You are not called upon, you think, to be your father’s almoner: he

is his own almoner: let it be so. But may it not be at this season

permitted you to strengthen his hands in this capacity? Will not the

money which your economy here will leave at his disposal, find its

way, think you, into the hands and mouths and hungry stomachs, if not

of Irish, yet of English labourers? We shall find, I think, soon, some

reason to believe that for the sake of all it is at this present time

most incumbent on all, if not to give, at any rate not to consume. Why

are operatives out of work in Yorkshire and Lancashire? Why are farm

labourers receiving in these midland and southern counties wages at

all times small, at this time and with these prices of corn, barely

enough to keep soul and body together? why is not work, more and

more than enough, provided, as was expected, by railways? _Pendent

opera interrupta._ Why--why is it, or how? Not because there is no

useful work to be done; no orders from abroad for cotton goods; no

agricultural improvements possible; no lines of railway worth the

making. No. Why indeed, or how, but because there is not money to

pay the expenses of the working; to buy cotton for the operatives to

turn into calicoes; to buy tiles for draining; or iron and bricks and

mortar for railways. God, by a sudden visitation, has withdrawn from

the income He yearly sends us in the fruits of His earth, sixteen

millions sterling. Withdrawn it, and from whom? On whom falls the loss?

Not on the rich and luxurious, but on those whose labour makes the

rich man rich and gives the luxurious his luxury. Shall not we then,

the affluent and indulgent, spare somewhat of our affluence, curtail

somewhat of our indulgence, that these (for our wealth too and our

indulgence in the end) may have food while they work, and have work to

gain them food? He who at this moment saves money (I say not to send to

Skibbereen, but) to lay out in some profitable investment, to lend to

master manufacturers for buying cotton, or landlords for draining, or

railway companies for excavating--yes, he who but buys into the funds,

does more a great deal--yea, more, as something is more than nothing,

as _plus_ is more than _minus_, than he who spends, albeit for the

benefit of the trade, in wines, and ices, and waistcoats.

So is it, as a general rule, and must be; he who eats his cake cannot

have it; he who saves it may change it for bread, and that bread

may maintain men at work. So is it as a general rule: yet there are

surely modifications. And here we come to the great objection, ‘the

tradesman’s’ objection I may call it, which is the most important by

far of all that have been urged against this system of retrenchment.

You are taking the bread out of the mouths not of ‘wealthy tradesmen’

only, but ‘wealthy tradesmen’s’ far-from-wealthy work-people. Do you

think all that tailoring, and man-millinery making, that cooking, and

that horse-tending, that serving and waiting was done by nobody? Will

nobody stand idle and hungry, because you have changed your mind?

Had you not, as it were, rung your bell for them, and now when they

wait your commands have you nothing to say? Had you not, in point of

fact, engaged their service, and now do you, without warning, dismiss

them? If they suffer by it, are you not in the wrong? If they starve,

is not yours the guilt? Doubtless, indeed, if in this country any

man in any place starve, a verdict of guilt, less or greater, must I

fear be brought, not, as in Irish juries, against Lord John Russell,

but against the wealthy and luxurious of this wealthy and luxurious

land. ‘We are verily guilty concerning our brother, in that we saw the

anguish of his soul when he besought us and we would not hear.’ Their

suffering is on our heads. But the question is, Who had best suffer?

those who are working to bring things right, or those whom we could not

save from suffering without crippling our means for all? Which must be

put on shortest allowance, the able soldier or the camp-follower? Which

must be dismissed, in this household that must be reduced, the farm

labourers or the valets and lady’s-maids?

Surely Irish newspapers long ere this should have made us see how

reproductive labour differs from unreproductive. Most true it is

that the indulgences of Members of this University are the means

of providing a livelihood for a large staff of shopkeepers and

shopkeepers’ work-people, tailors and confectioners, ostlers and

waiters. Most true it is. Yet except for the mere enjoyment so

received by us, the customers, our money is a mere waste. We are

employing for our enjoyments men who might, by devoting their skill and

their strength to the farm, the factory, the ship, and the railway,

increase our stock of food, and our facilities for obtaining and

transmitting it. Or, ultimately, if useful employment fail here, we

should have money in our hands for removing superfluous labourers to a

field where not labourers but land is superfluous.

