this order the words should be read. Achaia therefore is the
district on the north of Peloponnesus, which indeed did not _belong_
to Athens, but was enumerated in the lists of the contending parties
as belonging to the Athenian side (concerning these lists see
Thucyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this time passed over to that of the
Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. IV. 21. Compare the very confused account
in Andocides Περὶ εἰρένης, and that of Æschines borrowed from it.
841 Thucyd. I. 40. See above, p. 200. note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “strong opposition,” starting “Thucyd. I. 125.”]
842 The meaning of the article in the thirty years’ truce, Thucyd. I.
35. can only be, States not included in the alliance may join
whichever side they please, by which means they come within the
treaty, and the alliance guarantees their safety. But if a state
already at war with another state party to the treaty (ἔνσπονδος) is
assisted, a war of this description is like one undertaken by the
confederacy of the assisting state.
843 Thucyd. II. 54.
844 The Asiatic cities are not exceptions; in Rhodes also the Doric
spirit rose against Athens in the person of the noble Dorieus.
845 Thucyd. III. 86. with the exception of Camarina.
846 Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.
847 Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.
848 The Spartans were at first quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas in
particular was destitute of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 31. sq.
849 Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.
850 I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς
Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.
851 See particularly Thucyd. II. 11. V. 6.
852 Thucydides has with great ingenuity, but with the most bitter
coldness, laid down the principles of the Athenian policy in the
Melian conference.
853 According to Thucyd. III. 82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ and
ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they truly were;
but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.
854 Ubi sup.
855 Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful
expression of Thucydides, ib. 83.
856 Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. 127.
857 In conclusion, I remark, that the possessions of the Peloponnesian
states in this war, as they had agreed with one another at the
commencement of it, and as Sparta maintained them (Thucyd. V. 31.
cf. V. 29.), are represented in the accompanying map of
Peloponnesus.
858 Against Myrtilus in Dionysius Halic. I. 23. who however was probably
deceived by confounding a Cabirus with Apollo (see _Orchomenos_, p.
455).
859 The temples are, first, that of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, in
connexion with Hercules, Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. p. 65. ed.
Schellenberg. The native gods are in this case Demeter, Erinys, and
Poseidon. Secondly, to the north of Pheneus the temples of Apollo
Pythius and Artemis; they were said to have been built by Hercules
after the conquest of Elis, Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare Aristot.
Mirab. Auscult. 59. and below, ch. 12. § 3. Thirdly, in Tegea the
temple of Apollo Agyieus, in connexion with Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53.
1. Fourthly, the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Phigalea, built at
the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5.
Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian Apollo, near mount Lycæum, Paus.
VIII. 38. 6. (the temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. Πύτιον in an Arcadian
inscription, Boeckh, No. 1534.) would doubtless more properly be
called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium,
probably came from Messenia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3.
860 Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga cand.
vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. Orelli. The _sacra_ of the Falisci on
mount Soracte were, as well as others of that city, half Grecian,
Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg de Rel.
Latin. p. 38. The Salian priests did not mention the name of Apollo,
Arnobius adv. Gent. II. 13. _Aplu_ upon Etruscan Pateras (Demster
Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.
861 Apollodorus I. 7. 6.
862 Book I. ch. 1.
863 The valley of Tempe was a favourite place of Apollo; see Callimachus
Hymn. in Del. 152. Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus also, in his
historical work on Delphi, appears to have derived the worship of
Apollo from the borders of Macedonia, as may be conjectured from the
fragment cited by Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. On
account of the vicinity of this great temple, the worship of Apollo
was very prevalent in Macedonia, on the coins of which country his
symbols frequently occur.
864 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1767. The other inscription, found near
the ancient Atrax (_Turnovo_) may be thus written in the common
dialect: Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε
ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No.
1766. and Expl. Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, vol. XXVI. p. 393.
865 Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, Hesychius p.
1040. ed. Alberti. _Laurus Penei filius_, Fulgent. 13.
866 Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. 12.
867 Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes the succession of the districts.
868 A temple of Apollo and Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. 33. 2.
869 Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, with a fragment of Callimachus. The
connexion of Larissa and Delphi is proved by the ancient offering
mentioned by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not known whether Phyllus, with
its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, and Ichne, with a temple of Themis,
both towns in Thessaliotis, were situated on this road, Strabo IX.
p. 435.
870 Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. 383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned as a place
of pasturage; and is cited by the Scholia to this passage, Stephanus
Byz. and Hesychius, as a place in Thessaly, but probably only from
this passage. In the Orphic Argonautics the pastures are placed on
the banks of the Amphryssus, which is near Pheræ.
871 Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ
παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. I. 404, 411. the
Argonauts are represented as building a temple of Apollo Actius and
Embasius at Pagasæ.
872 Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, a common
corruption, as both words were denoted by the same abbreviation. See
Gaisford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.
873 Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 389. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 251.
Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ τῆς θαλασσίας, according to Stesichorus ap.
Schol. Pind. Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 266.) Schol. Il.
Ψ. 346. from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, ὅ
ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. 469).
Pausanias places the battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. See also
Schellenberg’s Antimachus, p. 67.
874 Scut. Herc. ad fin.
875 It is fair to suppose that Stesichorus so far altered the fable as
to make Cycnus build _Apollo_ a temple of sculls; and it is not
necessary with Heyne ubi sup. to substitute Mars for Apollo. See
also Sturz ad Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.
876 Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. p. 194. ed. Heins.
877 Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 134. Æginetica, p. 154. The coins of
Cnosus have the head of Apollo. The Omphalian plain near Cnosus
(Callim. Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected with the stone of the Omphalos
at Delphi, but _both_ belong to the worship of Zeus.
878 Odyss. XIX. 188. Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. See Boettiger’s
Ilithyia, p. 18. Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, was probably in
the neighbourhood.
879 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. The geographical position of the places is
partly founded on the investigation in Hoeck’s Kreta, vol. I. ch. 1.
880 Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its coins have on them the head of Apollo.
881 See book I. ch. 5. § 2.
882 The latter under the title of φυτία, with a festival named Ἐκδύσια,
Antonin. Liberal. 17. The wolf on its coins also refers to Apollo.
883 Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 2. An
oracle (preserved by Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133 ed. Steph.)
calls upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, to
make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) to the Pythian Apollo.
884 Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.
885 Alexander’s Κρητικὰ, lib. I. ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 1492. comp.
Pausan. VIII. 53. 2.
886 Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. Verheyk.
887 Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence the goat upon the coins of Elyrus. Also a
she-wolf upon the coins of Cydonia, suckling the little Cydon.
888 Tarrha is the parent state of _Zappa_, the coins of which city have
therefore Apollo or a lyre. Perhaps this place derived from this
worship the right of asylum: see Spanheim de Præst. Num. p. 342.
There are also other traces of the worship of Apollo in Crete,
_e.g._ the temple of Allaria. Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. Oaxus
was called the son of Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. 66. Upon the
ancient coins of Eleutherna Apollo is holding in his right hand a
ball (viz. an apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. Anach. 9), and in the
left a bow. Also the coins of Rhitymna. On those of Tylissus is a
youth with a goat’s head in the right, and a bow in the left hand;
which is certainly an Apollo. The same god is also on the coins of
Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, and Rhaucus.
889 According to Apollodorus I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according to Strabo X.
p. 473. by Rhytia (which refers to the city of Rhytium under mount
Ida).
890 The statement of the _Theologi_ in Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 23. p.
616. ed. Creuzer.
891 Æn. IV. 146. compare Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.
892 Ch. 2. § 14.
893 Anius, the son and priest of Apollo, is called the viceroy of
Rhadamanthus at Delos. Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes Fragm. 74.
ed Sturz.
894 ὀργίονας, οἳ θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε ῥέξουσι καὶ
ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.
895 See _Orchomenos_, p. 493.
896 This etymology was known to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius Longus
ap. Serv. ad Æn. III. 332. _In memoriam gentis ex qua profectus
erat_ (Cretæ,) _subjacentes campos Crisæos vel Cretæos appellasse_.
897 In the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. 103. and other
passages, Pytho is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that is, “in the
territory of Crissa, within the Crissæan boundaries.”
898 It is to this that verse 265 of the hymn probably refers. Concerning
the tripod in the adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Hippocrat. VIII.
There were statues of Latona, Artemis, and Apollo remaining in the
time of Pausanias, X. 37. 6.
899 Hymn. XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. Orac. p. 404.
900 Below, ch. 3. § 3.
901 Ion v. 418. (Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... Δελφῶν
ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν πάλος.
902 Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία ψῆφος, v.
1250. cf. v. 1111. ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.
903 Herod. V. 72. Compare VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν
Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν is also used by
Herodotus of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. 35.); compare VII. 141.
904 Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. p. 380.
905 Pausan. X. 6. 2.
906 Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare Callimachus
ap. Steph. Byz.
907 Dodwell’s Travels, vol. I. p. 189.
908 Lycorea appears to have taken its name from the worship of Apollo
Lyceius, or Lycoreus; see Callimach. Hymn. Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα
Φοίβου, frequently in the Anthology, Suidas, &c.
909 See Appendix V. ad fin.
910 Concerning this connexion see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. on tav.
81. Æginetica, p. 154. Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement des Colonies
Grecques, tom. II. p. 164. The name of Coretas also, the supposed
discoverer of the oracle (κώρης for κούρης _Dorice_) is Cretan,
Plutarch, de Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears that the names Κόρης
(otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς in Ceos, with a temple of Apollo
Smintheius, Κορησία λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), Κορησσὸς, a
sacred hill near Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian hero (Paus. VII. 2.
4.), and the name of Crete itself, are all etymologically connected.
911 Pausan. X. 7. 2.
912 ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴ, Plutarch, Thes. 16.
913 Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6.
914 According to the Cyclic poets, see _Orchomenos_, pp. 188. sqq.
915 Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2.
916 Κρητίδαι: μάντεισ ἀπὸ Κρήτης, Photius.
917 As Raoul-Rochette supposes, although his work contains very valuable
materials for this inquiry, Histoire de l’Etabl. des col. Grecques,
tom. II. p. 137-173.
918 On the connexion of Crete and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad Æn. III.
102.
919 I. 173. cf. VII. 92. According to Herodotus, Europa also came to
Lycia (IV. 45.), _i.e._ the tradition.
920 Herod. I. 173. Comp. Boeckh ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Heraclid. Pont.
15.
921 See Steph. Byz. in v. cf. Herod. I. 176.
922 Augustinus de Civ. Dei XVIII. 12.
923 Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 78.
924 II. XVI. 666.
925 Transplanted to Cilicia, Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. Phot. Biblioth.
cod. 244. p. 377. ed. Bekker.
926 On the former see Strabo XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the latter
Diod. V. 56.
927 Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. Antonin. Liber, c. 35.
928 Σύεσσα καλύβη τις ἐν Λυκίᾳ ἀπὸ Συέσσης γραός τινος ὑποδεξάμενης τὴν
Λητώ. Steph. Byz.
929 Both the derivations of the name _Patara_, the one from a son of
Apollo (Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad Dionys.
Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 920.), and the other from πατάρα,
κιστὶς, refer to the worship of Apollo.
930 Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. and Spanheim’s note. Herodotus says
indefinitely, ἐπεὰν γένηται, I. 182. Cf. Serv. ad Æn. IV. 143.
931 Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Eustath. ubi sup. On the temple, see
the inscriptions in Walpole’s Travels, p. 541. and Beaufort’s
Caramania.
932 Pausan. VII. 21.3.
933 Herod. I. 78. Apostolius XVIII. 25. from Dionysius ἐν κτίσεσιν,
Herodian. ap. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 860.
934 The coins of Patara, Phaselis, Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, Apollonia,
Corydalla, Limyra, and Olympus, have a head of Apollo, the tripod,
lyre, the deer, and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. Byz, Δάφνη ὲν Λυκίᾳ.
Apollo Ἐρεθύμιος among the Lycians, Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is a
corruption of Ἐρυθίβιος, as Apollo was called in Rhodes, Strabo
XIII. p. 613. See below, ch. 5. § 4.
935 See Strabo XIV. p. 683. from Hedylus, or some other poet. On the
sacred deer of Apollo at Curium, see Ælian. Nat. Anim. XI. 7.
