JOHN ADAMS.

UNITED STATES, _December 14, 1798_.

MONDAY, December 31.

Several other members, viz: from Connecticut, JOHN ALLEN; and from

Virginia, SAMUEL J. CABELL and THOMAS CLAIBORNE, appeared, and took

their seats in the House.

_Remonstrance of Georgia._

RECLAMATION FOR SACRIFICED TERRITORY--COMPARATIVE

EXPENDITURE IN DEFENDING NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN FRONTIERS

FROM INDIAN DEPREDATIONS.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the

report of a select committee on the representation and remonstrance of

the State of Georgia; which was read as follows:

"Report of the committee to whom was referred the

representation and remonstrance of the Legislature of the

State of Georgia:

"That a certain tract of country, within the limits of

Georgia, bounded by a line beginning at the fork of Oconee

and Ocmulgee Rivers, and thence running in a south-west

direction, until it intersects the most southern part of

St. Mary's River, thence down the river to the old line,

was ceded by the Creek nation of Indians, to the said

State, by a treaty held between the Commissioner of said

State, and the Creek Indians at Galphinton, on the 12th of

November, 1785, which tract of country was, by the

Legislature of said State, formed into a county, by the

name of Talessee county; and the cession thereof was

afterward confirmed, at a treaty held between the same

parties, at Shoulderbone, on the 3d day of November, 1786.

"Your committee further report, that, by the treaty made at

New York, between the United States and the Creek Indians,

bearing date on the 7th day of August, 1790, a boundary

line was established between the said nation of Indians and

the United States, whereby the above described tract of

country, named Talessee county, was declared to be within

the Indian territory.

"The committee have not been able to discover upon what

principles the relinquishment of the territory of the State

of Georgia was acceded to on the part of the United States;

it is therefore to be presumed that it was done upon

principles of general policy, with the intention of

establishing a permanent peace between the United States

and the said nation. They are, therefore, of opinion that

compensation ought to be made to the State of Georgia for

the loss of this territory, and recommend to the House to

adopt the following resolution:

"_Resolved_, That the United States will make compensation

to the State of Georgia, for the loss and damage sustained

by that State, in consequence of the cession of the county

of Talessee, made to the Creek nation, by the Treaty of New

York, unless it shall be deemed expedient to extinguish the

Indian title to the said land."

Mr. BALDWIN said, he should not call for the reading of the

remonstrance, as it had already been twice read, and had also been

published in the newspapers. The committee in their report have stated

such parts of it as they thought necessary to lead the House to a

decision. It is seen at once to relate to two objects: what they

consider as a dismemberment of the State, by giving back to the Indians

a district of country, called Talessee county, and the injurious

operation of the act for regulating trade and intercourse with the

Indians. He was himself at New York at the time when the treaty, called

the Treaty of New York, was made; he knew well it was with great concern

and reluctance that the Federal Government consented to an act which had

so much the appearance of dismembering a State, as giving back Talessee

county to the Indians; but that frontier was so extensive, the savages

who border upon it were so much more numerous and hostile than any

others in the United States, that they were induced to consent for a

time to the relinquishment of that district to them, as the counterpart

of all the other conditions which they obtained in that treaty. He was

sure it was at that time their expectation and design to have before now

peaceably repurchased it of the Indians. The act was not founded on any

defect in the right of the State to that county; but a short time

before, three Commissioners, viz: Gen. Lincoln, Judge Griffin, a former

member of Congress, and Mr. Humphreys, who is now our Minister at

Madrid, were sent to examine into the state of that frontier, and to

form treaties with the neighboring tribes; they were unwearied in the

execution of their trust, visited the frontier in person, collected the

Indian chiefs to meet them there, to learn what information they could

give; they afterwards returned to the seat of Government of Georgia, and

examined the treaties, laws, and journals, and examined individuals on

oath, so as to obtain all the information that it was possible to

procure, on the spot. On their return they made a special and very full

report, a copy of which is on the files of the House, and, without

doubt, is to be regarded on those subjects as a document paramount to

every thing else, at the time it was made. This document leaves no doubt

of the fairness of the transaction in the treaties of 1785 and 1786, in

which this Talessee county was purchased and contained, as stated by the

committee. The giving it back, by the subsequent Treaty of New York,

rested only on the importance and urgency of the case, as the only

possible means of obtaining peace.

On the other point contained in the remonstrance, viz: the injurious

operation of the law respecting trade and intercourse with the Indian

tribes, he did not think it necessary now to make many observations, the

report of the committee was, that it should be revised and amended; as

that law expires by its own limitation with this session, it is a

subject that must be taken up, and at that time he should submit to the

consideration of the House the various matters which seemed to impress

themselves so strongly upon the minds of his constituents.

Mr. B. said, the report of the committee was peculiarly grateful to him,

and he hoped the confirmation of it by Congress would be so to his

constituents, because the individuals who composed the committee were so

long and so well known in the United States, that their report will be

likely to have a great effect in finally settling the minds of people on

those old subjects of reproach and discord, especially as it is in

direct conformity with the copious report of the three Commissioners who

examined into the same subject on the spot, as he had before mentioned.

This appeared to him to be a matter of great importance.

From the close of the Revolution to the present time, these reproaches

have always been at the threshold, to encounter every thing that was

proposed in behalf of that growing and important part of the United

States. The Revolution had raged there to such a degree, and the minds

of men were so embittered against each other, that it required more than

the usual time for them to lay aside the fierceness of their hostility.

Though their enemies were driven from them, yet they were not driven

beyond the recoil of their resentment. This, joined to the

disappointment of some pecuniary enterprises of individuals for gain,

had been the cause of those malignant torrents of reproach which have

but too long poured forth upon the greater part of their councils, and

upon the most distinguished of their public servants.

