10. 5.

1831 Polyb. XII. 26. 2 comp. above, ch. 3. § 2.

1832 See Pind. Olymp. III. 14. where the connexion seems to be as

follows: Hercules, while chasing the hind of Artemis, arrives at the

country of the Hyperboreans, at the source of the Ister, and there

sees the beautiful olive-trees. Afterwards, when about to found the

Olympic games, he remembers these trees, and procures some young

shoots to plant the bare and sunny plains of Elis. On the κότινος of

Olympia see Schneider Index Theophrast. vol. V. p. 424.

1833 Pausan. VIII. 25. 5. 15. 2. comp. above, p. 220, note b.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “some external

influence,” starting “The temples are.”]

1834 See the map of Peloponnesus.

1835 Apollod. II. 6. 3.

1836 See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad Æn. III. From hence the colony of Heraclea

was sent.

1837 ΟΙΚΙΜΤΑΜ on coins, _i.e._ οἰκιστής.

1838 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

1839 Mus. Pembrock. P. II. tab. 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. No. 13, from

whose explanation mine differs in some respects.

1840 Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 115.

1841 Athen. X. p. 441 A. from the Ἰταλικὴ of Alcimus.

1842 See book I. ch. 6. § 3.

1843 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 58. p. 409. Nicomachus ap. Lyd. de Mensibus,

p. 93.

1844 Dissen. Expl. Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. It may, perhaps, be collected

from Ovid. Metam. VII. 369. that at this festival the women were

disguised as cows. Perhaps the festival of Hercules was connected

with that of Here, concerning which see Athen. VI. p. 262.

1845 Laur. Lydus de Magistr. III. 64. p. 268. On the connexion between

the Lydian worship of Sandon or Sandes and the Hellenic worship of

Hercules see a paper by the author in the _Rheinisches Museum_, vol.

III. p. 22-39.

1846 Steph. Byz. in Ἀκέλη.

1847 Berosus ap. Agath. Hist. Justin. II. p. 62. ed. Vulcan.

1848 Strabo XII. p. 564 B. Solinus 42, &c. comp. _Orchomenos_, p. 293.

1849 Κτιστὴς on the coins.

1850 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 131. Hence this genealogy was afterwards

transferred to Hylas. In the Spartan fable, Elacatus was represented

as the παιδικὰ of Hercules (Sosibius ap. Hesych. in Ἠλακάτια).

1851 See the fragments of the Lytierses of Sositheus, Hermann, Opuscula,

vol. I. p. 54. and above, ch. 8. § 12.

1852 Amongst the passages quoted in Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. I. p. 326.

those of Pherecydes, Pindar, and Apollodorus should be particularly

noticed.

1853 Aristot. ap. Ælian Var. Hist. V. 3. comp. Schwarz de Columnis

Herculis, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 205. Peringer de Templo Herculis

Gaditani. Concerning Hercules-Briareus, see also Zenob. Prov. οὗτος

ἄλλος Ἡρακλῆς.

1854 The African Hercules Maceris, according to Pausan. X. 17. 2; the

Phœnician Διωδᾶς, according to Euseb. Scal. p. 26. in the Greek

text. Islands of Hercules near New Carthage in Spain, Athen. III. p.

121 A. We find also an Iolaus connected with the Carthaginian

Hercules, Polyb. VII. 9. 2. Eudoxus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392 D.

1855 Pausan. ubi sup.

1856 Sallust. Bell. Jugurth. 21. which passage also mentions his death in

Spain. Comp. Strabo XVII. p. 828.

1857 Pollux I. 4. 45.

1858 Eudoxus ubi sup. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1702. 50. Zenobius in ὄρτυξ

ἔσωσεν. Compare with these passages the very ingenious explanation

of this fable in Heeren’s Ideen, vol. I. part 2. p. 129.

1859 Herod. V. 43. Paus. III. 16. 4.

1860 Hence also the legend that Hercules was subject to epilepsy.

1861 Od. XI. 605.

1862 This worship certainly originated at Delphi, since the Delphic

oracle in Demosth. in. Mid. p. 531. 7. orders the Athenians to offer

sacrifices περὶ ὑγιείας to the supreme Zeus, Hercules, and Apollo

προστατήριος. Concerning Hercules ἀλεξίκακος see Libanius Ep. 12.

Dio Chrysost. Orat. I. p. 17. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1375. and Schol.

Apoll. Rh. I. 1218. comp. Marini Ville Alban. p. 141. No. 152. This

character of the hero is generally alluded to in the exclamations

Ἡράκλεις, Me Hercules; and as such, representations of sheep were

offered to him (otherwise the usual sacrifices were swine); and he

was called Μήλων at Thebes, Pollux I. 1. 27. 30. and at Melite in

Attica.—See Apollod. ap. Zenob. V. 12. Hesych. in Μήλων. Schol.

Aristoph. Pac. 42. cf. 740. Suidas in Μήλιος.

1863 Strab. XIII. p. 613. This, however, was not the original Grecian

Hercules; above, § 8. Hercules ἀπόμυιος (the averter of flies) was

worshipped at Rome, according to Clemens Alexand. Protrept. I. p.

24. ed. Sylb. a title of Zeus at Olympia.

1864 According to Pausanias, who also gives an account of several

Dædalian wooden images of Hercules. The divine worship at Sicyon

(Paus. II. 10. 1.) may, however, be referred to the Idæan Dactylus,

since this town was anciently connected with Phæstus.

1865 Pind. Nem. I. 67. (cf. VII. 90) represents Hercules as engaged in

this contest with the gods, probably a short time before his

deification. The first representations of Hercules the

giant-destroyer occur on the throne of the Amyclæan Apollo. Pausan.

III. 18. 7. and some very ancient vases.

1866 In making libations to Hercules not a drop was left in the goblet,

Athen. XII. p. 1512 F. Those who wished to make libations brought

him a measure of wine, Hesych. in Οἰνιστήρια.

1867 For instance, Epicharmus in the Busiris, and The Marriage of Hebe

(frequently quoted in Athenæus), and Rhinthon in the Hercules. See

Athen. XI. p. 500 F.

1868 See _e.g._, Eubulus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 567.

1869 On this poem see Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. I. p. 378. ed. Harles.

Thermopylæ appears to have been the earliest locality of this fable

(Herod. VII. 216. above, ch. 11. § 5.), but in this poem the scene

was perhaps laid in Œchalia in Eubœa; at least Tzetzes, enumerating

the poems attributed to Homer, mentions the Κέρκωπες next to the

Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις (ap. Bentl. Epist. ad Mill. p. 505, ed.

Lips.).—Hence Diotimus, in his poem on the labours of Hercules,

called the Cercopes Œchalians, viz., in Eubœa, whence they ravaged

the territory of Bœotia (Suidas in Εὐρύβατος. Apostol. IX. 33.

Schol. Lucian. Alexand. 4. 71.): Æschrion of Sardis, in his Ephesis,

was probably the first who transplanted them to Lydia (Lobeck _de

Cercopibus el Cobalis_ p. 7.), and Xenagoras to the Pithecusæ

(apparently in his treatise περὶ Νήσων, ap. Harpocrat. in Κέρκωπες.