936 Strabo XIII. p. 611. Scylax, p. 26. Compare the obscure gloss of
Hesychius in Πυθίων ἀνακτόρων.
937 On this temple, see Heyne ad Il. A. 39. According to Strabo XIII. p.
604. there were Sminthea near Hamaxitus in Æolis, near Parium, at
Lindus in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A certain Philodemus, or
Philomnestus, wrote a treatise on the Σμινθεῖα in Rhodes, Athen.
III. p. 74 F. 445 A.
938 The inhabitants of Tenea, a village near Corinth, were said to have
been transplanted by Agamemnon from Tenedos. That they really
worshipped Apollo _in the same manner_ as the Tenedians, is
testified by Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380. Paus. II. 5. 3. And the
worship of Apollo was carried by means of Archias from Tenea to
Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See book I. ch. 6. § 7.
939 A. 37-39.
940 Strabo XIII. p. 591. Hesych. in Θύμβρα. Schol. Il. X. 430. Servius
ad Æn. III. 85. compare Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom.
III. to pl. 25. Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 609. The fable of Pan, the son
of Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo in divination (Apollodor. I. 4.
1.), has also reference to this story.
941 Il. V. 446. VII. 83.
942 Il. II. 827. IV. 119. V. 105. with the Schol. Min.
943 Hesychius in Λυκαῖον. There are likewise many other signs of the
worship of Apollo on this coast, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in Priapus,
Schol. Lycophr. 29; Apollo Πασπάριος in Parium and Pergamum (Hesych.
in v.); on the coins of Gargara, Germe, Lampsacus, Atarneus,
Neandria, Abydos, and New Troy.
944 The Æolians built a temple to the _Cillæan_ Apollo at Colonæ, Strabo
XIII. p. 613. from Daes of Colonæ.
945 Strabo XIII. p 604. τοῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις Τεύκροις, οὓς
πρῶτος παρέδωκε Καλλῖνος, &c. It does not appear that this can, with
Frank, Callinus, p. 31, he understood only of a mention of the
_name_ of the Teucrians.
946 The latter fact is supported by the ancient name of Cephalion, an
inhabitant of the Teucrian city of Gergis (ap. Steph. Byz. in
Ἀρίσβη. Eustath. ad Il. p. 894.): but his Τρωικὰ was the forgery of
an Alexandrine writer named Hegesianax (Athen. IX. p. 393 B).
Lycophron, v. 1302. calls Teucer, Scamander, and Arisbe, Cretans.
947 In the fragments of Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales.
948 Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. which passages do not agree. Hesiod in
Her. Geneal. ap. Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellanicus ap. Schol. Il. XX.
145. Coluthus v. 309.
949 Inscription in Walpole’s Memoirs, p. 104.
950 Æneid. II. 318. 430.
951 Iliad. XV. 522.
952 Achilles was slain by Apollo, according to Homer; Aretinus and
Æschylus in the ψυχοστασία (Heyne ad Il. XXII. 359. Tychsen ad
Quint. Smyrn. Comment. p. 61); Neoptolemus was killed at Pytho. For
the same reason Achilles slays Tennes, the son of Apollo (Tzetzes ad
Lycophr. 232.), in whose temple it was forbidden to pronounce the
name of the Phthian hero (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 28. p. 933).
953 Iliad. V. 446.
954 Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. It was situated in the territory of
Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. 589.), in mount Ida (Athen. VI. p. 256
C.), opposite Dardanus (Herod.); the village of Mermessus, 240
stadia from Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. 12. 2), was a κώμη
Γεργιθία, Suidas in v. Also in Schol. Plat. Phædr. p. 61. Ruhnken.
p. 315. Bekker. write, ἐν κώμη Μερμήσσῳ—περὶ τινα πολίχνην Γέργιθα
or Γέργιθον for Μαρμυσσῷ and Γεργετίωνα.
955 Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10.
956 Iliad. XX. 307. Compare the remarks of A. W. Schlegel on this point
in his celebrated Review of Niebuhr’s Roman History.
957 Steph. Byz. in Γέργις, from Phlegon.
958 This may be collected from the confused account of Clearchus of Soli
ἐν Γεργιθίῳ, in Athen. VI. p. 256. cf. XII. p. 524 A. Strab. XIII.
p. 589 D.
959 Plin. H. N. XXXIV. 8.
960 Heyne Exc. ad Æn. VI. 3. The rock was called Ζωστηρία κλιτὺς
(Lycoph. 1278), as the Attic promontory with the temple of Apollo.
961 See the _tabula Iliaca_, ΜΙΣΗΝΟΣ.
962 Od. IX. 197.
963 Diod. V. 79. compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 160.
964 Pindar, in Pæan. ap. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 445.
965 Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 634 D.
966 Callimachus apud Clem. Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. IX. p. 421.
Conon Narr. c 33, 44. Stat. Theb. VIII. 198. Gesner Comment. Soc.
Gotting. vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Antiquities, vol. II. new ed.
967 Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI. 3. p. 305. Bipont. _Est interim et
longus et plenus et clarus salis spiritus, non tamen firmæ
intentionis, idemque tremulus. Id_ βράνχον _Græci vocant_. This is
exactly the voice of enthusiastic priests and prophets.
968 There was likewise a family of diviners named Εὐαγγελίδαι, Conon
Narr. c. 44.
969 Strabo IV. p. 139 B. Æginetica, p. 151.
970 Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8.
971 On this see D’Orville ad Chariton. p. 349. and Quintus Smyrnæus I.
283.
972 Herod. II. 159.
973 Pythius and Comæus. Athen. IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Marcellin XXIII. 6.
974 Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 966. Hence the offerings of the Cyzicenians in
the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In the character of
Ἐκβάσιος, Apollo has on coins his foot resting on a _fish_.
975 A coin of Parium, in the cabinet of M. Allier de Hauteroche, shows
the statue of Apollo on the seashore, with the circumscription,
ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ ΑΚΤΑΙΟΥ ΠΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ, agreeing with Strabo XIII. p. 588.
976 Strabo VII. p. 319 B. Apollo Ἠῷος on the island of Thynias
(Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. Plin.
Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is probably Milesian: also Apollo Φιλήσιος at
Trapezus on the Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2.
977 Collected in Raoul-Rochette’s Antiquités Grecques du Bosphore
Cimmérien, pl. 5, 7, 8.
978 The Cyclic Thebaid in Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 308. Apollod. III. 7. 4.
Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. 33. 1.
979 He was called both Ῥάκιος and Λάκιος, because in the Cretan dialect
ῥάκος and λάκος were exchangeable forms, Schneider ad Nicand.
Alexipharm. 11. p. 83. Compare book I. ch. 6. § 5.
980 Proclus Chrestomath.
981 Strabo XIV. p. 675. Conon Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. On the temple
see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. Peerlkamp.
982 Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi sup.
983 Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Γρῦνοι. Strabo XIII. p. 622. Hermeias of
Methymna wrote a treatise on the Grynean Apollo, Athen. IV. p. 149.
E. Hence the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, and the Apollo δαφνηφόρος,
on the coins of Myrina, which city also sent χρυσᾶ θέρη to Delphi,
Plutarch. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273.
984 Malus the son of Manto, Hellanicus ἐν Λεσβικοῖς apud Steph. Byz. in
Μαλλόεις. Thucyd. III. 3. Likewise in Lesbos, Apollo Ναπαῖος
(Hellanicus ap. Steph. Byz. in Νάπη. cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in
Ναπαῖος. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. coins of Nape with the image of Apollo
in Mionnet’s work), Λεπετύμνιος, Antigon. Caryst. 17. and Ἐρέσιος,
Hesych. in v. In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. for ΓΟΝΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος
write ΤΟΥ ΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος.
985 Strabo XIV. p. 675 C. Arrian. II. 5. Hence perhaps the worship of
Apollo came to Tarsus, Osann. Syllog. Inscr. p. 141.
986 Book I. ch. 5. § 4.
987 Pausan. II. 32. 2. Ἄρτεμις σώτειρα, brought from Crete to Trœzen,
ib. 31. 1.
988 Paus. II. 31. 7. 11. The temple of Apollo Thearius at Trœzen was,
according to Pausan. ib. 31. 9. the most ancient in Greece. Apollo
joined with Leucothea, Ælian. V. H. I. 18.
989 Called Ψυχοπομπεῖον, like the institutions in Thesprotia, at
Phigalea and Heraclea Pontica. See book I. ch. 1. § 6.
990 Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in τέττιγος
ἔδρανον.
991 Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. the name being derived from Delos. Also
called Ἐπιδήλιον.
992 Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. Epigram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. Brunck.
Analect. Meziriac ad Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.—Also, Megareus the
son of Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Μέγαρα. comp. Dieuchidas of Megara
in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 517.
993 V. 773. Φοῖβε ἄναξ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπύργωσας πόλιν ἄκρην, Ἀλκαθόῳ Πέλοπος
παιδὶ χαριζόμενος.
994 Δεκατηφόρος, ὅς δεκάτην φέρει, _i.e._ here, “he who _receives_ it,”
Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. Compare an Argive inscription (Boeckh No. 1142.
Δεξιστρατος Αρχιππ. Απολλωνι δεκατ—.) Apollo was likewise worshipped
at Megara under the titles of Pythius (Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 84.
Philostrat. Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archagetas, Prostaterius, Carnius
and Agræus. The tripod and the Delphine on the coins of Megara see
Pouqueville, tom. IV. p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. sect II. p.
768.
995 From Megara _Calchedon_ (see the coins) derived its worship and
oracle of Apollo (Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far off was Demonesus;
and an Apollo of Demonesian brass is mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. de
Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad Poll. V. 5. 39. _Byzantium_ likewise, a
Megarian colony, had a temple of Apollo on the promontory of
Metopon, according to Dionysius de Bosp. Thrac. Byzantium, moreover,
had evidently derived from its parent city, but in an exaggerated
form, the tradition of the foundation of the city by Apollo, and
that this god placed his lyre upon a tower. Hence the seven
resounding towers (Hesych. Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dionys. Byz.
p. 6. Dio Cass. LXXIV. 14): also the fable of the dolphin charmed by
the sound of the lyre (Dionysius pag. 9. Gyllius de Constantinop.
pag. 285.) evidently belongs to the Megarian worship.
996 Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126.
997 See Pherecydes ap. Schol. Od. XI. 320. Apollod. II. 4. 7. Observ. ad
Apollod. p. 333.
998 Κεφαλίδαι γένος Ἀθήνησιν, Hesychius.
999 Paus. I. 37. 4.
1000 See Strabo X. p. 452. Thuc. III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin.
Servius ad Æn. III. 271. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. I. p.
402. has a Leucadian inscription, Ἀπολλωνιᾶται ᾠκοδόμησαν.
1001 Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. Etymol. M. in Ἀρκείσιος, Heraclid. Pont.
17 and 37. ed. Koehler. Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 7.
1002 Apollod. III. 15. 1. According to the ancient Charon of Lampsacus,
Phobus of Phocæa was the first who took this leap, Plutarch. Virt.
Mul. p. 289.
1003 Κατ᾽ ἐνίαυτον, Strabo X. p. 452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tristia
_Leucadio_ sacra peracta _modo_. Photius Lex. Λευκάτης. σκοπελὸς τῆς
ἠπείρου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ῥίπτουσιν αὑτους εἰς τὸ πέλαγος οἱ ἱερεῖς.
1004 Photius in Τευμησία, from the ἐπικὸς κύκλος.
1005 Stesichorus apud Athen. XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappho. Compare Hardion.
_Sur le sault de Leucade_, Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. VII.
p. 245.
1006 See Hesych. in θόρικος. Ptolem. Hephæst. 7.
1007 Fragment of the Παρθένια, p. 595. ed. Boeckh.
1008 See below, ch. 11. § 8.
1009 Od. VII. 322.
1010 Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 5.
1011 According to the emendation Τεγύρας for Τανάγρας in fragm. incert.
14. Boeckh.
1012 See _Orchomenos_, p. 220. Boeckh in the Berlin Transactions on the
Oration against Midias, below, ch. 8. § 4.
1013 Pausan. IX. 10. See Stanley ad Æsch. Eum. 21.
1014 Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. Œd. T. 21. μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, Philochorus ap.