It was well known to him, and to some who heard him, that their calls

for protection on a very extensive and very turbulent frontier, had,

till within these few years, always been repelled with reproaches, that

they had never been any thing but an expense; were totally delinquent in

bearing the burdens of the Revolution; that they had been carried

through entirely at the expense of the other States; and that they ought

not now to be protected any further till they were willing to pay

requisitions. When this reproach was wiped off by the report of the

General Board of Commissioners, on the settlement of the whole account

of the old co-partnership of the Confederation, and the very small

number there, at that time, appeared to have done the proportion of the

whole number by the census which was the rule of the settlement, and to

have reimbursed the great delinquency of the loan officers appointed by

Congress, for which they were made accountable, still they were told

they must protect themselves, for they wronged the Indians out of their

lands, and this was the cause of their suffering. It appears now, in the

result, that they have always discharged all their Federal obligations,

and much more, and instead of getting away the lands from the Indians,

the Indians have got away their lands, and they cannot get them back.

He believed there could not be much doubt left but that the principles

contained in the report of the committee were just and proper. These had

been to him for many years very sore objects; the position in which he

considered them immovably fixed gave him great pleasure. His

constituents had not sent him here to play the champion. He thought it

could not be denied that there was some ground for them to triumph over

those who had so long vilified and abused them. He begged leave still

further to urge the measures recommended by the committee, from the

consideration of the small expenditures which have been made on that

frontier, in proportion to the others.

The accounts of the military expenditures on the northern frontiers,

were now more than ten millions of dollars. This had been begun, and

principally originated from a regular expedition to destroy a village of

fugitive Indians, who committed depredations on the northern frontier; a

similar village on the southern frontier, called the Chehaw, was also

destined by the Government for a similar expedition; but the measure

failed in the Legislature, and that frontier was left to protect

themselves. This has been done; the fugitives in that village have been

driven off by a party of volunteers. He believed the whole amount of

military expenditures on that frontier, till the time of entire peace

with the Indians, did not exceed a quarter of a million, and nearly one

hundred thousand of that the militia had now been kept out of for four

or five years; though he hoped and trusted they would not much longer

have cause of complaint on that head. After the observations which he

had made, he thought no apology was necessary for some apparent

harshness in the language of the remonstrance.

As to the course which it is proper to pursue in granting relief on the

subject, he had not much to say. He was confident the expectations of

the State were not unreasonable; he was sure they would be satisfied

with any result which could be considered as fair and honorable; and his

confidence in the House forbade him to suppose for a moment that it

could be brought to any other. The course recommended by the committee

in their resolution now under consideration, is either to make

compensation to the State for the land which has been relinquished, and

for the damages which they have sustained, or else to repurchase that

district or another district, on that frontier, of equal value. He said

he had laid on the table a certificate from the Surveyor General of that

State, taken at that time, as to the length of the lines enclosing that

district, and the probable contents of it. If the report of the

committee should be agreed to, a bill might be reported in conformity

to one or the other, or all of those principles, as might be thought

proper. He was contented in leaving it to the judgment of the House.

On the call of Mr. BROOKS, the representation and remonstrance were

read. After which,

Mr. CHAMPLIN moved that the committee might rise, with a view of

postponing this subject till the next session of Congress. He thought

the language of the remonstrance too violent and indecorous to claim

attention from the House. This opinion was also supported by Mr. DANA.

Messrs. BAYARD and N. SMITH wished this motion to prevail, because they

doubted the propriety of the report, and supposed there would not be

time thoroughly to investigate the business during this session.

On the other hand, Messrs. PINCKNEY, RUTLEDGE, HARPER, GALLATIN,

VENABLE, W. CLAIBORNE, J. PARKER, and MACON, were against the

postponement. The objection to the language, it was said, was out of

time. If made at all, it ought to have been made when the remonstrance

was presented; that some allowance ought to be made for the language, as

it appeared to have been drawn in a moment of passion; that if the claim

was just, it ought not to be rejected because it was made in improper

language, especially, since the Legislature of Georgia were not the only

persons concerned, as the inhabitants on the frontier, while this

subject is undecided, are suffering severely from Indian cruelties and

depredations.

The question for leave to be given to the committee to sit again, was

carried by 69 votes.

TUESDAY, January 8, 1799.

_Impressment of Seamen._

The following Message was received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED

STATES:

_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:_

In compliance with your desire, expressed in your

resolution of the 2d of this month, I lay before you an

extract of a letter from George C. Morton, acting Consul of

the United States at Havana, dated the 13th of November,

1798, to the Secretary of State, with a copy of a letter

from him to L. Trezevant and William Timmons, Esqs., with

their answer. Although your request extends no further than

to such information as has been received, yet it may be a

satisfaction to you to know that as soon as this

intelligence was communicated to me, circular orders were

given, by my direction, to all the commanders of our

vessels of war; a copy of which is also herewith

transmitted. I also direct this intelligence and these

orders to be communicated to His Britannic Majesty's Envoy

Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United

States, and to our Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of

Great Britain, with instructions to him to make the proper

representation to that Government upon this subject.

It is but justice to say that this is the first instance of

misbehavior of any of the British officers towards our

vessels of war, that has come to my knowledge. According to

all the representations that I have seen, the flag of the

United States, and their officers and men, have been

treated by the civil and military authority of the British

nation, in Nova Scotia, the West India Islands and on the

ocean, with uniform civility, politeness, and friendship. I

have no doubt that this first instance of misconduct will

be readily corrected.

_Jan. 8, 1799._

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