Lactant. Fab. XIV. 3. Zenobius, Apostol. XI. 24.). Among the

Athenian comic poets Hermippus and Plato treated this fable; but the

composition in Hancarville III. 88. in which Hercules reaches two

monkey-shaped Cercopes in nets or cages to Eurystheus sitting on a

throne, seems to be a representation of an Italian farce.

1870 Millingen Peintures Inédites pl. 35. Tischbein III. 37. See Tzetz.

ad Lycophr. 691.

1871 See Reinganum’s Selinus, plate 3. (Leipsig. 1827).

1872 Μή τευ μελαμπύγου τύχοις. See the Parœmiographers, Photius, Suidas,

&c., in this expression, Diod. IV. 31. and others. The proverb

occurred in Archilochus, fragm. 106. ed. Gaisford.

1873 Athen. VI. p. 260. from Hegesander, ibid. XIV. p. 615 D. from

Telephanes. Perhaps Hercules had παράσιτοι here as well as at

Cynosarges and other demi. See Diodorus of Sinope in Athen. VI. p.

239 E.

1874 Book IV. ch. 6. § 9. 10. ch. 7.

1875 Our knowledge of Macedonia has been much increased by the Travels of

F. C. H. L. Pouqueville from Janina to Greveno and Castoria, of H.

Pouqueville from Guilan to Mezzovo, and Barbié du Bocage’s (the

younger) Examination of the Ruins of Pella; although in the _Voyage

dans la Grèce_ (tom. II.) of the first-named writer some singular

notions, arising from an imperfect knowledge of ancient geography

(_e.g._, of _Haliacmonts_), somewhat confuse the description. But

the _Carte de la Grèce Moderne_, by J D. Barbié du Bocage, is a work

of great accuracy, and it has been implicitly followed in the

annexed Map.

1876 Its rise in these mountains, and course through Pæonia (Liv. XXXIX.

53. Strabo VII. p. 327. cf. Exc. 9. p. 330. ed. Casaub. Ptolem. p.

82. ed. Montan.). prove that it is the modern Cara-Sou.

1877 Strabo VII. 9. p. 330. states that the Ludias runs out of the lake

on which Pella is situated; which is now the lake of Jenidge.

(According to modern maps it is not true that the lake is formed by

an ἀπόσπασμα of the Axius; but in ancient times also the marshes

reached to the east of Pella, Liv. XLIV. 46.) Compare Strabo VII. 8.

p. 330. It is evident from Herodotus VII. 127. that the Lydias was

next to the Axius. Λοιδίας was the reading found by Harpocration in

Æschines de Fals. Leg. p. 44.

1878 Herod. VII. 127. Scylax agrees with Herodotus, p. 26. ed. Hudson,

where the places come in the following order: “Pydna, Methone, the

mouth of the Haliacmon, Alorus, the Lydias, then Pella, the Axius,

the Echeidorus, and Therma.” On the other hand, Strabo, who

represents the Haliacmon as falling into the sea near Dium (VII. 8.

p. 330.), perhaps confounding it with the Helicon, (Pausan. IX. 30.

4.) is supported by Ptolemy, p. 82. “Thessalonice, the Echeidorus,

the Axius, the Lydias, Pydna, the Haliacmon, Dion, Pharybas (read

Baphyras), the Peneus.”

1879 Plutarch de Exilio 10.

1880 Or Lacmus, in which mountain the Aous and the Inachus, a branch of

the Achelous, have their source, Hecatæus ap. Strab. VI. p. 271.

VII. p. 316. Steph. Byz. in v. Λάκμων. Sophocles ap. Strab. VI. p.

271. Herod. IX. 93. The _Lingus_ of Livy XXXII. 13. is nearly the

same mountain.

1881 Ptolemy. It seems plain that the Καναλόουια ὄρη of Ptolemy, in which

the Haliacmon rises, and the Κανδαουία ὄρη before Lychnidus, in

Strabo, Cæsar, Cicero, and the Tab. Peuting. are the _same_ name,

and that the passage of Ptolemy is corrupt. The ridge is, indeed,

broken by the Genusus.

1882 See next note.

1883 Strabo VII. Exc. 11. p. 330. This _Bermius_ is a continuation of

mount _Barnus_, at the foot of which the Via Egnatia passes (Strab.

VII. p. 323.), and the same as the _Bernus_ of Diodorus, fragm. 27.

p. 229. ed. Bipont, or the _Bora_ of Livy XLV. 29. 30. where it must

be distinguished between what properly belongs to a _regio_ and what

_adjicitur_. See below, p. 459, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: There

is no such footnote number on that page.]

1884 Mannert’s Geographie, VII. p. 516.

1885 Below, § 17.

1886 Below. § 11.

1887 VII. 113.

1888 Herodotus (ubi sup.) appears also to call the mountain between the

Strymon and Angites, Pangæum.

1889 Herod. VII. 123. cf. 127.

1890 Herod. VII. 124.

1891 Thuc. I. 58.

1892 Il. 99.

1893 Herod. VII. 115. Diodonis XXVII. p. 229. also places the Bisaltæ to

the west of the Strymon; somewhat differently Liv. XLV. 29, 30.

Compare Gatterer’s excellent Dissertations _de Herodoti et

Thucydidis Thracia_, and Commentat. Gotting. vol. 5. p. 33.

1894 Herod. VII. 124. cf. 127. It is, however, singular that Xerxes

should go from Acanthus to Therma in Mygdonia, beyond Pæonia (on the

Axius?) and Crestonica. This Crestonica is probably quite different

from the Crestonæi at the source of the Echeidorus, and is a

district of Chalcidice. See the author’s _Etrusker_, vol. I. p. 96.

Ἐν τῇ Κρηστωνίᾳ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Βισαλτῶν χώραν, Pseud-Aristot. Mirab.

Auscult. p. 710. ed. Casaubon.

1895 Herod. VII. 127.

1896 VII. 123. Βοττιαΐδα, τῆς ἔχουσι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν στεινὸν χωρίον

πόλις Ἴχναι τε καὶ Πελλα. It does not follow that Pella was, in the

opinion of Herodotus, a coast-town.

1897 Of Apollo, according to Hesychius in Ἰχναίην. Macedonia had been

called from it Ἰχναίη by some poet, Hesychius and Suidas in v. The

city is mentioned by Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. Plin. H. N. IV.

17. and Mela II. 3. Stephanus Byz. confounds with this town that in

Thessaly. Themis was worshipped at Ichnæ, according to Strabo IX. p.

435.

1898 Strab. VII. 8. p. 330. compare Scylax and Æschines above, in notes c

and d.

1899 Strab. VII. 9. p. 330.

1900 In Polybius V. 97. 4. Bottia and Amphaxitis are also mentioned

together.

1901 Βοττία in II. 99. should probably be written Βοττιαία, as in II.

100. (or the reverse; see notes c and f in this page, and Etym. Mag.

in v.) [Transcriber’s Note: Note c begins “In Polybius V. 97. 4.”

and note f begins “Thucyd. I. 65.”]

1902 See below, p. 465, note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “according to Herodotus,” starting “VIII. 127.”]