Schol. ad 1.
1015 Hesych. in v. Also the lots burnt in the sacred fire, according to
the same grammarian, φρυκτὸσ Δελφοῖς κυῆρος. Compare Boeckh Explic.
Pind. Ol. VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. Am. 20. To this custom
likewise refer the Φοίβου ἐσχάραι in Eurip. Phœn 292, and the name
of the ancient priest of the Delphic oracle πύρκεων. See the
Eumolpia in Paus. X. 5. 3.
1016 The stone of Manto in front of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. μαντίων
θῶκος. Pind. Pyth. XI. 6.
1017 The serpent of Cadmus is also by later writers called Castalius and
Δελφίνιος, Creuzer ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. I. p. 93.
1018 Apollo Polius was also without the gates at Thebes, Paus. IX. 12. 1.
Apollo was likewise worshipped in the village of Calydna near
Thebes, Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in Κάλυδνα.
1019 Below, ch. 11. § 7.
1020 See _Orchomenos_, pp. 234, 393.
1021 See the author’s work _De Minerva Poliade_, p. 2.
1022 Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. VIII. 44.
1023 Hence Ion is called the πολέμαρχος or στρατηγὸς of the Athenians,
Herod. VIII. 44. Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. 1. 2. &c. hence
also Euripides says (Ion 1319) that “the shield and spear was the
whole patrimony of Xuthus.”
1024 Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 22. 23. Lydus de Mens. p. 105.
1025 See Phanodemus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Euseb. præp. ev.
II. p. 99. fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. Canon. 497. comp.
Paus. I. 18. 5. Legends of this kind were greatly amplified by Attic
orators, who, like Hyperides before the Amphictyons, had to defend
the claims of Athens upon Delos.
1026 Μηδὲν προσήκων Ἐρεχθείδαις, Plutarch Thes. 13.
1027 Ξοῦθος is the “bright” “shining” god, another form of ξανθός. See
below, ch. 6. § 7. Αἰγεὺς, from αἶγες, “the waves of the sea” is
equivalent to Ποσειδῶν Αἰγαῖος.
1028 Plutarch Thes. 5.
1029 Strabo IX. p. 392. after Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. Schol.
Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. 1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35.
1030 Philochorus apud Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl.
1031 Compare Barbié du Bocage’s _Histoire de la bourgade d’Œnoë la
sacrée_ at the end of Stanhope’s Plan of Platæa.
1032 Hence Sophocles ubi sup, calls the district of Eleusis Πυθίας ἀκτάς.
The Scholiast confounds the Œnoë of the tribe Hippothoontis with
that of the tribe Aiantis. The situation of the Pythium is correctly
treated by Reisig Enarr. Œd. Col. p. 134.
1033 In the passage of Philochorus ubi sup. read οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθιάδα
καὶ Δηλιάδα, for οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθίαι δὲ καὶ Δηλιάδες.
1034 The Δηλιασταὶ occurred in the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. p. 234 E.
the Πυθαϊσταὶ are mentioned in Steph. Byz. in Πυθώ.
1035 Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eurip. Ion. 285. On the Pythium, see Thuc. II.
15. VI. 54. Isæus p. 113. 187. Suidas in Πύθιον. Suidas, Hesychius,
Prov. ἐν Πυθίῳ.
1036 Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. Byz. in ἅρμα. Eustath. ad Il. β’ 499.
Hesych. in ἀστράπτει. Prov. in ὅταν δι᾽ Ἄρματος.
1037 Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. 170.
1038 See Æsch. Eum. 12. πέμπουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ σεβίζουσιν μέγα
κελευθοποιοὶ παῖδες Ἡφαίστου. Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422
D. Aristid. Panath. vol. I. p. 329. _Orchomenos_ p. 36. 188.
1039 This rare tradition is preserved in the Schol. Æsch. Eum. 13. Schol.
Aristid. p. 107. ed. Frommel.
1040 This explains Herod. VI. 34. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν ὁδὸν διὰ
Φωκέων τεκαὶ Βοιωτῶν ἤϊσαν. καί σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται
ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων.
1041 There is a trace of the correct tradition in Diod. IV. 60. cf. Serv.
ad Æn. VI. 14. The funeral games of Laius were made by the poets the
motive for this journey.
1042 Ἐν πολιτείᾳ Βοττιαίων ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. 35. Conon.
Narr. c. 25.
1043 Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. 171.
1044 The chief passage on the septenary number of the boys and girls sent
to Crete is Servius ad. Æn. VI. 21. _Septena quotannis_ (κατ᾽
ἐνιαυτὸν) _quidam septem pueros et septem puellas accipi volunt,
quod et Plato dixit in Phædone_ (p. 58.) _et Sappho in Lyricis_ (p.
255. in Wolf’s Poetr. Gr.) _et Bacchylides in Dithyramhis_ (p. 17.
ed. Neue.) _et Euripides in Hercule_ (v. 1331.), _quos liberavit
secum Theseus_.
1045 The visit to Naxos originally signified a transmission of the
worship of Dionysus and Ariadne to that island, which rites had been
kept up at the festival of the Ὀσχοφόρια, though confounded with the
laurel-bearing procession of Apollo.
1046 Boeckh Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is said to
have sent the ξόανον with theorias to Delos, Plutarch Fragm. 10. p.
291. ed. Hutten.
1047 This confirms a fact which we collected from other sources, viz.,
that the Thargelian Apollo was the same god as that worshipped at
Delos and Crete.—There was an ancient writing on this subject
preserved in the Daphnephoreum at Phyle in Attica, Theophrastus ap.
Athen. X. p. 424 F. The origin of the Thargelia is also referred to
Crete by a tradition, that this festival arose from the expiatory
rites for the murder of Androgeus, Helladius ap. Phot. in Gronov.
Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. p. 978.
1048 Paus. I. 18. 5. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο ξόανα εἶναι Κρητικά. See above, ch. 1.
§ 5.
1049 Pyth. I. 31. Compare Dodwell, vol. I. p. 532.
1050 Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his return Theseus
sacrifices to Apollo and Diana as οὔλιοι θεοὶ, Pherecydes ap.
Macrob. Sat. I. 17. frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Spanheim ad Callim.
Hymn. Apoll. 40. 46.
1051 See Pollux VIII. 10. 119.
1052 Demosth de Coron. p. 274. cf. Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in Ἀπόλλων
πατρῷος. The Achenians had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at Delphi, Demosth. Epist.
p. 1481. Apollo’s Attic title of πατρῷος is explained from his being
the πατὴρ of Ion; it is possible, however, that he was so called as
being the god of the πάτραι of the Ionians. Apollo was also called
λεσχηνόριος at Athens (Plutarch Εἰ 2. p. 217. Suidas in v.); perhaps
as being the titular deity of the 360 Δέσχαι of the 360 γένη at
Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus ap
Harpocrat. in λέσχαι, Meursius ad Lycophr. 543.
1053 γεννῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῷου καί Διὸς ἑρκείου, Demosth. adv. Eubulid.
p. 1315. 15. Pollux VIII. 85.
1054 As appears from Plato, Euthyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et Heindorf. p.
404.
1055 Pollux VIII. 122.
1056 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. with the Schol. and Spanheim. Harpocrat. in
Βοηδρόμια. Suidas and Etym. M. in Βοηδρομεῖν. Hence the archon
Polemarchus administered justice in the Lyceum, the temple of Apollo
Lyceus, near the statue of a wolf, Suidas in ἄρχων. Bekker Anecd.
vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. in ἐπιλύκιον. Λυκαμβὶς ἀρχὴ of the
polemarch, according to Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And in general all
the courts at Athens were under the protection of the wolf, viz.,
Apollo, Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in δεκάζων, Lexic. and Parœmiogr.
in λύκου δέκας. Etymol. M. in δεκασαι.
1057 In Colot. p. 31.
1058 Thes. 25. According to Plato Rep. IV. p. 427. Apollo is the πάτριος
ἐξηγητὴς of the Athenians.
1059 Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. IX. p. 410 A.) ἐν τοῖς τῶν εὐπατριδῶν
(not τῶν θυγατριδῶν) πατρίοις treated of the purification of
suppliants.
1060 Below, ch. 8. § 6.
1061 By representing the notion that Xuthus was the father of Ion as a
mere deceit of Xuthus.
1062 For example v. 668. Ὑμῖν δὲ σιγᾶν, δμωΐδες, λέγω τάδε, Ἢ θάνατον
εἰπούσαισι πρὸς δάμαρτ᾽ ἐμήν.
1063 V. 591. Εἶναί φασι τὰς αὐτόχθονας Κλεινὰς Ἀθήνας οὐκ ἐπείσακτον
γένος, &c.
1064 The view taken in the text on the Ion of Euripides has been
approved, since the first publication of this work, by Hermann, in
the preface to his edition of that tragedy, p. 32.
1065 Below, ch. 5, § 2. ch. 8. § 15.
1066 Book I. ch. 5, § 3. comp. Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also called
Δειραδιώτης, from the height. There was likewise divination there,
Telesilla ap. Pausan. II. 35. 2-36. 5. Πυθαεὺς and Κρηταεὺς are
Doric forms; the hero Pythaëus cannot be separated from the god.
Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, were the deities of the city of Argos,
Liv. XXXII. 33.
1067 Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. Electr. 7. Hence Λύκειος ἀγόρα, Sophocles,
Hesych. in v. The Argive coins with the wolf refer to this statue,
comp. Pausan. VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31.
31. where write, ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις Ἀπόλλωνος. At Argos also
stood the statue of Apollo Ζωτεάτας, Hesych. in v. A temple of
Latona, Pausan. II. 21.
1068 Alcman Fragm. 35, 36. ed. Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. Bast. ad
Gregor. Corinth, p. 187. At Sparta, according to Hesychius, Λυκιάδες
κόραι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον (a
kind of Hydrophoria).
1069 Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respecting the ancient temple of Apollo there, and
a brass statue, see Pseud.-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 59. Pausan.
II. 11. 2. Polyb. XVII. 16. 2. The tradition respecting its
foundation by Epopeus is not worth notice. Cleisthenes was the
person who instituted the Pythian games, Schol. Pind. Nem. IX. 49,
76. comp. Boeckh and Dissen Explic. p. 451. Apollo had there an ἱερὰ
χώρα; Polyb. ubi sup. Liv. XXXII. 40.
1070 Pausan. IV. 15. 5. The Messenians at Naupactus had also a temple of
Apollo (Thucyd. II. 91.); and the coins of the Messenians of Sicily
afford proof of the same worship. Concerning the ancient temple at
Æpea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4.
1071 Herod. VI. 57.
1072 Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo Pythaëus,
III. 11. 2. Hesych. in Θόρναξ, cf. in θοράτης. Apollo Maleates,
Pausan. III. 12. 8. Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Λιθήσιος, Steph. Byz.
Suid. in v. comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo at Geronthræ, Boeckh
Inscript. No. 1334.
1073 Herod. II. 32. Plutarch Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. Hesych. in
Ζωτελιστὴς. At Corinth, Apollo, as at Argos, was ἀγορῆς καλλίχορου
πρύτανις, Simonides in Palat. Anthol. VI. 212. On the temple of
Apollo at Sicyon, likewise in the market-place, Ampel. Liber. Memor.
8.
1074 Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. the inscriptions of the temple of
Æsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. Nos. 1175, 1176. The temple of Apollo
Ægyptius belongs to the time of the Antonines.
1075 In this island a temple of Apollo was connected with the Thearion
(see Dissen ad Pind. Nem. III. p. 376.), with the worship of Apollo
Δελφίνιος, Οἰκιστὴς, and Δωματίτης, and the festival of the
Hydrophoria. Æginetica, p. 150. cf. 135.
1076 Above, ch. 2. § 8. The Pythian games, according to Pausan. II. 32.
2. founded by Diomed, are probably of a later date.
1077 ἀρχηγέτης, δωματίτης, οἰκιστὴς (Æginetica, p. 150, note k); for, as
Callimachus says (Hymn. Apoll. 55.), Φοῖβος ἀεὶ πολίεσσι φιληδεῖ
Κτιζομένῃς.