At no time whatever, I believe, can our large expenditure upon objects

of luxury be justified: at a time like this, when we know that wages

paid to those who work in the farm and the factory will bring us corn,

while wages paid to Oxford tradesmen will only increase our own useless

consumption, I see not how any doubt can be felt.

The ship is stranded and short of provisions, but a port full of

supplies is at hand; and they who control the matter will not victual

the boat’s crew that should go to obtain them, because forsooth it

would straiten the allowance of their cabin boys, and cooks, and

waiters. And that these forsooth may earn their food, and their masters

have an excuse for feeding them, these masters bid them continue their

functions--consume precious flour in pies and pasties--precious meats

in wasteful made dishes--for their own over-eating. Alas, that _mutato

nomine de nobis fabula narratur_.

You will say, I am pleading the cause not of Irish peasants, but of

English factory people and excavators. I am pleading the cause of both.

Is it not English labour that has this year kept Ireland alive? What is

to do the kind office in the next year? Mainly, I fear, English labour

again. Yet may we not hope, too, that if we keep alive Irishmen in

their wretched Skibbereens, we shall preserve not only hungry mouths,

but also strong hands that in the end will do work? But it is true; I

plead for both.

And for the tradesmen and the tradesmen’s work-people, what can be

done? Surely it is idle to keep up an unnatural and vicious demand

which finds no better means of feeding one set of men than wasting

food on another. We are guilty, I think, in having brought this state

of things upon ourselves, that many families depend for their present

sustenance on the continuance of such a system. One thing however there

is, which will relieve at any rate the tradesmen, and through them

perhaps do something for their dependants: and that is, paying bills. I

for my part urge no man to give alms at this time, till he has paid his

debts. It is not, I think, due to the tradesmen to go on spending; but

to pay for what has been received, I think is due.

Here then we come to another objection, the soundness of which I have

at once admitted. It is said, If I save at all, I must save to pay my

debts; we must be just before we are generous. It is said, and said

most fairly. But is it never added (how fairly I will not ask), I will

therefore not save at all? Why should I, this year more than last year?

My savings will not go to the Irish; why need I have savings at all?

And therefore while others starve I will surfeit; while others cry out

for husks, and submit if they cannot have them, I, no less loudly, will

clamour for a new pleasure, and be indignant if it is not found me. And

therefore if this affliction should be, as in some degree it surely

will be, continued into another year, or extended, no unlikely event,

in some form or other into England itself, I shall still be helpless,

still have the same ready plea for doing nothing, the same happy excuse

for self-indulgence. Verily it is to be feared there are some who, with

money in their pockets, will refuse to give to the Irish, because they

owe sums to tradesmen; neglect to pay their tradesmen, because paying

tradesmen is not giving to Ireland; and so in the end will do neither,

will let their bills go on increasing, and spend their ready money

on extra amusements not to be had without it. It is not impossible

there are men who will say, What money I have I owe to Bennett, or

Bickerstaff; however, as Bennett and Bickerstaff are not famishing,

they may as well wait; and then I shall have my money to take me up

to town, to carry me to the opera, to pay my way in my long vacation

continental excursion.

What then! truly, indeed, if Bennett and Bickerstaff are not famishing

and may as well wait, why you may as well not go to the opera, and pay

your opera’s price to keep your countrymen alive. But do not suppose it

is I who so advise. Pay your debts by all means. Surprise Bennett with

bank-notes, and gratify Bickerstaff with gold. There is need, as we

saw just now. I ask you not to be generous before you are just; I only

bid you make haste and be just that you may be generous the sooner. I

only beseech you not to say (they are indeed ‘vain words’) I cannot

be generous, and as for being just, that will do a year hence. Pay if

you can; if you cannot, why, cripple not at any rate your means for

generosity alike and justice in years to come. In any case and every

case, let not the sky which in Ireland looks upon famishment and fever,

see us here at Oxford in the midst of health and strength over-eating,

over-drinking, and over-enjoying. Let us not scoff at eternal justice

with our champagne and our claret, our breakfasts and suppers, our

club-dinners, and desserts, wasteful even to the worst taste, luxurious

even to unwholesomeness--or yet again by our silly and fantastic

frippery of dandyism, in the hazardous elaboration of which the hundred

who fail are sneered at, and the one who succeeds is smiled at.