1903 Thucyd. I. 65, II. 79, 101. The passage of Theopompus ap. Steph.

Byz. in v. Αἰόλιον should be thus written: πόλιν Αἰόλιον τῆς

Βοττικῆς (vulg. Ἀττικῆς) μὲν οὖσαν, πολιτευομένην δὲ μετὰ τῶν

Χαλκιδέων. The inhabitants, however, are always called Βοττιαῖοι in

Thucydides. Βοττιαία for Βοττικὴ, Dionysius ad Amm. I. 9. The great

etymologist in Βοττεία also notices the distinction between Βοττικὴ

and Βοττιαία; where write Βοττικὴ ἡ Χαλκιδικὴ γῆ (ΧΑΛΚΙΔΙΚΗ for

ΧΑΛΔΑΙΚΗ).

1904 VII. 127. Compare the expression οἱ οὐρίζουσι γῆν Βοττιαΐδα τε καὶ

Μακεδονίδα, with VII. 123. ὅς οὐριζει χώρην τὴν Μυγδονίην τε καὶ

Βοττιαιΐδα.

1905 Pausan. IX. 30. 3. χώραν τὴν ὑπὸ ὄρος, τὴν Πιερίαν. Livy XLIV. 43.

calls the mountain-forest above Pydna _Pieria sylva_.

1906 With Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. who makes Pæonia extend to the Axius

(and so Ptolemy, p. 82.); though he afterwards places Alorus to the

south of the Lydias, and yet in Bottiæa. There is, however, much

confusion in this passage.

1907 See below, § 17.

1908 VIII. 8. p. 330.

1909 Liv. XLIV. 9, 20. Hence also Pausanias (IX. 30. 3. X. 13. 3.)

appears to distinguish Dium (τὸ ὑπὸ τῇ Πιερίᾳ), and Strabo (IX. p.

410. X. p. 471.) Leibethrum, from Pieria. On the other hand, Arrian.

Anab. I. 11. places the ξόανον of Orpheus at Leibethra (Plutarch

Alexand. 14.) in Pieria.

1910 I have placed Dium at the _ruines_ in B. du Bocage; Platamona is

perhaps the ancient temple of Hercules.

1911 VII. 8. p. 330. comp. Wesseling ad Anton. Itin. p. 328. and Drakenb.

ad Liv. XLII. 51. The _Citium_ of Livy must be sought for near

Edessa.

1912 XLII. 53.

1913 Il. 99.

1914 Liv. XLV. 30.

1915 Liv. XLII. 53. Compare Plutarch. Æmil. 9. βιαζόμενον κατὰ τὰς

Ἐλιμίας (the passes of Elimea?).

1916 Liv. XLIII. 21. see above, § 2.

1917 Steph. Byz. in Παραυαῖοι. According to Arrian I. 7. the ἄκρα

Τυμφαίας and Παραυαίας, between Elimea and Thessaly. Plutarch Qu.

Gr. 13. cf. 26. places Parauæa in Molossis, Stephanus in Thesprotis,

as well as Tymphe. Comp. Thuc. II. 80. It is now called _Zagori_.

See _Geographische Ephemeriden_, vol. XVII. p. 429.

1918 Strab. VII. p. 325. cf. 326. The Paroræa in Pæonia, Liv. XLII. 51.

Plin. IV. 17. should be distinguished from it.

1919 Strab. VII. p. 327. cf. 326. Liv. XLV. 30. According to Marsyas in

Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰθικία, Æthicia lay between Tymphæa and

Athamania. In Liv. XXXII. 13. should probably be written, _in

Tymphæa terra Molottidis,_ where you would arrive by mounting the

course of the Aous. Plutarch Pyrrh. 6. connects Stymphæa and

Parauæa: τήν τε Στυμφαίαν καὶ τὴν Παραυαίαν τῆς Μακεδονίας. Comp.

Niebuhr’s Römische Geschichte, vol. III. p. 536.

1920 See particularly Polyb. II. 5. Scylax, p. 10. Comp. Thucydides,

Livy, and Strabo as above. In Proxenus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Χαονία,

for Ταραύλιοι, Ἀμύμονες read Παραυαῖοι, Ἀτίντανες. It is mentioned

in Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 704. ed. Casaub. that Atintania

borders on Apolloniatis; and hence in p. 710. for Ἀτλαντίνων read

Ἀτιντάνων, or Ἀμαντίνων.

1921 In Liv. XXXI. 40. Sulpicius goes from Elimea to Orestis, and from

thence to Dassaretis (on the lake Lychnidus, XXVII. 32. near

Lyncestis, XXXI. 33. XXXII. 9. cf. Polyb. V. 108. Ptolem. p. 83,),

and conquers Pelion on the Erigon (see Arrian I. 5.).

1922 Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται, Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. cf. XLII.

38.

1923 Or Ὀρεστιὰς, Strab. VII. p. 326.

1924 Liv. XXXI. 40.

1925 Mannert denies this (VII. p. 519.); but without the authority of any

good map. See Pouqueville tom. II. p. 322. Orestia was beyond

Macedonia, according to Steph. Byz.

1926 This is evident from the following passages, Plin. H. N. IV. 15. _In

Thessalia autem Orchomenos Minyeus ante dictus, et oppidum Almon ab

aliis Salmon._ Schol. Apollon. II. 1186. δύναται δὲ καὶ Ὀρχομενοῦ

μνημονεύειν τοῦ μεθορίου Μακεδονίας καὶ Θεσσαλίας. Steph. Byz. Μινύα

πόλις Θεσσαλίας ἡ πρότερον Ἁλμωνία; Diod. XX. 110. where Orchomenus

and Dium are mentioned together as cities in existence in Olymp.

119. 3; Eustath. ad Il. IX. p. 661. 4. ed. Bas. (cf. II. p. 206.

22.) who states that the Thessalian _or_ Macedonian Orchomenus was

in his time called Charmenas. See _Orchomenos_, pp. 139, 249. where

it is also shown that the Halmopians, or Salmonians, were an ancient

tribe of the Minyæ.

1927 Livy XLV. 30. says of Eordæa, Lyncestis, Pelagonia, Atintania,

Tymphæa, and Elimiotis, _frigida hæc omnis duraque cultu et aspera

plaga est_.

1928 Among the Macedonian gentile-names, such as Lyncestæ, Orestæ, Diastæ

(Steph. Byz. in Δῖον), may also be included the Cyrrhestæ (Plin. H.

N. IV. 17.) of the region Cyrrhus (Thuc. II. 100. Diod. XVIII. 4.

Steph. Byz. in Μανδαραί).

1929 Thuc. IV. 83. 124, 129. Liv. XXVI. 25. XXXI. 33. see p. 459, note m,

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Edessa and Pella,”

starting “Strab. VII. p. 323.”] p. 460, note x, [Transcriber’s Note:

This is the footnote to “Lyncestis,” starting “By the road.”] and §

27.

1930 Thuc. IV. 124. τὰς τοῦ Ἀρριβαίου κώμας. Heraclea Lyncestis appears

to have been a late settlement.

1931 Thuc. IV. 127.

1932 Strab. VII. p. 323. This road, which, according to the tab.

Peutinger. and the Itin. Anton. p. 318, 329, passes through

Lychnidus, Heraclea Lyncestis, Cellæ, Edessa, Pella, and Therma,

evidently in the higher parts followed the direction of an _ancient

pass_, the εὔπορος ὁδὸς διὰ τῆς Δασσαρήτιδος (see p. 458, note a

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Illyrian

Dassaretians,” starting “In Liv. XXXI. 40.”]) κατὰ Λύγκον, Plut.