1078 Pausan. IV. 4. 1. 33. 3. cf. V. 25. 1.
1079 Thucyd. V. 18. IV. 118.
1080 Among the Achæans of Patræ. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.—of Ægira. id. VII.
26. 3. comp. the tradition respecting Bolina, id. VII. 23. 3.
1081 Pausan. VIII. 53. 1.
1082 ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. Theognis of Megara, v. 777.
1083 Pausan. V. 4. 2.
1084 On this enmity, to which so many legends refer, see Pausan. V. 2. 4.
VI. 16. 2.
1085 That Zeus was the chief god of the Eleans is evident from the
confederate temple at Ægium and elsewhere.
1086 Hesychius in v.
1087 Pausan. V. 15. 4.—τὸν μὲν δὴ παρὰ Ἠλείοις θέρμιον καὶ αὐτῷ μοι
παρίστατο εἰκάζειν, ὡς κατὰ Ἀτθίδα γλῶσσαν εἴν θέρμιον; for the last
θέρμιον Buttmann corrects θέσμιον; and it is evident that θέρμα was
Elean for θέσμα, “sacred ordinance or armistice.” See Appendix V. §
2. Also Therma, the place of the Panætolia, derived its name from
this word, which is probably of Ætolian-Elean origin. On its temple
of Apollo, see Polyb. XI. 4. 2.
1088 Pausan. IV. 4. 4.
1089 Perhaps this was the beginning of the connexion with Crete, to which
the name of the Ἰδαῖον ἄντρον at Olympia (Pind. Olymp. V. 42.
Demetrius ἐν νεῶν διακόσμῳ in the Scholia. Boeckh ad Schol. and
Explic. p. 150.), and the tradition that Clymenus, a descendant of
the Idæan Hercules, came to Pisa soon after the flood of Deucalion,
and there founded a temple, refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. VI. 21. 5.
V. 14. 6.
1090 Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes ad Lycophr.
41. does not speak of this event with the same exactness as the
Schol. Pind. Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90.
p. 174.
1091 See particularly Philostratus Vit. Apollon. V. 25. p. 208. Cic. de
Divin. I. 41. concerning the Telliadæ, Herod. IX. 37. VIII. 27.
These diviners are called the μάντεις Ἠλείων πρόμολοι at the altar
of Olympia in the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in Meursii Op. vol. VII.
1092 Pausan. VI. 17. 4.
1093 Pausan. V. 8. 1.
1094 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1711.
1095 As appears from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo.
1096 See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and the story
of Æsop; also the proverb, Δελφὸς ἀνὴρ στέφανον μὲν ἔχει, δίψει δ᾽
ἀπόλωλεν.
1097 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535.
1098 The λαὸς οἰκήτωρ θεοῦ, Eur. Androm. 1092.
1099 Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. The Thessalians vowed at least
every year a hecatomb of men to Apollo Καταιβάτης. Schol. Eur. Phœn.
1416. Zenobius in θετταλῶν σόφισμα.
1100 Sosicrates ap. Suid. vol. I. p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apostol. VII.
37. Prov. Vat. App. II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Δούλων πόλις, with
which he mentions the ἱερόδουλοι. We may probably discern a similar
servitude in the gift of the golden tripods which the Θηβαγένεις
were bound to bring at certain times to the Ismenian temple of
Apollo, _Orchomenos_, p. 397. Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in Bœotia
also possessed Hieroduli, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1607. The Delian
Ἑκατηβελέταο θεράπναι (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) were of the same
description as the chorus in the Phœnissæ. In the Didymæum
(Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 582) there were οἱ περι το
μαντειον παντες και οἱ το ἱερον κατοικουντες και οἱ προσχωροι, boys
sent thither as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. c. 44.
1101 ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο.
Eurip. Ion. 322.
ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν.
Ver. 1299.
1102 Boeckh in Hirt _Ueber die Hierodulen_, p. 48.
1103 See book III. ch. 4.
1104 Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. see above, ch. 2. § 7.
1105 Apostol. VII. 34. where for Ἀθηναίων read Ἀργείων. Suidas in δόρυ
κηρυκεῖον. _Orchomenos_, p. 118.
1106 Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. Hell. VI. 3. and 5. ἐλπὶς δεκατευθῆναι τὸ
πάλαι λεγόμενον Θηβαίους. Not the land, but the people themselves
were to be decimated.
1107 See above, p. 46, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote
to “the Dorians or Malians,” starting “Aristot. ap. Strab.”] Etymol.
M. p. 154. 7.
1108 Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. IV. 37.
1109 Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo was also worshipped under the titles of
Ὄριος and Πλατανίστιος. Concerning the Dryopes as worshippers of
Apollo see Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad
Virgil. Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal. c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32.
Heyne ad Æn. IV. 143. vol. II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to Pausanias
they also retained this worship in the Messenian settlements.
According to Conon, c. 29. upon the occasion of the return from Troy
they sent a tithe (δεκάτη).
1110 See above, b. I. ch. 2. § 4.
_ 1111 Ver sacrum vovere, i.e. quæcunque vere proximo nata essent
immolaturos_, Festus in v. Mamertin. _Trecenta millia hominum, velut
ver sacrum, miserunt_, Justin. XXIV. 4.
1112 According to the remarkable account of Parthen. Erot. 5. they were
δεκατευθέντες ἐκ Φερῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀδμήτου, and were conducted by Leucippus
a Lycian. Strab. XIV. 647. reverses the story: Δελφῶν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν
ἐποικησάντων τὰ Δίδυμα ὄρη (near Pheræ, _Orchomenos_, p. 192.) ἐν
Θετταλίᾳ.
1113 Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. comp. Boeckh In Minoem et Leges, pag. 68.
Magnesia, re-established according to Plato’s fiction, consecrates
to Apollo and Helius, κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον, three men as an
ἀκροθίνιον, ibid. XII. p. 945. See also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386.
Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. Rer. Human. apud Prob. ad Virg. Ecl. VI.
Cretans in the Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. p. 636. Schol. Apollon.
Rhod. I. 584.
1114 Parthenius mentions Κρητιναῖον and Leucophryne instead of Magnesia.
1115 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 2910; and see particularly Conon ubi sup.
1116 Aristot. and Theophrast. ap. Athen. p. 173 F.
1117 Semus ἐν Δηλιακοῖς ap. Athen. ubi sup.
1118 It is to this that the Homeric hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 1.
refers; also the coins of Magnesia (_Apollo supra Mæandrum stans_).
There was also a place near Magnesia called Apollonia.
1119 X. 32. 4.
1120 Hence the name of Apollo Hylates in Lycoph. 447; where Tzetzes is
confused. Apollo Hylates at Amamassus in Cyprus, Steph. Byz. in v.
In Athen. XV. p. 672 E. for ὙΒΛΑ ὙΛΑΙ. Query, whether Hiera. Come,
Liv. XXXVIII. 12, 13. is the same place? Magnesia on the Sipylus
also worshipped Apollo, τὸν ἐν Πάνδοις, Marm. Oxon. 26. 85.
1121 See Frank Callinus, p. 89. Liebel Archil. p. 202. Concerning the
founding of Magnesia see Ruhnken on Velleius I. 4. Kanne on Conon,
c. 29. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 387.
1122 Plut. Quæst. Græc. 13. 26.
1123 A Rhegian in Timæus (Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. 1), ἱεροὺς
εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐνθένδε
ἐστάλθαι. cf. VI. p. 257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. p. 373. cf. p.
178.
1124 Respecting the ablutions in the seven rivers, the sacred
laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. Prob. Præf. ad Virg. Ecl. and
compare Hermann’s excellent dissertation on the Glauci of Æschylus,
Opuscula, vol. II. p. 59.
1125 Pausan. V. 25. 1. The coins of Rhegium have the head of Apollo, a
lyre, a tripod, and cortina.
1126 See particularly Tacit. Annal. IV. 14.
1127 Founded, according to Callim. Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius the
Pelasgian, to whom the establishment of the Amphictyonic council was
_for that reason_ attributed.
1128 Ælian. V. H. III. 1. Liv. XXXIX. 24. comp. Plutarch de Def. Orac.
14.
1129 On the towns included in the league see above, book I. ch. 6. § 2.
On the games at the festival, Herod. I. 144.
1130 Neptune and the nymphs were also of the number of the Triopian
deities, Schol. Theocr. XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth.
II. 27. p. 314. Concerning the worship of Apollo at Halicarnassus,
see Inscript. in Walpole’s Travels, p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at
Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at Cameirus ἐειγεννήτης and ἐπιμήλιος.
Macr. Sat. I. 17. at Anaphe, Apollo Ægletes, Æginetica, p. 170. note
a; comp. above, p. 116. note z.
1131 I have adopted the opinion of Ste. Croix, Gouvernemens fédératifs,
p. 156. that the federal festival of the twelve Æolian cities was at
Gryneum, chiefly on account of the altars of the twelve gods, and
the Ἀχαιῶν λιμὴν at that place, and the statements of Scylax.
1132 According to Strabo X. p. 487. there were here ἑστιατόρια, as at
Delos, for the assembly; and in a Tenian inscription (Boeckh Corp.
Ins. Gr. No. 2329), a citizen is eulogized for having undertaken a
θεαροδοκία for the Delians, the office of receiving the θεωροὶ, a
species of λειτουργία. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 325.
1133 Ἱστίη νήσων, Callim. Hymn. Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1.
1134 Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del. 141. The coins like those of Delos: the
name also reminds us of mount Cynthus. (Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut.
p. 311.)
1135 An Apollonia in this island, Steph. Byz. Compare the coins.
1136 Particularly at Carthæa, Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. p. 456 E.
Probably a Δήλιον, according to Dissen. Explic. p. 484. Πύθια at the
same place, Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning the choruses of Apollo at
Carthæa see Boeckh Corp. Insc. Gr. Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum at
Coressus and Pœessa, Strabo X. p. 486.
1137 Apollo Tragius, Steph. in Τραγαία. Apollo Ποίμνιος, Macr. Sat. I.
17. Hipponax ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. A Δήλιον at Naxos.
Aristot. Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9.
comp. Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. Besides these, there were
many other Ionic temples of Apollo, in Samos, Eubœa, &c.
1138 See above, book I. ch. 6. § 12.
1139 Ælian. V. H. II. 26. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling corrects
Ἀλαῖος for Ἅλιος in Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol.
II. p. 178. with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. 200. The bird on the coins
is not an eagle but a raven (Mionnet Descr. planche 60), the _comes
iripodum_.
1140 One hundred and twenty stadia from Croton, Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. p.
1098 C. Justin. XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in Ἀλιαῖος.
1141 Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C.
1142 On the statue of Aristeas in the market-place of Metapontum, by the
side of the statue of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. and on a brass
laurel-tree in the same place, Athen. XIII. p. 605 C. In the temple
of Apollo, Plutarch περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρᾶν 8.
_ 1143 Caulonia_ in Italy is also remarkable for this worship, the ancient
coins of which town exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, or a bow, with
a stag.
1144 Thucyd. VI. 3. ΑΡΧΑΓΕΤΑ ΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ, on the coins of Tauromenium and
Enna. As to _Sicily_, there was a temple of Apollo Temenites Pythius
at Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. Steph. Byz. in Συρακοῦσαι. comp.
Ælian. V. H. I. 18. Letronne Topographie de Syracuse, p. 26. Göller
de Situ Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo Δαφνίτας, Etymol. p. 250. 38.
At Gela there was a colossal statue of Apollo in front of the town,
Timæus apud Diod. XIII. 107. Apollinarian rites of the Erbitæans and
their colony Alæsa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. ap. Castelli, p. 109
sqq. At Lilybæum, according to the coins, Apollo Libyrtius near
Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. The month Dalius in Sicily, Castelli
Prol. 73.
1145 Inscription at Olympia, ap. Pausan. V. 22. 2.
1146 Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. Also at Myrina in Æolis. Comp. ch.
2. § 7.
_ 1147 Orchomenos_, p. 327 sqq.