I know not if there be any who venture on the bold declaration, The

money is mine, and I will have the good of it; I have got, and I

will spend; the Irish have not, and they must do without. Something

however too much approaching to this feeling undoubtedly does exist. In

the ravelled and tangled skein, of which is constituted the content

and quietness of conscience enjoyed by us, the purse-aristocracy of

England, this thread, I think, may here and there be detected even

by unskilful fingers. To these sticklers for the rights of property

it is worth while putting one question. If you had been wrecked the

other day in the ‘Tweed’ steamer, and had been successful in reaching

the place of safety in the rocks, would you, if the articles of food

secured there from the waters had happened to belong to your own

peculiar private stores--would you, I ask, have entertained a thought

that to you exclusively belonged the right to enjoy them? This barrel

of biscuits is marked with my letters, and was always known to be mine;

did I not pay for it? mine has come, all the better for me, yours has

not, all the worse for you.

O ye, born to be rich, or at least born not to be poor; ye young men

of Oxford, who gallop your horses over Bullingdon, and ventilate your

fopperies arm-in-arm up the High Street, abuse if you will to the full

that other plea of the spirits and thoughtlessness of youth, but let

me advise you to hesitate ere you venture the question, May I not do

what I like with my own? ere you meddle with such edge-tools as the

subject of property. Some one, I fear, might be found to look up your

title-deeds, and to quote inconvenient Scriptures.

The Institution of Property, he might urge, is all well enough as

a human expedient to secure its reward to industry, and protect

the provident labourer against the careless and idle. But for

half-million-per-annum fortunes, fifty-mile-long estates, and

may-I-not-do-what-I-please-with-my-own proprietors, some other

justification, it would seem, must be sought. Sought and found. Found

it must be by owners, or looked for it will be by others.

For consider it, he might say, a little more closely. How come you

to have money? It comes from your father. Then your father or your

father’s father, we hope--(for by begging, stealing, or serving, all

men live, said Mirabeau)--your ancestor, we hope, in time past, did

service to receive it; worked for it; earned it. And who gave him that

work to do? Many a strong man have we known in our days begging for

work, no matter what, to save him from starving. The will to work,

plain enough, is not all: Archimedes must have his ποῦ στῶ: the workman

his somewhat to work at: man labours not ‘as one that beateth the air.’

Who was it then, who, when your father or father’s father asked for

work, gave it him? Ultimately you most likely will find it was He who

gave us the earth. Ultimately it is the earth that forms our wealth and

our subsistence. Philosophers and merchants, poets and shopkeepers,

soldiers, sailors, tinkers, tailors--in our most spiritual, as in our

most material productions, we all alike start in this, in the earth

have our ποῦ στῶ and πόθεν ἐσθίω, our work to work at.

And ‘the earth hath He given to the children of men.’

Not, says the Scripture, to the children of the rich, or of the

noble, or of those who have had it hitherto; not to the well-bred and

well-educated--rather, it might seem, to the children of those by the

sweat of whose brow it is subdued.

So might some one put it. And far more near to the truth do I deem it

would be to declare, that whoever is born into the world has a just

claim to demand therein and therefrom work and wages for work; is bound

to do his part in the labour, and entitled to expect his proportion in

the fruits; even as in some Alacran shipwreck; each newcomer, _sævis

projectus ab undis_ (it is the old Lucretian image), may be called

upon to share in the toils, and may demand to share in the food; and

no old citizen of the rocks shall dare to say, We may monopolise the

work alike and the pay; we have hands enough for the work, and we will

have no new mouth for the victuals;--far truer, though not the whole

truth, I think would this be than the fairest human-law theory of

sacred indefeasible monopoly vested in hereditary lords of creation.

We have heard of the old oppression of ‘the lord’s mill.’ Even so,

if a capitalist now should buy all the cotton factories of the land,

and then say, ‘I have you in my power, and you must pay me what price

I will,’ would modern society bear it? How much more when, not for

cotton-twist, but for meat and drink and all things, there is one

sole machine, not made with hands, not capable of duplication, this

terraqueous globe that moves incommunicably tied to one unchanging

orbit?