Flamin. 4. and also Liv. XXXII. 9. where for _Lychnidum_ read

_Lyncum_.

1933 This follows from Liv. XLV. 29. _Quarta regio trans Boram montem_

(with respect to which the _tertia regio_ was _versus

septentrionem_, and therefore _versus meridiem_ of this), and XLV.

30. _Quartam regionem Eordæi et Lyncestæ et Pelagones incolunt._

1934 For example, the way in Livy XXVI. 25. cf. XXXI. 33. where the river

_Bevus_ is also mentioned, probably one of the branches, which,

according to Strabo VII. p. 327, fall into the Erigon ἐκ Λυγκηστῶν.

1935 In Liv. XLII. 53. Perseus goes from Pella through Eordæa to Elimea.

The _lacus Begorrites_ appears to be the lake Citrini.

1936 See above, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“south of it,” starting “This follows from Liv.”]

1937 Arrian I. 7. The river Eordaicus, ibid. I. 5, probably runs from

Eordæa into the Erigon.

1938 Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strab. VII. p. 327. Places, Bryanium, Alcomenæ,

Stymbara (_Stubera_ Livy, Στύβερρα Polybius). In Livy XXXI. 39, 40.

Sulpicius follows a mountain-road from Stubera to Eordæa, and then

to Elimea; compare Polyb. XVIII. 6. 3.

1939 Liv. XXXIX. 53.

1940 See above, p. 459, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “along the Erigon,” starting “Liv. XXXIX. 53.”]

1941 By the road _per Pelagoniam et Lyncum et Bottiæam in Thessaliam_,

Liv. XXVI. 25. That it borders on Deuriopus is shown by Liv. XXXI.

39.

1942 Liv. XXXI. 28, 33. comp. Gatterer Commentat. tom. VI. p. 67.

1943 Thucyd. II. 99. τῆς Παιονίας παρὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν στενήν τινα

καθήκουσαν ἄνωθεν μέχρι Πέλλης καὶ θαλάσσης. The same strip of land

was included by Æmilius Paulus in his _tertia regio_, according to

Livy XLV. 29. _Adjecta huic parti regio Pæoniæ, qua ab occasu præter

Axium amnem porrigitur._

1944 See above, p. 454, note p. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “from Bottiaïs,” starting “Herod. VII. 123.”]

1945 II. 99. where Sitalces is going to make a descent into Lower

Macedonia, the country of Perdiccas, from Doberus κατὰ κορυφήν. He

then invades (II. 100.) Eidomene, Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus

(_Europos ad Axium amnem_, Plin. IV. 17.), probably places in

Pæonia, but certainly not Bottiæa or Mygdonia.

1946 II. 98. Παίονες Δόβηρες, Herod. VII. 113.

1947 II. 98.

1948 Herod. V. 15. Concerning the settlements of the Sintians, see

Mannert. vol. VII. p. 502.

1949 Doberus coincides with the modern _Doiran_. The Κερκινῖτις λίμνη,

Arrian I. 11, is probably the lake near Doiran.

1950 τῶν γὰρ Μακεδόνων εἰσί.

1951 ὑπήκοα, as the Magnetes to the Thessalians.

1952 Those of Perdiccas.

1953 τὴν παρὰ (according to Bekker) θάλασσαν νῦν Μακεδονίαν.

1954 The substance of the clauses omitted is given below.

1955 VII. 128. cf. 131, 173.

1956 See book I. ch. 1. § 3.

1957 Above, p. 457, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“Cambunian mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]

1958 Thus Thuc. IV. 83. comp. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 38.

1959 Above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”] Thucydides

II. 80. distinguishes the Orestæ from the Macedonians, viz., from

those of Perdiccas.

1960 Thuc. II. 80. Perhaps from his name he was of the family of the

Aleuadæ.

1961 Thuc. IV. 79. 83.

1962 Strab. VII. p. 326. Comp. book I. ch. 7. § 15.

1963 Περδίκκας ἦγεν ὧν ἐκράτει Μακεδόνων τὴν δύναμιν against Arrhibæus,

Thuc. IV. 124.

1964 Herod. VIII. 137, 138.

1965 II. 100. These were, according to Herodotus, Perdiccas, Argæus,

Philip, Aeropus, Alcetas, Amyntas, Alexander, and Perdiccas.

1966 Edessa on the Via Egnatia, 28. m. p. from Pella, 62-66. from

Heraclea Lyncestis (Antonin. Itinerar. pp. 319, 330; the tab.

Peuting. gives less accurately 45 and 77 m. p.) is probably the

modern _Vodina_.

1967 See Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 262. Euseb. Scal. p. 47. cf. 37. Justin

VII. 1. Solin. IX. 14. Dexippus quotes Theopompus for Caranus.

Marsyas (perhaps the cotemporary of Alexander and Antigonus) related

a fable concerning Cœnus, the successor of Caranus, Etym. Mag. p.

523. 40. Etym. Gud. p. 332. 41.

1968 Diod. XIX. 52. XXII. p. 307. Bip. Plin. IV. 17. Solin. IX. 14. comp.

Justin. VII. 2.

1969 See below, § 17.

1970 Herod. V. 21. VIII. 136. Justin VII. 3.

1971 Consequently the story that Xerxes gave Alexander all the country

between mounts Olympus and Hæmus (Justin VII. 4.) is not entirely

fabulous.

1972 Gatterer Commentat. vol. IV. p. 96. vol. VI. p. 15. is more accurate

on this point than Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 421.

1973 Herod. VII. 112. Although Ἠιὼν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης in Thuc. IV. 7. cannot be

that on the Strymon, yet Eustathius ad Il. II. 566. p. 217. ed. Bas.

is incorrect in distinguishing Ἠιὼν in Pieria from that on the

Strymon (comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἠιὼν, Schol. Thuc. I. 98.); and

Raoul-Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. p. 207,

should not have followed him, since Pieria, viz. New-Pieria, reaches

in this point to the Strymon. But the Ἠιὼν of Thucydides is not in

Pieria, but in Chalcidice.

1974 Thuc. II. 99.

1975 The expression of Thucydides, καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος

καλεῖται, proves that the circumstance had taken place long before.

Hence arose the fabulous genealogies of Pierus and Emathius, the

sons of Macednus, &c; Marsyas ap. Schol. Il. XIV. 226. comp. Pausan.

IX. 29. 1.

1976 VIII. 127. Thucydides also includes the Bottiæans, I. 57. (cf. IV.

57.) among those ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης. Βοττιαῖοι ἐν Θρᾴκῃ, Callimachus fragm.

75, 41.

1977 Herod. V. 94. Concerning the position of Anthemus, see Plin. H.N.

IV. 17. Hence the τάγμα Ἀνθεμουσία of the Macedonian army, Hesychius

in v. Ἴλη ἑταίρων Ἀνθεμουσία, Arrian II. 9. [See Thirlwall’s Hist.

of Greece, vol. V. p. 194. note.]

1978 An objection which might be derived from Thucyd. I. 58. where,

according to the old reading, Mygdonia is distinguished from the

kingdom of Perdiccas, is removed by omitting the τε after Μυγδονίας,

which Bekker and Poppo have expunged, with good MSS.