1148 A similar tradition in Sinope, Philostephanus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh.
II. 953. Diod. IV. 71.
1149 Herod. IV. 32. See also Homer. Hymn. VII. 29.
1150 X. 5. 4.
1151 See above, ch. 1. § 3.
1152 Thus I write for Ἀμάδοκος in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Λαοδόκος, ib. X. 23.
3. on account of the _Laodice_ of Herodotus. Herodotus VIII. 39.
mentions, on a similar occasion, the native heroes Phylacus and
Autonous.
1153 Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. 16, is
right in correcting Κελτοὺς for Δελφούς.
1154 See the beautiful fragment in prose in Himerius Orat. XIV. 10. with
which Cicero de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see Heindorf’s note. It is to
this ode, perhaps, that the words of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14.
δῆλον ἐκ τῶν χορῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς προσῆγον μετ᾽ αὐλῶν τῷ θεῷ,
καθάπερ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκαῖος ἔν τινι τῶν ὕμνων ἱστορεῖ.
1155 In this part occurred what Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from the
προοίμιον ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα of Alcæus, that the water of Castalia came
from the Cephisus.
1156 Diod. II. 47. where the period is alone falsely stated. That the
harvest begins at the rising of the Pleiades, is stated by Hesiod.
Op. et D. 381. Compare the story in Eratosth. Catast. 29.
1157 Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the correct explanation of Italinsky. As in
the vase in Tischbien IV. 8. the tripod is represented as standing
beside the figure, which is a certain proof that Apollo is in
question.—Nevertheless, some very distinguished antiquarians are
still of opinion that the figure is _Triptolemus_, and not Apollo;
indeed the _Instituto di corrispondenza Archeologica_ at Rome has
lately published a painted vase (I. Distrib. pl. 4.), in which
Τριπτολεμος is written by this figure in the same position, and with
the same accompaniments; whence it seems to me probable that, in
antiquity, the ideas attached to this composition were not fixed. A
vase in Millin I. 46. represents Apollo Daphnephorus attended by a
Hyperborean in the Arimaspian costume.
1158 Paus. X. 5. 5.
1159 XXI. 3.
1160 Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes from a
supposed oracle of a prophetess named Asteria, that the inhabitants
and priests of Delos came from the Hyperboreans.
1161 Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. Beckmann.
Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.
1162 Herod. IV. 35. Opis and Hecaërgus, according to Pseudo-Plato Axioch.
pag. 371. A. Servius ad Æn. XI. 858. The circumstance of the θήκη of
these virgins being turned to the east shows that it was of the
Cretan time, since the Dorians laid their dead to the east, the
Ionians to the west. See book IV. ch. 1. § 2.
1163 περφέρεες, also ἀμαλλοφόροι and ὑλοφόροι. See Porphyr. de Abstin.
II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 283.
1164 Dodona was Hyperborean, according to Etymol. M. in Δωδωναῖος.
1165 Plutarch de Musica 14.
1166 According to Herodotus and Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin. H. N. IV.
26. Mela III. 5. Salmasius considers the gifts as θυμάτων ἀπαρχαὶ,
_prosiciæ hostiarum_, with Mela; but they were doubtless _primitiæ
frugum_, Exerc. Plin. p. 147.
1167 No weight can be laid on the particular road, as Pausanias I. 31. 2.
mentions one which touches Attica, where also there were rites or
sanctuaries, τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων, Chrysost. Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol.
XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. See below, § 6.
1168 Heyne Excurs. ad Æn. IV. 2. He also comes to Delos in the spring.
1169 Tischbein II. 12. Compare the coins of Chalcedon ap. Valliant. et
Theupoli. A commentary is furnished by the beginning of Callimachus’
hymn to Apollo.
1170 Above, ch. 1. § 2.
1171 Herod. IV. 13. The statement of Herodotus is exactly confirmed by a
fragment of Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. VII. 144. which may be
genuine. In v. 688. for καὶ σφᾶς ανθρωπους should be written καὶ
φᾶς᾽ ἀνθρώπους (φασί).
1172 Φοιβόλαμπτος. The Issedones were first mentioned by Alcman, who
called them Ἀσσέδονες, Steph. Byz. in Ἰσσήδονες. He also mentioned
the Rhipæans, Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1312.
1173 Ap. Steph. Byz. in Ὕπερβόρεοι.
1174 The two last points are likewise mentioned by Hellanicus ap. Clem.
Alex. Strom. I. p. 305. Later authorities on this point I pass over.
1175 Herod. IV. 25.
1176 Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. VIII. 41. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. V. 22.
1177 Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 284.
1178 This is considered by Voss as the original notion, who supposes the
whole fable of the happy Hyperboreans to be an invention of Spanish
sailors, Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. _Weltkunde_, Jena Journal
Quart. II. p. 20, 29. sqq.: on the Griffins ib. Quart. IV. His
opinions have been implicitly followed by Uckert, Géographie, vol.
II. p. 237.
1179 See particularly Apollon. Rh. IV. 284. who, according to the
Scholia, follows Æschylus.
1180 Boreas, according to Sophocles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried
Orithyia.
Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς,
Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς,
Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.
1181 Hellanicus ubi sup. Simonides and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. p. 1038 B.
Æschyl. Choëph. 371.
1182 Pyth. X. 56.
1183 Compare the αἴθρια στέφη, Suidas in στέφος—τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων
κομιζόμενα, ὡς ἀεὶ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τιθέμενα. Cratinus ap. Hesych. in v.
Bekker. Anecd. p. 355. 30. Classical Journal vol. VI. p. 369.
1184 Ap. Ælian. N. A. XI. 1. compare Creuzer Vet. Historic. fragm. p. 85.
This Hecatæus still believed in the real existence of the
Hyperboreans, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 615. Steph. Byz. in Καραμβύκαι.
1185 Comp. Callim. fragm. 187. Bœus and Simmias ἐν Απόλλωνι ap. Anton.
Liber, c. 20. Tzet. zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. (compare Brunck
Anal. vol. II. p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. II. p.
33.
1186 Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1688. lin. 14.
1187 Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. Hellanic. ubi sup. It is remarkable that
this custom of leaping from high rocks occurs, in precisely the same
manner as among the Hyperboreans, in Scandinavian legends. See
Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, p. 486.
1188 De Nat. Deor. III. 23.
1189 So also Etymol. M. in νόμοι κιθαρ. p. 607. Referred to _music_ (from
νόμος, a strain) by Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 42. Procl. Chrestom. p.
282. 13. in Gaisford’s Hephæstion.
1190 Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Explic. p. 324.
_ 1191 Orchomenos_, p. 348.
1192 The Parrhasian Apollo on mount Lycæum (Paus. VIII. 38. 2.) was
originally the Apollo Nomius.
1193 Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. from Heraclides Ponticus.
1194 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. partly from Bacchylides, Pherecydes
fragm. 42. ed. Sturz.
1195 Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 514. cf. Schol. II. α. 766.
1196 Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. Cyrill.
adv. Julian, p. 542.
1197 The statement that Pythagoras placed at Delphi on a grave an
inscription of these words, “Apollo the son of Silenus,” is a
confused and fabulous story of late times, Porphr. ubi sup. The wild
olive was sacred to Apollo Nomius, according to Theocritus XXV. 20;
and he was considered the author of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat.
de Morbo Sacro, p. 303.
1198 Below, ch. 8. § 15.
1199 Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gaisford.
1200 Paus. VIII. 30.
1201 Apollo is represented with a crown of ears on his head, in a gem in
Lippert’s Dactyliothek I. p. 62. No. 145. Sometimes also on coins
there is only a grain of corn with symbols of Apollo, _e.g._, on
those of Hephæstia and Abdera.
1202 Σμίνθοι ἀρουραῖοι, Æschylus ap. Ælian. Hist. An. XII. 15.
1203 Strabo XIII. p. 604. Schol. II. α. 89. Ælian ubi sup. Tzetz. ad
Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears a mouse in his hand on a coin of Hadrian,
belonging to Alexandria Troas Mionnet. tom. II. p. 644. A painted
vase in Tischbein II. 17. probably refers to the sacred mice of a
Smintheum; concerning which see Heraclid. Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup.
According to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the Argives had a mouse on their
coins (as an emblem of Apollo); Eckhel has none of this kind; Mr.
Payne Knight’s collection contains a very small ancient gold coin
with this type. See Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology,
§ 128. note.
1204 Strabo XIII. p. 613.
1205 Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. 258.
1206 Plutarch Dion. 23.
1207 Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 7, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. Quæst.
III. 10.
1208 Æginetica, p. 27. The Apollo Ἠλεῖος at Argos (Paus. VIII. 46. 2.) is
hardly a Ἤλιος.
1209 The Trœzenian Ὦρος (Paus. II. 30. 6.) was probably a god of the
seasons, and afterwards the sun; but ὥρα and the Ægyptian Horus
cannot surely have any etymological connexion.
1210 Herod. VI. 97. Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. Æsch. Pers. 206.
1211 See below, ch. 6. § 10. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such
section in that chapter.]
1212 Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. Matthiæ. Ἀπόλλω δ᾽ ἐν βροτοῖς σ᾽ ὀρθῶς καλεῖ
Ὅστις τὰ σιγῶντ᾽ ὀνόματ᾽ οἶδε δαιμόνων.
1213 Fragm. 48. The same doctrine was followed by Apollodorus (Macrob.
Sat. I. 17.) and Philochorus, according to whom there was a
Helius-Apollo among the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 655.
1214 C. 24. It is only the following narration which is taken from the
Bassarides of Æschylus; comp. Timotheus περὶ κοσμοπούας ap. Euseb.
Scalig. p. 4.
1215 This fact refers to the actual worship of the sun in Thrace,
Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. Il. XV. 705.
1216 The passages in which he is considered as the god of the sun, a
fragment in J. Diaconus, and a hymn, are of the latest date. The
Sibylline oracle in Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is called Helius, is
of the Alexandrine age; likewise the strange hymn in Brunck’s
Analecta, vol. II. p. 518. is of very late date. Moreover, the
coins, in which Apollo is represented with rays round his head, are,
as far as I can discover, all of the age of the emperors.
1217 The Apollo γενέτωρ of Delos was probably so called with a fixed
though obscure reference, like the Apollo πατρῷος, which the Orphic
philosophers in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also explained to be
_progenitor_ in general. See above, ch. 2. § 15.
_ 1218 Orchomenos_, p. 383. compare Schwarz Miscell. Polit. hum. p. 89.
Creuzer Symbolik, vol. III. p. 166.
1219 Od. XV. 402. cf. III. 280. XI. 171. Il. XXIV. 759. Artemis kills
women for him, as in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On Artemis and Apollo, as
gods of death, see Nast’s Opusc. Lat. P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq.
1220 Ἕκατος, ἑκάεργος, ἑκηβόλος, ἑκατηβελέτης, ἀφήτωρ.
1221 Il. IV. 508. VII. 21.
1222 XV. 308. XVI. 703.
1223 See Pind. Pyth. IV. 86.
1224 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. Del. 13.
1225 Homer represents Aphrodite as the protector of Æneas and antagonist
of Diomed, and Ares in battle for the Trojans, in a disadvantageous
light; and describes, with evident irony, the weakness of the
goddess, and the brutal confidence of the god. In like manner, Diana
and the river-god Scamander sometimes play a very undignified part.
Apollo, alone, always maintains his dignity.
1226 Il. XXI. 464. cf. XXIV. 40. ᾧ οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένες εἰσίν ἐναίσιμοι.
1227 Il. XXIV. 606.
1228 Od. XI. 517.
1229 Il. VIII. 227. He overcomes Phorbas in a boxing-match, Eurytus in a
contest of archery, to which the latter had challenged all the gods;
hence he is in general supposed to preside over contests with the
cæstus (Il. XXIII. 660. Plutarch. Quæst. Symp. VIII. 4); and amongst
the Dorians, who loved the sports of the field, was particularly
considered as a patron of archery and huntsmen. Il. XXIII. 872.
Soph. Œd. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39.
1230 Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον, καὶ σὺ μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους Πήμαινε, καὶ σφᾶς ὄλλυ᾽ ὥσπερ
ὀλλύεις. Fragm. 79. ed. Gaisfoid. Compare Blomfield ad Æsch. Agam.
66. Gloss.
1231 Ἀπὸ σ᾽ ὀλέσειεν Ἄρτεμίς τε χὠπόλλων, Fragm. 16. ed. Welcker.