Nor need we fear to acknowledge this principle freely. There is

enough sense of fairness in the world to let the sacred institution

of property find itself a basis secure and unassailed in that other

great principle, ‘If a man will not work, neither let him eat.’ Let

that apostolic limitation of that primitive-Christian state of things

where ‘they had all things common’ be our guide and interpreter. Let

us find in it the Christian exposition of the old covenant eighth

commandment. So far, as without encouraging present idleness and

improvidence, without encroaching unduly on provisions for posterity,

it were possible to equalise the distribution of labour, so far were

that equalisation a duty. And, as it is, when we punish the starving

man who steals the loaf, it is not because either the baker or we have

an exclusive right to it, but because society at all hazards must avoid

putting a premium on laziness.

It is of course utterly foreign to my meaning to do anything but find

a secure basis for the rights of property; to impugn them were idle.

But as legal justice must be corrected by equity, so must justice as

administered by the laws of property be modified by the equity of a

higher though less definite rule; and as the distinction between legal

and equitable justice was considered worthy of observation, so too let

not this be despised. Let it be fairly felt that what we call bounty

and charity is not, as we fain would persuade ourselves, a matter of

gratuitous uncalled-for condescension--as of God to men, or men to

meaner animals, as of children feeding the robins, or ladies watering

their flowers, but on the contrary a supplementary but integral part

of fair dealing; the payment of a debt of honour. Let however this

conviction be treated as it may, it cannot at least be denied that

in great calamities a higher law, ‘a law within the law,’ steps in

to supersede that of property. What we should feel to be right on an

Alacran reef is, in its measure, applicable to a Skibbereen famine;

to appropriate is to steal. As a matter of pure justice and not of

generosity, England is bound to share her last crust with Ireland, and

the rich men to fare as the poor.

Some things perhaps might be found to modify this: of that anon:

meantime have we not a nearer objection in the fact of Irish idleness

and Irish improvidence? To this I shall only answer that the failure

of the potato crop was surely a matter beyond the province of human

foresight, and that with respect to the labouring classes it may be

greatly questioned whether they have ever yet been any thing like

fairly tried.

And now then some one will tell us--that society has higher objects

than the preservation of the lives of individual members. A great

heritage of civilisation, of law, and thought, and religion has come to

our hands: shame upon this generation, if for the sake of prolonging

to some wretched and short-lived beings their brief tenure of misery,

we sacrifice our father’s hard-won gains. Better that many perish

than that the nation lose a Bacon, a Burke, or a Shakspeare. There

are things worse than starving. True indeed it is, and in this, or

something like this, is founded the justification of inequality of

ranks. True indeed, and truly well worth the knowing. As ignorant and

unrefined parents stint themselves to secure knowledge and refinement

for their children, so the laborious poor of the land support, at

their painful cost, the aristocracy of the rich and educated. And so

long as it is indeed an aristocracy--forgetful though it may be and

unfilial too--they do it, and do it with joy, as of a parent. But if

cultivation be so great a thing, has it no such ingredients as mercy

and justice? Enjoyment is good; and refined enjoyment better than

coarse. Wine is better than gin; and the ale-house inferior to the

opera: _vilius argentum est auro_, but also _virtutibus aurum_. As it

is the pure service of God, so may it not be also the true cultivation

of man, ‘to visit the orphans and widows in their affliction, and to

keep himself unspotted from the world’? If there are things worse than

starving, there are also things better than eating and drinking.

And as this our English aristocracy draws its recruits almost

exclusively from the newly rich, what, may we ask, is the most fitting

lesson it should inculcate upon them, what discipline and what drill

should it place them under? Shall it meet them half-way with the

precept of, Expense and ostentation? Shall it say, Your business as a

member of the best part of the English nation is to entertain, to give

good dinners, and see the world, to have houses larger than you want,

servants more than you want, carriages more than you use, horses more

than you have work for? Is this to be the talismanic tradition handed

down from chivalrous days to the new generation; is this the torch of

wisdom and honour which our feudal aristocracy transmits to the new one

that succeeds it? Is this all which they can give us whose boast it is

to belong to the historic being of England--to be the conducting medium

through which the past sends its electric power into the present,

Eating and drinking, and (we must remember that, I suppose) a dash of

gentlemanly manner?

To what result then do we come? To something like this.