1979 The distinction taken by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 419. between the Ἤδωνες

and Ἠδωνοὶ, viz., that the former dwelt on the coast, the latter

inland, cannot be supported. For instance, Thucyd. I. 100. calls

those by Amphipolis Ἠδωνοί.

1980 VII. 114.

1981 Herod. V. 11, 24.

1982 Thuc. IV. 107.

1983 But τὰ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνουν ἔθνεα, Herod. VI. 44, are not the nations in

Macedonia (Heyne Opuscul. Acad. IV. p. 164.), but those between

Macedonia and Persia. See Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p.

483. note.

1984 Forty stadia beyond Pydna, Strabo.

1985 Plutarch Qu. Gr. 11.

1986 Aristot. ap. Strab. X. p. 447. Conon Narr. c. 20. Raoul-Rochette,

Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. pp. 198 sqq.

_ 1987 Pydna_, however, early belonged to the Macedonians, Thucyd. I. 137.

Diod. XIII. 49. Scylax, p. 26. calls Pydna and Methone Greek cities;

but that proves nothing for their independence.

1988 Above, p. 455, note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“according to Herodotus,” starting “VII. 127.”] No one surely will

distinguish between γῆ ἡ Μακεδονὶς and ἡ Μακεδονία.

1989 Above, § 16. Herodotus also mentions together, among the allies of

Xerxes, VII. 185, the Eordians (in Physca, see below, p. 468. note k

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Physca in Mygdonia,”

starting “According to Ptolemy, p. 83.”]), the Bottiæans (near

Olynthus), and the Chalcideans. Concerning the Brygians, see below,

§ 30.

1990 Besides VII. 127. see also VII. 173. concerning the road from _Lower

Macedonia_ to Thessaly.

1991 πρῶτοι (πρῶτον Bekker) ἐκτήσαντο.

1992 Near the pass Volustana, Liv. XLIV. 2, which led to Elimea, p. 457,

note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Cambunian

mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]

1993 VII. 131.

1994 V. 17.

1995 Herod. V. 15, 16.

1996 See Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 434. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 495.

1997 Herod. VIII. 116.

1998 In Syncellus and Eusebius Scal. the reading is Dardanians for

Eordians; the latter, which is evidently the correct reading, is

preserved in the Armenian Eusebius, p. 168. ed. Mai. who follows

Diodorus.

1999 According to Ptolemy, p. 83. In Steph. Byz. it should probably be

written, Ἐορδαῖαι, δύο χῶραι, Μακεδονίας καὶ Μυγδονίας.

2000 Thuc. II. 100. cf. I. 57. VI. 7.

2001 Thuc. I. 57.

2002 I. 59.

2003 According to Schol. Thuc. I. 57.

2004 Hence perhaps we might separate ξύμμαχα καὶ ὑπήκοα in the beginning

of the chapter, and refer the former rather to Lyncus, the latter to

Elimea.

2005 Aristot. Pol. V. 8.

2006 Xen. Hell. V. 2. 38.

2007 Athen. XIII. p. 557. C. cf. X. p. 436 C.

2008 To be inferred from Lycophron. Cass. 802. with Tzetzes.

2009 Diod. XVII. 7.

2010 Arrian VI. 28.

2011 Pliny H. N. IV. 17. mentions _Almopians_, together with Eordians, on

the banks of the Axius; and in Ptolemy p. 83. Almopia is the country

near Europus; it was to this place that the Almopians probably fled.

This also explains the genealogical connexion with Pæon and Edonus.

_Orchamenos,_ p. 250, note 2.

2012 Of ancient wars of the Macedonians, not mentioned by Thucydides, I

may mention the fabulous battle between Caranus and _Cisseus_

(Pausan. IX. 40. 4.), probably a king of _Cissus_, near Therma,

which is the explanation given by Strabo VII. exc. 10. p. 330. of

Cisseus the Thracian in Il. XI. 221. Euripides transferred this war,

as well as the story of the goats, into his tragedy called

Archelaus, perhaps only written from flattery, fragm. 33. ed. Musgr.

Hyginus Fab. 219. See also Lycophr. 1237. Concerning the supposed

war with the Phrygians, see below, § 30.

2013 See Mannert, vol. VII. p. 281. In the catalogue of nations, however,

in Appian Illyr. 2. Pæonian and Thracian (Mædi, Triballi) are mixed

with Illyrian tribes.

2014 Herod. IV. 93. V. 3. Menander ap. Strab. VII. p. 297. The language

of the Getæ was Thracian, Strab. VII. p. 303.

2015 Herod. VII. 75, &c.

2016 According to Strabo VII. p. 305, 315. cf. VII. p. 323.

2017 Strab. VII. p. 316. According to which passage they extended more to

the north as far as the Illyrian Dardanians. The Thracians beyond

Crestona, mentioned by Herodotus V. 3. are probably the same people.

2018 Conon Narr. c. 20. calls the Bisaltæ Thracians (Ἄργιλος was also a

Thracian name according to Heraclid. Pont. 41); and the Panæans,

whom Thucydides II. 101. calls Thracians, were an Edonian nation

according to Stephanus Byz.

2019 Strabo X. p. 471. does not appear to make this supposition, but

perhaps in VII. p. 321.

2020 By Thucydides II. 29. and by earlier writers.

2021 See above, p. 11.

2022 Iliad XIV. 225. sqq.

2023 Gatterer Commentat. VI. p. 37. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 487.

2024 Solin. IX. 2, &c.

2025 See particularly Appian Illyr. I. But as in later times Pæonians and

Illyrians were confounded (Appian Illyr. 14.) the Paunonians also

were called Illyrians.

2026 Herod. V. 13. comp. VII. 20, 75, and see _Prolegomena zur

Mythologie_, p. 351. The legend concerning the great expedition of

the Teucrians is well given in Lycophron v. 1341.

2027 Yet Strabo VII. p. 295. has the contrary tradition of the Mysians.

2028 I. 196.

2029 Gottleber ad Thucyd. I. 57.

2030 Herod. V. 20.

2031 Herodot. V. 22. and see Valckenaer’s note. The Attic orators

evidently exaggerate; there is, however, perhaps a slight hyperbole

in what Weiske _de Hyperbole_, p. 19. says on the other side.

2032 See Scylax, p. 12. and the metrical Dicæarchus, p. 3. Comp. Salmas.

Exercit. Plin. p. 100 A.

2033 The passage of Hesiod appears to be from the Ἠοῖαι (above p. 4. note

n [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Hesiod and

Hellanicus,” starting “Ap. Constant.”]), and these poems come down

as late as the 40th Olympiad (_Orchomenos_, p. 358). After Hesiod

Solinus IX. 13. calls _Macedo Deucalionis maternus nepos._ comp.

Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 427.

2034 The account of the Greeks living on the Pontus, according to Herod.

IV. 8-10.

2035 Although Mannert, vol. VII. p. 492. considers the Macedonians to be

of Illyrian and Pæonian descent, Comp. p. 421.