1232 Æschyl. Agam. 1091. Plato Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Phaeth. (above,
p. 306. note m. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “wont
to destroy them,” starting “Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον.”]) allude to the same
derivation.
1233 Hermann _Ueber das Wesen der Mythologie_, p. 107.
1234 Pausan. I. 43. 7. Anthol. Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of Prusia
Apollo is represented with a scourge in his hand, Mionnet Descript.
tom. II. p. 482.
1235 Herod. III. 52. Walpole’s Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic inscription
of the cod. Sherard. these fines are called ἱεραὶ δραχμαί.
1236 Agamem. 55.
1237 Gellius N. A. V. 12.
1238 Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1446.
1239 Plut. Quæst. Græc. 24.
1240 Plut. de Ει 21. p. 246. de Defect, Orac. 7. p. 309. non posse suav.
vivi sec. Epicur. 23. p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the Apollo
Philesius should be referred to this head.
1241 Ἀκήσιος. Paus. VI. 24, 5. ἀκέστωρ, Eurip. Androm. 900.
1242 Ἐπακούριος, Paus. VIII. 32-41. 5.
1243 Ἀλεξίκακος, ibid. I. 3. 3. Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare Visconti,
Museo Pio-Clement. I. p. 27.
1244 Ἀποτροπαῖος, Orac. ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. 27. Inscript. in
Walpole’s Travels, p. 547. No. 38. Stuart’s Antiquities of Athens,
vol. I. p. 25. called προστάτης, in the colonies on the Pontus,
above, ch. 2. § 6. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. with Hermann’s note. He
is invoked in his character of Προστατήριος to avert nightly
terrors, in Soph. Elec. 638; in Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; in
Eurip. Herc. Fur. 821, the fury. Πύθιοι καὶ σωτήριοι θέοι. Boeckh
Corp. Inscript. No. 1693.
1245 Pind. Pyth. v. 63. cf. IV. 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. Œd. T. 149.
Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 72. See, however, Il. XVI. 527. He was called
Λοίμιος at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. 17. _Medicus_ at Rome about 416
A.U.C. Ἰατρὸς, Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1206.
1246 Demosth. in Mid. ubi sup.
1247 Il. v. 401, 899. with Schol. Venet. cf. Od. IV. 232. Aristarchus
considered Apollo and Pæon in Homer as identical, yet Hesiod
distinguishes them in the fragment in Eustath. ad Od. p. 1493.
Schol. Min. ad 1. (cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford’s Poetæ Min. p. 551),
and perhaps also in Brunck’s Analecta, vol. I. p. 67.
1248 Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. Pindar’s Pæan in the
Fragments.
1249 Proclus apud Phot. ἰδίως ἀπέκειτο τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι.
1250 Hom. Hymn. 272, 320.
1251 Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. In Soph. Œd. T. 152. a song of a chorus
resembling a pæan has these words; Φοῖβος—σωτήρ θ᾽ ἵκοιτο καὶ νόσου
παυστήριος. cf. Schol. ad v. 114. et Suid. in ἰηίων.
1252 Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. Næniæ and pæans opposed to one another.
Eurip. Iph. T. 183. The god of death was honoured with no pæan.
Æsch. Niob. Frag. 5. Pæans to Hades, the Furies, &c. are an
oxymoron; see Monk ad Eurip. Alc. 431.
1253 Comp. the pæans of the Spartans at the Gymnopædia for the battle of
Thermopylæ. Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. Apollo and Artemis, gods of
victory, Soph. Trach. 207.
1254 See Æschyl. Theb. 250. The ὀλυλυγμὸς (_ululatus_) which is here
mentioned was in part the ἐλελεῦ, which according to Plutarch Thes.
22. occurred in singing the pæan and at the libation (in this
passage σπένδοντες is evidently the right meaning). Hence Apollo is
called ἐλελεὺς in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. From this also comes the
ἐλελίζειν which Xenophon often mentions, but distinguishes it from
the pæan, and represents it as performed to Enyalius or Ares, Anab.
I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. 14. Hell. II. 4, 17.
1255 Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. Rhod. II. 710. cf. Athen. XV. p. 701 C.
Duris ap. Etym. Mag. in ἰηίε.
1256 Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43.
1257 Æsch. Again. 99.
1258 Eurip. Hippol. 1373. Æsch. ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121.
1259 Æsch. Agam. 518.
1260 Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352.
1261 Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. Harpocrat.
In Tegea (derived from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. I. 2.
1262 Above, ch. 4. § 2.
1263 Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad Horat. Carm.
IV. 6. 28. _ex responso sui (Pythii) oraculi in viis publicis urbis
suæ Athenienses statutis altaribus sacrificare Apollini instituerunt
et Agyeum appellare_. Also Eurip. Ion 186. to which Eustath. ad Il.
p. 166. Rom. refers. Varro is probably followed by Euanthius De
Tragœdia et Comœdia: _Athenienses cum Apollini Nomio vel_ Ἀγυιαίῳ
(as Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. corrects), _i.e._ _pastorum
vicinorumque_ (read _vicorumque_) _præsidi deo constructis aris
festum carmen solenniter cantarent_.
1264 Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 870. Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. Eurip.
Phœn. 634. Harpocrat. Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot. cod. 279. p. 1596.
Plautus Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. in ἀγυιὰ, also Otto de Diis
Vialibus, et Zoëga De Obeliscis p. 210. The Agyieus often occurs on
coins, instead of other emblems of Apollo, where numismatic writers
have not recognised the symbol. See the coins of Apollonia in
Epirus, Aptera in Crete, Megara, Byzantium, Oricus, Ambracia, where
the statue is surrounded with fillets.
1265 Eurip. Ion. ubi sup.
1266 κυισσᾶν ἀγυιὰς, Demosth. ubi sup. and Stephens’s Thesaurus, ed.
Lond. vol. I. p. 1048.
1267 Ἀβέλιος, the Cretans and Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. Comp.
Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in θάβακον, Koen ad Greg. Corinth. p. 354.
ed. Schæfer. βέλα ἥλιος καὶ αὐγὴ, a Laconism according to Hesychius.
1268 The jocular etymology of Plato from πολεῖν, and the absurd one from
ἀπολὺς, mentioned by Cicero de Nat. Deor. II. 27. Plutarch, de Ει 9.
p. 228 (because Apollo was τὸ ἓν, De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Macrob.
Sat. I. 17. and others in the Etymol. M., I may be excused from
examining.
1269 Maittaire, p. 152, 264.
1270 Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.
1271 There appear to be two radical forms, having nearly the same
meaning, from which the word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. First ϜΕΛ or
ϜΕΛϜ, VOLVO, “to roll,” “to press together,” and ΕΛ, “to push,
strike, drive,” &c. Ἐλάσαι, ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives
of this ΕΛ; from which it is probable that ἀπέλλων or ἀπόλλων is
derived, as Homer constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, &c., as well as
Ἀπόλλων, without the digamma.
1272 See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II.
301.
1273 Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 243.
De Exilio 17. p. 386. _Apollo sanctus_, Cicero Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34.
Montfaucon Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι
was used of the Thessalian diviners, when they lived apart on the
ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, de Ει.
1274 Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.
1275 Theophrast. de Lapid. 37.
1276 Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. v. 1009.
1277 Sturz. de Lingua Macedonica.
1278 Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. Eurip. Alcest. 22.
1279 Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 246. λοιβαὶ
νεκύων φθιμένων ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which
Hermann has received in Eurip. Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης.
Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. p. 31.
1280 Paus. X. 14. 4. The names of the chief priestesses were here
registered, Plutarch. Pericl. 21.
1281 Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For Athens see above, p. 264. note c.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “festival of
Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”] On the sanctity of the wolf
there, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.
1282 Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. de Sol.
Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. 9. 7.
1283 Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. 14.
Aristoph. Av. 516. [The translators conceive that nothing more is
meant in the passage of Homer than that Apollo flew swiftly as a
hawk flies swiftly.]
1284 Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, “the god of vultures,” was worshipped
on the top of a hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. c. 35. There was
also a kind of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. Cyneg. III. 304.
1285 Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ δαΐῴ,
where see Blomfield. Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽
ἄναξ τὰ σὰ βέλεα. In a milder sense in Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd.
T. 920. Elect. 656. in which last tragedy Apollo throughout appears
as armed with his highest and noblest attributes. See particularly
v. 1379.
1286 See Voss on Virgil’s Georg. p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I.
p. 417.
1287 Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.
1288 See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Pyth. 266.
1289 Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.
1290 Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος in Hesych. in v. belongs to this class of
attributes. Also there were temples of Apollo on the promontories of
_Leucæ_, _Leucatas_.
1291 Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. Apostol. XII.
18. comp. above, p. 287. note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote to “twelve days and nights,” starting “Aristot. Hist. An.
VI. 35.”]
1292 Apostol. XII. 21.
1293 Among the moderns see Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. § 124. Gail
Philologue, tom. I. p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in Millin’s Magasin
Encyclopédique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where Λοξίας is brought into
connexion with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me probable that the word Λοξίας
first expressed the oblique position of the archer, who always has
ὄμματα λοξά.
1294 Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.
1295 Theopompus apud Polyb. XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 39. p. 398.
Paus. VIII. 38. 5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron.
II. 1 p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. Muncker.
1296 Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς was
worshipped at Delphi, Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος,
Hesych. in v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, whom Hesychius (in v.)
calls the Doric Hephæstus, may be the real Zeus; a conjecture which
is confirmed by the circumstance that the temples of Zeus at Dodona
and in Laconia were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. cf. in Ἔλα. That this
Elous might have been originally derived from the El or Eloha of the
people of Israel, I do not deny; but it is an etymology which leads
to nothing but hopeless and uncertain conjecture.
1297 Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.
1298 Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius Sat. V. 22.
Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.
1299 Concerning the exception of the Messenians see above, p. 151. note
t, [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “Terpander,”
starting “I mention Eumelus.”] and for his birthplace at Tegyra
above, ch. 2. § 11. Apollo was also said to have been born at
Amphigenia in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. and there was a temple of
Latona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. ed.
Schellenberg.
1300 Ἐν χρόνῳ, _i.e._ “time was requisite for his birth;” “some time
elapsed before Apollo could be born,” Pindar ap. Clem. Alex. Strom.
I. p. 383. ed. Potter.
1301 Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.
1302 Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. ed. Boeckh.
1303 Pindar ibid.
1304 Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 36. 273.
1305 Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. Boeckh. This ode must then have been
written before the earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see Herod. VI. 98.
which confirms the assertion of Dissen that Isthm. I. 4. is not
alluded to, since this poem, as the same critic shows, was written
after Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, again, had no knowledge of the
earthquake which took place at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian
war (Thucyd. II. 8.), and Thucydides had never heard of the other,
which occurred before his time, nor read the statement of Herodotus.
Comp. Mucian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78.
Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. &c.
1306 Above, ch. 2. § 13.
1307 Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. IV. 35. The
confusion of Eileithyia and Fate, by Olen, is only a supposition of
Pausanias.
1308 Pausan. IX. 27. 2.
1309 Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 308.
1310 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the map of the
island in Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. I. pl. 31.
1311 See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. Eurip. Ion 169.
Iphigen. Taur. 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.
1312 Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. ad Eurip.
Ion. 932. Ælian. V. H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. Catull. XXXIV. 8.
For the palm as an emblem of Delos on Greek vases, see Tischbein I.
24. Il. 12.
1313 Strabo X. p. 486, &c.
1314 A fabulous reason is given by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. fab.
247.
1315 When four days old, according to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. Iphig.
Taur. 1252. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17.
1316 Clearchus of Soli in Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. Mag. in
Ἰήϊε, where for ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p.
834. This legend agrees with the compositions on the Greek vase in
Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree occurs also in Theophrast. Hist.
Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at the Villa
Albani, Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 212.
1317 Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.
1318 Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.
1319 Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.
1320 Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. The fountain there spoken of, and not
that of Castalia, is the one which the serpent was supposed to
haunt. Comp. Hesych. in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound erected over the
Python, in a ravine near Delphi, which is sometimes placed at
Sicyon, Paus. II. 7. 7.
1321 Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. (where also Δελφύνης is in the MS.)