First of all, that the welfare of the nation does undoubtedly require

the existence of a class free for the most part to follow their own

devices; that it is right that there should be men with time at their

disposal, and money in their purses, and large liberty in public

opinion; men who, though thousands and tens of thousands perish by

starvation, stoically meanwhile in books and in study, in reading,

and thinking, and travelling, and--it would seem too, enjoying, in

hunting, videlicet, and shooting, in duets, and dancing, by ball-going

and grousing, by déjeuners and deer-stalking, by foie-gras and

Johannisberger, by February strawberries and December green peas, by

turbot, and turtle, and venison, should pioneer the route of the armies

of mankind; should, an intrepid forlorn hope, lead the way up the

breach of human destiny to the citadel of truth; and, devoted priests

and prophets, solve some more than ‘Asian mystery’ by pilgrimage to

the Palestine of Cockaigne! But that however essential be these higher

classes, still there remains the question, Is there not a holier land

than Cockaigne; is not temperance as efficient a sapper and miner as

wine of Burgundy; is not labour better than enjoyment; is it not higher

cultivation ‘to do justice and mercy, and walk humbly,’ than to ‘eat

and drink and be drunken’; and though thought and study be glorious,

may we not combine ‘plain living and high thinking’; though science,

and art, and philosophy be divine, is not charity ‘yet a more excellent

way’?

In the second place, looking backward through our discussion, we

recur to the thought that property is scarcely, by law or gospel,

that inalienable personal, individual thing, which we that have it

would believe it to be. As in the dangers and distresses of society

great characters are for the first time seen, and as soon as seen are

recognised, while rank, and wealth, and titles are forgotten; even so

in calamities and horrors the old laws of _meum_ and _tuum_ shrink to

nothing, while a loftier principle reveals itself and no man gainsays

it.

The sons of deceased public servants--yea, the living workers

themselves--possess no indefeasible title to those lands, and goods,

and monies, which they call their earnings. Their lands come to them

saddled with indefinite rent-charges, reservations, and reversional

interests--the poor and the needy that are, and that shall be, have

a lien on their monies and their chattels. Beyond the reach of all

statutes of limitation there are bills that must be liquidated,

creditors that must not be deferred. Many yet shall come in from the

highways and hedges, and join in the meal with us that came early: a

posthumous brother is yet to be born, to share and share alike in our

father’s bequests.

Terraque _mancipio nulli datur, omnibus usu_.

He from whom came man’s primal raw material--that Pharaoh, who fed

while the harvest yet was lacking; He retains, and to those whom He

shall send is due, in their proportion, that which hath come of it.

Without Him we could not have laboured: that which His gift was to us,

it is His will our labour should be found to others. ‘The earth hath He

given to the children of men.’

No such thing can there be as a right to do what you will with

your own. The property is not your own: scarcely your own at any

time; during times of calamity in no wise, except to do good with

and distribute. Neither again can you plead the good it does you:

who made thee to differ? you cannot even plead the good which your

cultivation, so obtained, does the nation; that cultivation could be

better obtained without it. Nor yet that you are patronising arts and

sciences; genius, and skill, and knowledge. You are so, no doubt--but

the thing could be done as well and better if you employed painters

and architects--engravers and jewellers--builders and engineers--not

upon your own dining-rooms and drawing-rooms; but upon churches, and

schools, and hospitals, public works and public institutions. And that

patronage would be as superior to the present as the patronage of

painting, properly so called, to that of the painting of portraits. Yet

even for that higher kind this is hardly the season. Neither, again,

can you defend yourselves on the ground of the ‘benefit of trade.’ Burn

your candles, if you please, at both ends--to make your blanket longer

cut off from the top to piece on at the bottom: but this is too serious

a matter for playing with transparent fallacies.

But I am running into idle repetitions, and telling a twicetold tale:

what is it then that I call upon you to do? Join the Association? Not

I. Do as you please about that. But about one thing you must not do as

you please. You must not insult God alike and man with the spectacle

of your sublime indifference. The angels of heaven, one might believe,

as they pass above those devoted shores, in gazing on that ordained

destruction let fall untasted from their immortal lips the morsel of

ambrosial sustenance. If we, as they, were nurtured on other food than

our brothers, if no gift of ours could help to allay those pangs of

famine, still methinks this undisturbed, unrestrained fruition were

not wholly free of guilt. How much more when every crumb we touch is

abstracted from that common stock, which in the eternal registers is

set down, I fear, as scarcely less theirs than ours?

Prose remains of Arthur Hugh Clough, with a selection from his letters and a memoir · 第 20 / 28 段