2036 See above, p. 460. note z. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “and the coast,” starting “Thucyd. II. 99.”] Pliny H. N. IV. 17.

appears to say that the Eordi were Pæonians; and it is not

improbable that this was the fact, though the passage of Pliny is

corrupt. Herodotus VII. 185. mentions together Thracians, Pæonians,

Eordians, Bottiæans, Chalcidians, Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians,

and Perrhæbians.

_ 2037 E.g._ Thuc. IV. 124.

_ 2038 E.g._ Thucydides II. 96. mentions Thracians between mounts Hæmus

and Rhodope, Getæ and mountain Thracians together, as if the Getæ

were not Thracians. Instances of this use are very common; _e.g._

the common case of Ionians _and_ Athenians.

2039 Il. XIV. 226. And hence in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 39.

(according to Matthiä’s and Ilgen’s conjecture), although Emathia

does not suit very well there, and the preceding word (neither

Λεύκον nor Λίγκον is in its place) remains uncertain. The Roman

poets, as is well known, use the name in a very wide sense, Heyne ad

Virg. Georg. I. 492.

2040 Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Justin. VII. 1. Gell. XIV. 6. 4. Solinus IX. 1.

distinguishes between the Edonian, Mygdonian, Pierian, and Emathian

territory, and IX. 12. derives the name of Emathia, as being that of

the most ancient Macedonia, from an Autochthon _Emathius_. Tzetzes

ad Hesiod. Op. I. Chiliad. VI. 90. states, from the Delphica of

Melisseus, that Aëropus, the eldest son of Emathion, had reigned

over Lyncus, which had previously been called Pieria,—a very

confused account.

2041 See Justin VII. 1.

2042 Pag. 84.

2043 In Ptolemy the word is Κύριος. See above, p. 458. note h.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Macedonian inflexion,”

starting “Among the Macedonian.”]

2044 II. 100. comp. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The tabula Peuting. which places

Idomenæ 53 m. p. from Therma, and 35 from Stoboi (Istip), agrees

very well with Thucydides, Ptolemy, and Pliny.

2045 Since he entirely separates Bottiæa from Pieria.

2046 XXIV. 8. Liv. XV. 3. Justin VII. 1. says of Emathia, _Populus

Pelasgi, regio Bœotia dicebatur_, where _Bottiæa_ is a more probable

correction than _Pæonia_, and is confirmed by the Vatican fragments

of Diodorus, p. 4. Mai.

2047 I. 56. cf. VIII. 43. and see book I. ch. 1. § 10.

2048 I. 56. Δωρικὸν ἐκλήθη. And yet, according to Herodotus himself, they

were governed by Dorus in Hestiæotis.

2049 Constantin. Porphyrog. II. 2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Μακεδονίας μοῖρα

Μακέτα, ὡς Μαρσύας ἐν πρώτῳ Μακεδονιακῶν. καὶ τὴν Ὀρεστιάδα (vulg.

Ἠρέστειαν δὲ) Μακέταν λέγουσιν. See above, p. 458. note c.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “valley of Orestis,”

starting “Or Ὀρεστιὰς.”] Scymnus calls the Macedonians γηγενεῖς, and

makes them come from Macessa and Emathia, v. 657.

2050 Appian Syr. 63. Ἄργος ἐν Ὀρεστείᾳ (ὅθεν οἱ Ἀργέαδαι Μακεδόνες).

Concerning the name of the Argeadæ see Pausan. VII. 8. 5. and the

note of Siebelis. Perhaps the entire legend of the Argive origin of

the Macedonian kings properly refers to this Argos Orestikon.

2051 VII. p. 324. sqq.

2052 Bulini, near the modern _Valona_, Mannert, vol. VII. p. 388.

2053 Near Epidamnus, according to Thuc. I. 24. Appian. Bell. Civ. II. 39.

and extending as far as the Dalmatians according to Appian Illyr.

24.

2054 Also near Epidamnus according to Liv. XXIX. 12. XLIII. 21. to the

south of the Taulantians according to Plin. H. N. III. 26. Mela. II.

3. The country of the Parthini was called ἡ Πάρθος, Polyb. XVIII.

30. 12. as ἡ Λύγκος (Thuc. IV. 83.) ἡ Δευρίοπος above, § 11. ἡ

Κύρρος.

2055 See below, p. 481, note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “with the Dassaretians,” starting “Scymnus Chius.”]

2056 Read πλησέον δέ που κατὰ (vulg. καὶ) τὰ ἀργύρια.

2057 Besides this passage Damastium is only known by its silver coins,

Eckhel D. N. I. II. p. 164. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 54.

2058 Here those in the neighbourhood of Apollonia are meant, see below,

p. 483, note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“strange deities,” starting “As the Encheleans.”]

2059 Probably the Dassaretians (Sesarethians) near Lychnidus.

2060 In Northern Sicily.

2061 Not mentioned elsewhere.

2062 See particularly Thuc. II. 80. Scymn. 444. Concerning their

ἐκβάρβαρωσις see Plutarch Pyrrh. 1.

2063 Scylax, p. 12. Dicæarchus, p. 3.

2064 Pag. 10.

2065 Illyr. 7.

2066 See above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”]

2067 Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. _Liberi Amantini et Orestæ_,

Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Hence Steph. Byz. makes Orestis reach to

Molossia, in v. Ὀρέσται. These have been generally followed by

modern geographers. Lyncus alone is mentioned by Steph. Byz. in v.

πόλιν Ἠπείρου.

2068 According to the probable supposition of Mannert, vol. VII. p. 390.

2069 Strab. VII. See Exc. 3. p. 329.

2070 This usage first occurs in Cæsar Bell. Civ. III. 34. although there

it is not quite clear; on the other hand, Dio Cassius XLI. 49.

distinctly says, ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ πρότερον μὲν Ἰλλυριῶν τῶν Παρθινῶν, νῦν

δὲ καὶ τότε γε ἤδη Μακεδονίᾳ νενομισμένῃ: the boundaries are given

by Pliny N. H. III. 26. (from Lissus to Oricum) and

Ptolemy.—Dexippus also, quoted by Constantinus Porphyr. de Them. II.

9. includes Epidamnus in Macedonia, and the tabula Peuting, has only

Macedonia between Dalmatia and Epirus.

2071 See _e.g._ Thuc. I. 24. Liv. XLV. 26.

2072 It would lead me too far to treat here of the Thesean, Abantian,

Laconian, and ancient Ionian κουρά.

2073 Book IV. ch. 2. § 4. The proper Thessalian appellation was,

according to the Great Etymologist, ἄλληξ, whence _allicula_.

2074 See _Etrusker_, vol. I. p. 265.

2075 Theophrast. Hist. Plant. III. 9.

2076 Schneider’s Lexicon in πέτασος.

2077 Plutarch Amat. 16. Pyrrh. 11. Herodian. IV. 8. 5. Dio Chrysostom.

Or. 72. p. 628. ed. Reisk. Pollux X. 162. Valer. Max. V. 1. ext. 4.

Antipater Thessal. apud Brunck. n. 10. Suidas in Καυσίν. Compare

Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 345.

2078 Polyb. IV. 4. 5.

2079 Heracl. Pont. 17.

2080 Eckhel Doct. Num. I. 2. pp. 83. 155. 158. A clear notion of the

causia may be obtained from the representations of Macedonian coins

in Pellerin Recueil de M. de Rois Pl. 1. n. 1. of Ætolian in Combe

Numi Mus. Britann. Pl. 5. 24. 25. and of Illyrian in Eckhel Numi.