Dionys. Perieg. 441. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An ἡμίθηρ κόρη,
according to later writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.
1322 Lucian de Astrol. 23. The symbol of the goat is connected with the
Python (since Αἴξ is called a child of the Python, Plutarch. Quæst.
Græc. 12.), also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον Αἰγαῖον at Delphi
(Hesiod ap. Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf.
Pausan. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 26. The same animal was likewise
sacred to Apollo at Elyrus in Crete (above, ch. 1. § 5.) and
Tylissus; in the coins of which town Apollo is represented with a
goat’s head in his hand. At Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or Κεράτινος,
was made of goat’s horns by Apollo while a boy, Plutarch. Thes. 21.
de Solert. Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same
story was told of the Κεραιστὴς τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. Etym.
Mag. 584. 10.), where there was a strange story of a he-goat which
gave milk. It cannot be doubted that the goat was originally one of
the unclean animals of the worship of Apollo.
1323 Apollo, according to Simonides (ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. 39.),
slew the monster with an hundred arrows (as an explanation of
ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle is represented on the coins of Croton; see
Eckhel Num. Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.
1324 Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 7.
1325 See in particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. Pollux IV.
10. 81. calls the performance ἄχορον αὔλημα Πύθιον.
1326 Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. Ephorus ap.
Strab. IX. p. 422. also alludes to the burning of the καλιὰς, which
he calls σκηνή.
_ 1327 Orchomenos_, p. 220.
1328 In Plutarch de Def. Orat. 14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also in
Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν for
ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, the women having the same name as those of
Orchomenus, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 166.
1329 Above, ch. 1. § 2; and on the different tradition of Tarrha, ib. §
5.
1330 In a verse of Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14.
Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην, “_My
husband led him to the mill._” The name of the tragedy seems to have
been Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I say;
for, although Hermann (Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) thinks that
the line is from a satiric drama, the verses quoted in Schol. Pind.
Pyth. IV. 221. which appear to be from the same play, are evidently
of a tragic complexion. On the imitation of the servitude of Apollo,
see also the words of Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι καὶ ἡ λατρεία
τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη καθαρμοί.
1331 Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.
1332 See particularly Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. 10. Apollod. I.
9.
1333 See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου λόγον,
&c. has nothing to do with this point), and Zenob. Prov. Ἀδμήτου
μέλος.
1334 Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. Germ. Ant. p.
168. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 16.
1335 Several coins appear to represent this lustration; _e.g._, one of
Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. 88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. 329; see
also those of Alexandria Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, 115, 116.
1336 Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. Pind.
Pyth. III. 96.) who drew his information from Hesiod. Hesiod related
this tradition in the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue which treated
of the daughters of Leucippus, one of whom is said to have been the
mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare
Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. III.
10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. Wesseling. Orph.
Argon. 176, also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades in the Scholia.
The _religious_ tradition is given by Anaxandridas the Delphian in
Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων,
Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and Plutarch, perhaps from the same authority.
Those who in Iliad I. 399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, attributed his
banishment to a rebellion against Zeus. See also Æschylus ap.
Plutarch de Exilio 17.
1337 Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes and the
others. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an
epic poet. Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα
θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.
1338 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 611; see the very confused account in
Eratosth. Catast. 29. with Schaubach’s note. p. 110.
1339 Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan throne) X. 11.
1. Pind. Pyth. IV. 90.
1340 Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. Merc. 471,
533.
1341 Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also sacrifices of cakes at Athens, Harpocration
and Hesychius in ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος Ἀπόλλων. comp.
Hemsterhuis ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. Bipont.
1342 See above, ch. 2. § 2.
1343 Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus ap.
Censorin. de die nat. 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). Compare
Macrobius Sat. III. 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. Porphyr. de
Abstinent. II. 28. (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus Vit. Pythagor. 5.
7. Cyrillus in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning the horn altar, see
above, p. 325, note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“inner sanctuary,” starting “Lucian de Astrol. 23.”]
1344 Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. The first-fruits of the year were also
carried round at the Attic Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.
1345 Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. 298. ed. Boeckh.
1346 See particularly Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas in
εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. Thes.
22. Apostal. Prov. XXI. 24.
1347 Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ ἔτνους, which was used at this festival,
referred more to the gods of husbandry.
1348 The ancient Greeks considered the winter as the season when the gods
of the infernal regions were predominant, and a state of impurity
existed; while they looked on spring and summer as a pure and sacred
season.
1349 Meursii Græcia Feriata in Θαργήλια. Compare _Orchomenos_, p. 106. An
historical tradition respecting the first φαρμακὸς, from a work of
Istrus περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, is preserved in Harpocration
and Etymol. Magn. in v.
1350 Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius in Θαργήλια ad fin. where the correction
of Hemsterhuis is disapproved by Welcker on Schwenck’s Mythologische
Andeutungen, p. 341.
1351 Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. Gaisford.
1352 Servius ad Æn. III. 57. from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius was
worshipped there, Strabo IV. p. 179 B.
1353 See the verses of Hipponax in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in Athen.
IX. p. 370 A. and his testimony in Plutarch de Musica 8. comp.
Hesychius in κραδίης.
1354 Above, ch. 2. § 10.
1355 Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps there was a local tradition that the
Python was killed in Sicyon; see above, p. 324, note b.
[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “supplied from the
Styx,” starting “Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”]
1356 Plutarch. Thes. 18. The number is evident from the context.
1357 In order to show the correspondence between the sacred seasons at
Athens and Delphi, it should be remarked that at the latter place
the nine months of spring, summer, and autumn were sacred to Apollo,
and during them the sacrifice was accompanied by the pæan; while the
three winter months were sacred to Bacchus, and hence in them the
dithyramb was played at the sacrifices (Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.);
and that in Athens also the festivals of Bacchus were celebrated
between Poseideon and Elaphebolion, and those of Apollo during the
other months.
1358 See Æginetica, page 152. That the _testamentum Epictetæ_ belongs to
Thera, is proved by Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.
1359 Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.
1360 See particularly Callisthenes and Anaxandridas (the same person who
is mentioned above) in Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1.
cf. 18. 24. also places the Pythian festival at the end of
Elaphebolion. The first passage has been often misunderstood (_e.g._
by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 193.): its meaning is, “_The
annual armistice remained suspended; there was again war, until the
Pythian games._” Without going further into the complicated inquiry
concerning the time of the Pythia, and without denying that in later
ages the festival was transferred to autumn, I think that the
arguments in the text fully justify me in assuming that the
celebration of the victory over the Python (which celebration was
the chief subject of the Pythia) took place in spring.
1361 This is plain from the fable of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14.
[Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]
1362 Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. Proclus ad
Hesiod. Op. 767. Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. p. 243. ed. Reisk.
comp. Valckenaer de Aristobulo Judæo § 37. p. 13.
1363 Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. ed. Heyn.
It is probably a fiction that Socrates was born on the former, Plato
on the latter day.
1364 The κωπὼ of the Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 987.) has some
resemblance to the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, which was also
carried round at the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), and is also called a
ἱκετηρία, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.
1365 The Athenians, according to Proclus as above, honoured the seventh
day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν ἀποστρέφοντες
(ἐπιστέφοντες Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεόν.
1366 Pontedera Antiq. p. 208. According to Scaliger Emend. Temp. vol. I.
p. 54, this was anciently the beginning of the year; which is denied
by Petavius Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. p. 42. compare Dodwell de Cyclis
V. 12. p. 256.
1367 Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was then probably that the festival of the
Theophania was celebrated, Herod. I. 51.
1368 Concerning which see above, ch. 1. § 2. ch. 2. § 12. 14. ch. 3. § 1.
And for the ancient octennial Pythian games see Demetrius of
Phalerum in Eustathius ad Od. γ’. p. 1466. ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad
Od. γ’. p. 267.
1369 This too, as well as the olive-branch, was always borne by a παῖς
ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who had both parents alive.
1370 See a verse from an epic poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. Reip. ger.
19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, Ἄπολλον.
1371 Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. 43. στέμματα Δελφικά. Suidas in
Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.
1372 Eumen. 326.
1373 Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. This expiation is also represented on
several vases; see Tischbein II. 16. and more completely in Millin
Vases II. 68. Monumens inédits I. 29. where see the accurate
explanation. Orestes sits, half kneeling, on the ὄμφαλος, covered
with a net, exactly as Æschylus describes it: by his side are Athene
and the Furies; next the tripod is the sacred laurel, with fillets,
and votive tablets; and by it is Apollo, standing, with a laurel
chaplet, and his mantle thrown back; the spirit of Clytæmnestra and
Pylades in the background. On a vase in the British Museum (No.
102), Orestes is represented as kneeling, with a sword in his hand,
and a travelling cap thrown from his head, before an altar; woollen
fillets, in the form of a chain, fall from one arm; Apollo, with a
branch of laurel and a patera in one hand, stands by him; and in the
other, as it appears, a pair of shears, with which he is going to
cut off a lock of his hair. See also Museo Pio Clementino, V. pi.
22.
1374 Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 268. The purification of Orestes was
likewise referred to the very ancient temple of Apollo at Trœzen; in
front of which there was a building called the _tent of Orestes_
(σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); where he lived secluded from the world, until he
was purified, And from the materials used in the purification (what
Homer calls λύματα), which were buried close by, a laurel was said
to have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, ch.
2. § 8. It was also supposed to have been performed at Rhegium; see
the passages quoted above, p. 278, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This
is the footnote to “rites and festivals,” starting “Respecting the
ablutions.”] The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of Orestes, took place in
Parrhasia, according to Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1678.
1375 Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. Sturz.
1376 In later times the ephetæ decided cases of unpremeditated and
justifiable homicide in the Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, and
Phreattys: while the Areopagus, the court for murder, was separate:
but in early times these aristocratic judges appear to have sat in
_all_ the five courts, each armed with _full_ jurisdiction. Demosth.
in Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according to
Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus (ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad S. Dionys.
Areop. p. 19. fragm. ed. Siebel.) gives the same number for the
Areopagites, _i.e._, as they were before the time of Solon.
1377 Pollux ubi sup. This explains how the Areopagus might be of great
antiquity (Aristot. Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet _never_ have been
mentioned by Draco, who only spoke of the ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon.
29.
1378 Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. Eurip.
Hippol. 35. and see Barnes’s note. The term of banishment was always
called ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. III. 4. 2.), and was
generally eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in ancient times (see below,
ch. 11. § 9.); but at Athens it was probably undetermined.
1379 Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi sup.
1380 Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. Pantænet.
p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske’s alteration is
wrong. See also particularly the θεσμοί in the speech of Demosthenes
against Aristocrates. Plato, too, would have expiation and
purification only in the case of involuntary homicide, de Leg. IX.
p. 869. It was against every principle of law for the relations to
compound for a wilful murder (see Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. p.
1330. extr.); and thus, too, the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned
as an exception. See, however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.
1381 On this point more will be found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In this
place I only observe, with reference to the assertion of Lobeck (de
Præc. Myst. II. p. 6.), “that all expiations in the heroic mythology
were invented by the historians,” that, according to _Arctinus_
(Æthiopis ap. Prod. Chrestom. comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo p.
61.), Achilles, after the murder of Thersites, fled to Lesbos, to be
there expiated by Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo and Diana. It
may indeed be shown from the Scholia to Il. XXIV. 484. that the
original reading in this passage was not ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but
ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἁγνίτεω, “_in the house of the expiator, or purifier_.”
See Lobeck’s Aglaophamus, vol. I. p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.
1382 Above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”]
1383 Below, § 17.
1384 See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.
1385 Æschyl. Eum. 62.
1386 Theocrit. Id. XXIV.
1387 Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. 14.
1388 Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare also the fact
mentioned in the first spurious Epistle of Æschines, p. 658. ed.
Reisk.
1389 Hesych. in v.
1390 See Casaubon ad Theophrast. Char. 16.
1391 Hence Manto is also called Daphne; and one of the sons of Priam, a
prophet, was named αἴσακος, _i.e._ a laurel-bough, Apollod. III. 12.
5. cf. Hesych. in v.
1392 Tischbein I. 33. Millin. Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.
1393 Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. XIX. 86.
διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius p. 683. 40. ed.