Vet. Anecd. (1775.) Pl. I. tab. 6. 22. 23.

2081 Philip, the son of Amyntas, first conquered the country as far as

the lake Lychnitis, Diod. XVI. 8. The Taulantians in the time of

Alexander had their own king, Arrian I. 5. The Illyrian king Argon

ruled (about 240 B.C.) as far as Epirus, and the Atintanes were his

subjects, Appian Illyr. 7. 8. When the Romans first went to Illyria

they were joined by the Parthini and Atintanes, Polyb. II. 11.

Atintania was first conquered by Philip the son of Demetrius,

Schweighæuser ad Polyb. II. 5. p. 356. In the peace he only lost

Lychnidus (with Dassaretis, Polyb. V. 108.) and Parthus (_i.e._ the

Parthini), Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. Liv. XXXIII. 34. The only countries

which even Perseus possessed beyond the mountains were Atintania and

Tymphæa, Liv. XLV. 30. See also Palmer Græc. Ant. I. 14. p. 78.

2082 From ἄμαθος, sea-sand.

2083 V. II. 1.

2084 Suppl. 257.

2085 Apollod. III. 8. 1. Ælian de Nat. An. X. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ὠρωπός.

2086 σύνοικοι, Herod. VII. 73.

2087 Herod. VIII. 138. Conon Narr. I. Concerning these roses see also

Nicand. Fragm. 2. p. 278. ed. Schneider. Conon ibid. and Apollodorus

ap. Strab. XIV. p. 680. also speak of ancient mines near mount

Bermius.

2088 It might be inferred from Thuc. I. 61. that Berœa had not even

_then_ become a Macedonian possession; but it seems that

ἀπανίστανται merely signifies “they prepare to leave Macedonia.”

2089 In Herod. VII. 73. Conon ubi sup. Xanthus placed it after, but

probably _soon_ after the Trojan war.

2090 Justin VII. 1.

2091 Scymnus Chius v. 433. Strab. pp. 326, 327. There were Βρίγες in

Dyrrhachium, according to Appian B.C. II. 39. who states that they

returned from Phrygia; comp. Steph. Byz. in Βρύξ. Herodotus indeed

plainly distinguishes from the Βρίγεσφρύγες (VII. 73.) the Βρύγοι

Θρήικες (VI. 45. VII. 185.) in Macedonia, who revolted to Mardonius

and came with Xerxes; and Strabo also appears completely to separate

the Βρύγοι as an Illyrian people (in p. 327. write Βρύγων) from the

Thracian Βρίγες, who are said to have entirely left Europe (VII. p.

295): still their names and settlements seem to establish a national

affinity.

2092 Mygdon, a prince of the Phrygians, is mentioned in Iliad III. 186.

Comp. Strabo VII. p. 295.

2093 Aristotle ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. Qu. Gr.

35. A similar, though still stranger, legend concerning the

Bottiæans may be seen in Strabo VI. pp. 279. 282. Compare Etymol.

Magn. in Βόττεια. The Cretan traditions may perhaps have found a

resting-place in the temple at Ichnæ.

2094 Thuc. II. 100. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The name Europus (Justin. VII. 1.

speaks of an ancient king Europus in this country, and according to

Steph. Byz. Εὐρωπὸς and Ὠρωπὸς were the sons of Macedon) reminds us

of Demeter Europa, the Hermionean Europs, and the Cretan Europa. The

Cretan Ἰδομενεὺς implies the existence of a place named Ἰδομένη.

2095 I. 57. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 444. note 1.

2096 See above, p. 458, note f. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “far from Pieria,” starting “This is evident.”]

2097 Πύδνα occurs again in the sacred Pytna of Crete. The poetical

associations chiefly clung to the district above Dium, where Pimple

and Leibethrum were situated.

2098 See above, p. 472, note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “narrow strip of land,” starting “See above.”] Strabo, who calls

the Eordi Illyrians (above, § 26.), yet speaks only of the

Macedonian inhabitants of Eordia. Hesychius and Tzetzes ad Lycophr.

1342. call the Eordi Macedonians. Stephanus Byz. in Ἄμυρος has a

confused passage on the Amyri, who, according to Suidas, were Eordi.

2099 Liv. XLV. 30.

2100 Compare now Heyne Opusc. Acad. IV. p. 165. _Macedonas e multis

barbarorum populis, Thracum inprimis et Pelasgorum, quibus Græcorum

exigua pars accesserat, coaluisse._ Schlözer Weltgeschichte, vol. I.

pag. 290. _The Macedonians, brothers of the Thracians, and entirely

different from the Greeks, among whom they were long called

barbarians, wandered about their mountainous country, divided into

150 hordes, when a Heraclide, &c._

2101 Solinus, IX. 16.

2102 Thuc. II. 100.

2103 Solinus, IX. 17.

2104 XLV. 30. _ferociores eos et accolæ barbari faciunt, nunc bello

exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos._ An intercourse in

peace, among free and hardy nations, presupposes a certain degree of

resemblance. At the present time the wild Orestæ are stated to be

very different from the mild and social Zagoriots (Parauæans),

_Geographische Ephemeriden_, vol. XVII. p. 430.

2105 As the Encheleans appear to have carried from the Bœotian incursion

(_Orchomenos_, p. 231.) the worship of Cadmus and Harmonia both to

the region of Buthoë (Scylax, p. 9. Steph. Byz. in Βουθόη), and to

the Ceraunian mountains (Dionys. Perieg. v. 391. Apoll. Rh. IV. 517.

for there were Encheleans in both places). Compare Apollodorus III.

5. 4. Scymnus Chius v. 437. Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 389.

Interpret. Virg. Æn. I. 243. ed. Mai.

2106 Amerias ap. Hesych. in v.

2107 Hesychius in Δευάδαι.

2108 Hesychius et Favorinus in v.

2109 Hesychius in v.

2110 Plutarch Alex. 2. Polyæn. Stratag. IV. 1. Compare Athenæus V. p. 198

E. Etym. Mag. et Suidas in Κλώδονες, Lycoph. v. 1237. Conon Narr.

45. Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. III. p. 194. sq.

_ 2111 Jovis templum, veterrimæ Macedonum religionis_, Justin XXIV. 2.

Archelaus established Olympic games (Arrian I. 11.), who had himself

been a conqueror at the Olympic games at Elis, Solin. IX. 18.

Perhaps also Musea in Macedonia, according to Arrian ubi sup.

2112 Hesych. in Ἐδεσσαῖος.

2113 Hesych. in Ἄρητος.

2114 See above, p. 455, note z. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “an ancient temple,” starting “Of Apollo.”]

2115 Book II. ch. 11. § 2.

2116 Eckhel D. N. I. 2. p. 74. The Macedonian Venus, Zeirene (Hesyvch. in

v.) was perhaps the Zerynthian. Mars, according to Hesychius, was in

Macedonia called Thaumus or Thaulus.

2117 Herod. V. 6. Strab. VII. p. 315. Comp. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 169

A.

2118 Polit. VII. 2. 6.

2119 According to Hegesander ap. Athen. I. p. 18 A.

2120 Herod. V. 4; according to Solinus X. 2. _apud plurimos_.

2121 Herod. V. 5. comp. Solinus X. 3.

2122 Solinus X. 1. concludes _Thracibus barbaris inesse contemtum vitæ ex

quadam naturalis sapientiæ disciplina_.

2123 See besides Herod. V. 5. Heraclid. Pont. Polit. 27. Strab. VII. p.

297. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 112 A.

2124 Herod. V. 6. Heraclid. ubi sup. Solin. X. 4.

2125 Solin. X. 5.

2126 Thuc. II. 100. The ἄνω ξύμμαχοι are the Lyncestæ, &c.

2127 Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 41. V. 3. 1. cf. Thuc. I. 61, 62.

2128 Polyb. V. 27. 6. Curtius VI. 8. 25. (with Freinsheim’s note) VI. 9.

34. Crophius Antiq. Maced. I. 6. II. 4.

2129 Hence, for example, it cannot be inferred from the distinction

between the Illyrian and Macedonian languages in Polyb. XXVIII. 8.

9. that the nations were originally of a different descent. Sturz

_De Dialecto Macedonica et Alexandrina_ has not sufficiently

distinguished the third period from the two first.

2130 For example, Steph. Byz. in v. Βορμίσκος—οὓς κύνας τῇ πατρῴᾳ φωνῇ

ἐστερικὰς καλοῦσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες. The barbarous word σκοῖδος,

signifying a kind of steward, which was used by Alexander in

letters, and adopted by Menander (Photius, p. 523. 5.) can hardly be

oriental. See also the collection of Sturz in the words ἄβαγνα,

ἄδδαι, ἀδῆ, ἀκρέα, ἄξος, &c.

2131 The Athamanes were Epirots according to Strabo, Illyrians according

to Steph. Byz. in v. The words are not Grecian.

2132 See above, Σανάδαι, and Athenæus III. p. 114 B. concerning the

Macedonian and Athamanian word δράμις or δράμιξ.

2133 This fact may be believed on the testimony of Curtius VI. 9. 35.

2134 Apollonius de Construct. III. 7. calls it the Macedonian or

Thessalian usage. Sturz, p. 28. 5. infers chiefly from this that the

Macedonian language was originally nearly the same as the Dorian.

The coins, I may remark incidentally, prove nothing, as they were

struck for intercourse with the Greeks. Adelung, on the other hand,

considers the Macedonians as Thracians (to which nation he also

refers the Illyrians), with a tinge of Greek civilisation,

Mithridat, vol. II. p. 359.

2135 See above, p. 3. notes g and h. [Transcriber’s Note: These are the

footnotes to “native dialect,” starting “Compare, for example,” and

to “Æolic,” starting “_E.g._ the nominatives.”]

2136 Above, p. 467. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“on Pieria,” starting “Near the pass Volustana.”] Hence the

Cambunian mountains are now called Volutza.

2137 Above, p. 453. note g. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“Candavian chain,” starting “Ptolemy.”] The first syllable of this

name appears to be the same as of _Cambunii montes_, in which the

second part is probably the word βοῦνος, which in modern Greek still

means “a hill.” In the names of Macedonian mountains, _Barnus_,

_Bermius_, and _Bertiscus_ (Ptolemy), there is probably the same

root.

2138 Pausan. X. 6. 5. οἱ μὲν δὴ γενεαλογεῖν τὰ πάντα ἐθέλοντες, &c.

2139 Ἕλληνος δ᾽ ἐγένοντο θεμιστοπόλον Βασιλῆες Δῶρός τε Ξοῦθός τε καὶ

Αἴολος ἱππιοχάρμης. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 284. and Schol. Apoll. Rh.

III. 1085. Other poems of Hesiod are made use of by Schol. Hom. Od.

χ’. 2.

2140 Apollodorus I. 7, 3. Pausan. V. 1, 2. &c. from the circumstance that

Achæus and Ion are represented as the _only_ sons of Xuthus, I have

inferred above that the Ionians were probably of an Achæan race.

2141 Schol. Hom. Od. κ. 2. οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν ὅτι Ἕλλην γόνῳ μὲν ἦν Διὸς,

λόγῳ δὲ Δευκαλίωνος. Compare Pindar Pyth. IV. 167. who alludes to

this fable, and Eurip Melan. IV. 2.

2142 Il. II. 684. and compare IX. 395, 474. XVI. 595. The verse ἐγχείῃ δ᾽

ἐκέκαστο Πανέλληνας καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς, II. 530, has been properly

condemned by the Alexandrine critics.

2143 Or rather “_near_ Phthia.” Homer distinguishes Hellas and Phthia

(Il. IX. 395, 478, 479. Od. XI. 495.); the tetrarchy of Phthiotis in

later times included both.

2144 Æginetica, p. 155.

2145 Hesiod. Op. et Di. 526. Βράδιον δὲ Πανελλήνεσσι φαείνει. Compare

Strabo VIII. p. 370. It may be observed, that in the three most

ancient passages in which the collective name of the Greeks occurs,

viz., the verse in the Works and Days, the spurious line in the

Iliad, and the passage in the Ἠοῖαι referred to by Strabo, they are

called, not Ἕλληνες, but Πανέλληνες.

2146 Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

2147 Hes. Theog. 129. 371.

2148 Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. according to a certain emendation. See book

III. ch. 5. § 8.

2149 Book III. ch. 12. § 5.

2150 Book II. ch. 1. § 8.

2151 See book I. ch. 1. § 9.

2152 See particularly Plato de Leg. I. p. 636. VI. p. 752. Κνωσίους

πρεσβεύειν τῶν πολλῶν πόλεων.

2153 See Strabo X. p. 476. compare p. 481. after Ephorus.

2154 Archilochus ap. Heraclid. Pont. πολιτ. Κρητῶν. fragm. 86. Gaisford.

2155 Hom. Od. XIX. 175. sqq.

2156 See book III. ch. 1. § 8.

2157 The eclipse of the sun, however, mentioned by Herodotus, does not

agree, and must be an error. VII. 37.

2158 Συλλεγομένων ἐς τωύτὸ τῶν περι την Ἑλλαδα Ἑλληνων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω

φρονεόντων, καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ πίστιν, Herod. VII. 145.

2159 VII. 157. ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας Λακεδαιμόνιοί [τε καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι] καὶ οἱ

τούτων σύμμαχοι. The words included in brackets are wanting in the

family of the Passioneus and Florence MSS., and appear to be

interpolated from c. 161.

2160 Herod. VII. 176. where the words οἱ Ἕλληνες include both the troops

and the congress.

2161 The former in the first full-moon after the solstice, the latter

about the second, Corsini Fast. Att. I. 2. p. 453.

2162 Diodorus speaks of a decree of this nature, but the oath on the

Isthmus is a rhetorical invention, XI. 29.

2163 Pericl. 39. παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ δίκαια καὶ τοὺς γεγενημένους ὅρκους τοῖς

Ἕλλησι.

2164 Aristid. 21. γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἔγραψεν

Ἀριστείδης ψήφισμα, συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθ᾽ ἔκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν

τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωροὺς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ

πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων.

2165 ἀναφορὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, Plutarch. Aristid. 24.