Bas. Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the olive-branch is so called. See
also Creuzer’s Symbolik, vol. II. p. 161.
1394 Ἀλήθεια is often used in oracles to signify the confirmation by
events of the prediction; thus Antiphon wrote a treatise περὶ τῆς
ἀληθείας, _i.e._ on the fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is called
ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus v. 641. where see Wernicke’s note. Diviners
were called by the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p.
113.
1395 See particularly Plin. jun. Epist. V. 6.
1396 Above, ch. 1. § 2.
1397 Ovid’s Metamorphoses and Hyginus fab. 203. where see Muncker’s note.
It is also related to have taken place at Amyclæ, at Claros, and
also on the banks of the Ladon; the latter on account of Apollo
Oncæus. In several coins of Metapontum, _e.g._, on two in the Paris
cabinet, Apollo is represented as placing or planting a laurel on a
low altar; and he is frequently drawn with a laurel in his hand,
sometimes bound with woollen fillets.
1398 See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.
1399 See particularly Od. XVI. 403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 394. compare
Ælian V. H. III. 43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration in θεμιστεύειν,
&c. Themis was worshipped, together with Apollo, at Delphi (which
also seems to be stated in the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in θέμις),
and in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67.
1400 Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed.
Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 111. also appears to a certain degree
to praise the simplicity of the Delphic oracles, as also
Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 11.
1401 Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. Plutarch. Num. 9.
1402 See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. Bekker.
1403 The divination from dreams is also opposed by Euripides (Iphig.
Taur. 1264) to the prophecies of Apollo; and he also refers to it
the combat between the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.
1404 All regular divination was of an early date, according to Pausan. I.
43. 3.
1405 Above, ch. 2. § 14.
1406 Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander’s Δελφικὰ.
ap. Steph. Byz. in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. VII.
57.
1407 Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 1116. see
above, ch. 2. § 12. ch. 3. § 2.
1408 Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and Schol. Etym. Magn.
p. 455. 51. Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius V. 75. Steph. Byz. in
Θρία. compare Hesychius in the obscure gloss Θριὼ, and the vase in
Millingen’s Diverses Peintures 29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are also
mentioned by Plutarch de Ει 16.
1409 Il. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 200; and see Heinrich’s note. So also on
the chest of Cypselus, with the verses in Paus. V. 18. 1, and Pindar
Nem. V. 24.
1410 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. Apollo
himself, as a boy, is represented dancing on a tripod in a coin of
Cos (Mionnet tom. III. p. 401).
_ 1411 Orchomenos_, p. 381.
1412 See, _e.g._ Athen. XIV. p. 636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was a fish
sacred to Apollo, Apollod. Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.
1413 See the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. But even there the lyre is
frequently confounded with the cithara (the _seven-stringed_ in v.
51, which proves that this hymn is later than the time of
Terpander). Comp. Apollod. III. 10. 2, where Apollod. is said to
receive the pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, and Eratosth. Catast.
24. The Æolian lyric poets made frequent mention of this fable, and
hence it frequently occurs in Horace.
1414 Pyth. V. 63.
1415 Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.
1416 The frequent use of music in medicine in the most ancient times is
certainly not a fiction; thus Apollo, when a player on the cithara
and an ἰατρόμαντις, has offices nearly allied to one another, Æsch.
Suppl. 261. Eumen. 62.
1417 Paus. X. 7. 2. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 3. he was
himself the καθαρτής.
1418 Plutarch de Music. 42.
1419 Diog. Laert. VIII. 24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.
1420 Hence no flute-player was allowed to enter the temple of Tennes the
son of Apollo, Diod. V. 83.
1421 This fable, and the various representations of it in ancient art,
are well known. See Bœttiger in Wieland’s Attisches Museum, vol. I.
p. 285. Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino V. 4. Millin. Vases vol. I.
pl. 6. The accompaniments in the plate given by Tischbein IV. 6.
show that Phrygia, those in I. 33. and Millingen pl. 6. that Delphi
is meant.
1422 Il. X. 13. The passage XVIII. 495. cannot be considered as equally
ancient, see Eustathius and the Venetian Scholiast.
1423 Hesiod. Scut. 281.
1424 Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. Fragm. 86.
1425 See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. and the commentators.
1426 Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. p. 292.
1427 Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.
1428 Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. de Mus. 15. The same musician also
composed the νόμος Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, Plut. ib. 7.
Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. XII. p. 345.
1429 See the author’s History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.
1430 Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, Athen. XII.
p. 538 F.
1431 Or _perfect_ (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. ed.
Meibom.
1432 Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.
1433 Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. 57. ed.
Rom.
1434 Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the temple of
Apollo). comp. Propertius II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος Ἀργεῖος is mentioned
by Aristides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is only his poetical father
(Apollod. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); but his mother Psamathe
and his brother Psamathus must have some meaning. With the ceremony
mentioned in the text was connected a festival called _Arnis_ or
_Cynophontis_, at which a number of dogs were publicly slaughtered.
Ælian. N. A. XII. 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon ubi sup. Athen.
III. p. 99 F. The dog, as was frequently the case in ancient
mythology, evidently represents Sirius, and generally the scorching
heat of summer, so fatal to all vegetation. It appears, therefore,
that they destroyed the emblem of that power by which the death of
Narcissus was occasioned.
1435 Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup.
1436 Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod ubi sup. Euripides ap. Athen. XIV. p.
619 C.
1437 See Stanley ad Æsch. Agam. 123. The proper name was perhaps οἶτος
Λίνου, and the first words αἶ Λίνε.
1438 Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi sup.
1439 Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. Orest. 1402.
1440 Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.
_ 1441 Orchomenos_, p. 293.
1442 Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where it is a melancholy tune to the lamentations
of the chorus) and Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791.
1443 Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 54.
1444 Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in Μαριανδυνῶν
θρῆνος.
1445 Pollux IV. 10. 76.
1446 II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.
1447 Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. The name Cinyras was changed so as to
resemble Κινυρός. The love which Apollo bore him (Pind. Pyth. II.
16. cf. Schol. Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies that he was fond
of music.
1448 Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning the antiquity of the musical contests at
Delphi see Plutarch Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius Phalereus
quoted above, p. 338, note e. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the
footnote on page 337 to “earliest times arranged,” starting
“Concerning which see above.”] Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. VI.
10.
1449 Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος
ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μόνος ᾖσε
νόμον.
1450 Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.
1451 Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.
1452 Proclus ubi sup.
1453 Plutarch de Music. 4. from Timotheus.
1454 See the passages quoted by Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. ed. Harl.
It was also called _versus Deliacus_, if the reading in Atilius
Fortunatus, p. 2690. ed. Putsch. is correct. At _Miletus_ also there
were ancient hexameter hymns to Apollo and Zeus, which were
attributed to Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 165. comp. Clem. Alex.
Strom. p. 647.
1455 Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. XVI. 432.
Syncellus Chronogr. p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.
1456 Plutarch de Music. 5.
1457 The hymns of Terpander were, like the most ancient songs, partly in
hexameter metre, ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. Proclus ubi sup.): yet
Terpander was the first to introduce a great variety of metre.
1458 The reason of Thamyris the Thracian being called the son of
Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), is probably the near neighbourhood of the
Delphians and Thracians of Parnassus.
1459 Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.
1460 Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. IV. p.
179. XI. p. 503 E. from Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 1. Hence
τελεσίερος, Hesych. in v.
1461 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq. In Delos also pæans were sung round the
altars, Eurip. Herc. Fur. 690.
1462 Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The passage of Athenæus XIV. p. 631 C. if
properly written, does not refer to that point. There was always a
person named ἐξάρχων who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus
Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλόν
Λέσβιον παιήονα (_after_ the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. μετὰ
λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν ἐξῆρχε. Compare the verses on the chest of
Cypselus quoted above, p. 349. note 2.
1463 Plutarch de Ει 16.
1464 Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.
1465 See Menander de Encom. p. 27. ed. Heeren.
1466 Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 18.
1467 Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides ap. Athen. V.
p. 181 B. Plutarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained by Boeckh ad Pind.
Fragm. p. 597.
1468 Lucian. de Saltat. 16.
1469 Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ κρεμβαλιαστὺν
Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant gestures, such as
clapping of hands, striking of castanets, &c.
1470 See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. Hymn. Del. 317. with Spanheim’s note.
The leader of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς (Hesych. in v.) Blows
also were given, and hence the expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς (Hesych.
in v.); and there were also various turnings and windings,
παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις (Dicæarchus apud Plut. ubi sup.): when at
rest, the chorus stood in a semicircle, with leaders at the two
wings, Pollux IV. 4. 101.
1471 Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare the extant fragments of the pæans of
Pindar.
1472 Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. That the
hyporcheme was native in Sparta may be seen from Pindar Fragm. 8. p.
603. ed. Boeckh.
1473 Plutarch de Music. 10. where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν ῥυθμὸν should
probably be written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment of a pæan in pæons in
Aristot. Rh. III. 7. 6.
1474 It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος by Bacchylides.
1475 Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and the Schol.
1476 There was at Delos an ancient statue, according to Plutarch de
Music. 14. which Tectæus and Angelion appear to have imitated
(Pausan. IX. 35. I.); whose work is perhaps copied in the Gem in
Millin’s Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I.
17. The Graces had a flute, a lyre, and a pipe in their hands. There
was another ancient statue (ξόανον) at Delos, which was referred to
Erysichthon, Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.
_ 1477 Orchomenos_, p. 182. and see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. ed. Brunck.
1478 Also the Hyacinthia in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. Hyacinthus
was the son of Amyclas and of Diomede the daughter of Lapithas (so
named from the Lapithæum in the neighbourhood), according to
Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, by
Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.
_ 1479 Orchomenos_, p. 327. The month Hyacinthus was also introduced into
Sicily by the Ægidæ, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.
1480 Hyacinthus is himself called Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 237.
1481 Paus. II. 35. 4.
1482 Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.
1483 Hesychius in Πολύβοια; and see below, ch. 10. § 3.
1484 A worship of the dead was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες of
Athea.
1485 Eurip. Hel. 1490.
1486 Crowns of ivy were given at the Hyacinthia, according to Aristot.
ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων of
Æschylus ap. Macrob. ibid. with Lobeck’s correction ad Soph. Aj.
814. See Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.
1487 Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 201. has properly followed
Dodwell on this point, whose arguments also convince me.
1488 Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες τοὺς ἐπὶ
τρύγῃ. A different account is given in Bekker’s Anecd. p. 305.
1489 Clemens of Alexand. (Str. I. p. 349.) infers from two verses of the
ancient poem Europia that Apollo was also represented at Delphi as a
κίων ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; for the high column, on which
arms and trophies were hung, was certainly not the god himself.
1490 Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.
Apostol. II. 54.
1491 Paus. III. 11. Perhaps this was the regular form of the Carnean
Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.
1492 Above, p. 195. note k. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to
“before conquered,” starting “Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”]
1493 Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. p. 266.
Apostol. XVIII. 28. and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet tom. II. p.
671.); those of Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. 722.) of Iasos (tom.
III. p. 352.), and particularly those of Thyateira (Buonarotti
Medaglie Antiche IX. 9.), in which the symbol of the axe is
variously combined with Apollo.
1494 The latter god was called by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. XIV. p.
660.); and consequently the epithet χρυσάωρ, as applied to Apollo,
originally (_e.g._ in Il. V. 509. see Heyne’s note, and ad Apollod.
p. 274.) signified his golden armour, although Pindar (Pyth. V.
104.) uses it for the golden ornaments of his cithara; but in an
oracle of Bacis it is again applied to Artemis, _i.e._ to the
_armed_ goddess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad
Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh Explic. Pind. p. 293.)
1495 Travels in Greece, vol. II. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi
della Grecia, Roma 1812. The Apollo upon the Capitoline Puteal
appears to be a copy, but a far more modern copy, of the same
original. The same shape of Apollo may be also observed in the
reliefs with the carrying off of the tripod.
1496 Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There was also shown at Tegea a gilt Apollo by
Cheirisophus a Cretan, see Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, vol.
II. p. 25.
1497 Tryphiodor. 643. and see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning the Δελφικὴ
μάχαιρα see Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius in v. Compare
Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos also they used a sacred μάχαιρα,
tempered in the water of Cydnus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 41. p.
368.