SIR: The House of Representatives unite with you in
deploring the effects of the desolating malady by which the
seat of Government and other parts of our country have
recently been visited. In calling our attention to the
fatality of its repeated ravages, and inviting us to
consider the expediency of exercising our constitutional
powers, in aid of the health laws of the respective States,
your recommendation is sanctioned by the dictates of
humanity and liberal policy. On this interesting subject we
feel the necessity of adopting every wise expedient for
preventing a calamity so distressing to individual
sufferers, and so prejudicial to our national commerce.
That our finances are in a prosperous state,
notwithstanding the commercial derangements resulting from
this calamity, and from external embarrassments, is a
satisfactory manifestation of the great extent and solidity
of the public resources. Connected with this situation of
our fiscal concerns, the assurance that the legal
provisions for obtaining revenue by direct taxation will
fulfil the views of the Legislature, is peculiarly
acceptable.
Desirous as we are that all causes of hostility may be
_exterminated_ [removed] by the amicable adjustment of
national differences, we learn with satisfaction, that in
pursuance of our treaties with Spain and with Great
Britain, advances have been made for definitively settling
the controversies relative to the Southern and the
North-eastern limits of the United States. With similar
sentiments have we received your information, that the
proceedings under commissions authorized by the same
treaties, afford to a respectable portion of our citizens,
the prospect of a final decision on their claims for
maritime injuries committed by subjects of those powers.
It would be the theme of mutual felicitation, were we
assured of experiencing similar moderation and justice from
_another Power_, [the French Republic,] between _whom_
[which] and the United States differences have unhappily
arisen. But this is denied us by the ultimate failure of
the measures which have been taken by this Government
towards an amicable adjustment of those differences, and by
the various inadmissible pretensions on the part of that
nation.
The continuing in force the decree of January last, to
which you have more particularly pointed our attention,
ought, of itself, to be considered as demonstrative of the
real intentions of the French Government. That decree
proclaims a predatory warfare against the unquestionable
rights of actual commerce; which [with] our means of
defence, our interest and our honor, command us to repel.
It therefore now becomes the United States to be as
determined in resistance as they have been patient in
suffering, and condescending in negotiation.
While those who direct the affairs of France persist in the
enforcement of decrees so hostile to our essential rights,
their conduct forbids us to confide in any of their
professions of amity.
As therefore the conduct of France hitherto exhibits
nothing which ought to change or relax our measures of
defence, the policy of extending and invigorating those
measures, demands our sedulous attention. The sudden and
remarkable advantages which this country has experienced
from a small naval armament, sufficiently prove the utility
of its establishment. As it respects the guarding of our
coast, the protection of our trade, and the facility of
safely transporting the means of territoral defence to
every part of our maritime frontier, an adequate naval
force must be considered as an important object of national
policy. Nor do we hesitate to adopt the opinion, that,
whether negotiations with France are resumed or not,
vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable.
In this conjuncture of affairs, while with you we recognize
our abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Disposer of
events for the ordinary blessings of Providence, we regard,
as of high national importance, the manifestation, in our
country, of a magnanimous spirit of resistance to foreign
domination. This spirit merits to be cherished and
invigorated by every branch of Government, as the estimable
pledge of national prosperity and glory.
Disdaining a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no
foreign guarantee of our liberties, resolving to maintain
our national independence against every attempt to despoil
us of this inestimable treasure, we confide, under
Providence, in the patriotism and energies of the people of
these United States for defeating the hostile enterprises
of any foreign power.
To adopt with prudent foresight such systematical measures
as may be expedient for calling forth those energies
wherever the national exigencies may require, whether on
the ocean, or on our own territory--and to reconcile with
the proper security of revenue, the convenience of the
mercantile enterprise, on which so great a proportion of
the public resources depends--are objects of moment, which
shall be duly regarded in the course of our deliberations.
Fully as we accord with you in the opinion, that the United
States ought not to submit to the humiliation of sending
another Minister to France, without previous assurances
sufficiently determinate that he will be duly accredited,
we have heard, with cordial _acquiescence_, [approbation,]
the declaration of your purpose, steadily to observe those
maxims of humane and pacific policy by which the United
States have hitherto been governed. While it is left with
France to take the requisite steps for accommodation, it is
worthy the Chief Magistrate of a free people, to make known
to the world, that justice on the part of France will
annihilate every obstacle to the restoration of a friendly
intercourse, and that the Executive authority of this
country will respect the sacred rights of embassy. At the
same time, the wisdom and decision, which have
characterized your past Administration, assure us that no
illusory professions will seduce you into any abandonment
of the rights which belong to the United States as [a] free
and independent [nation.]
The clerk having read the Address, it was again read by the Chairman by
paragraphs.
[After a few slight amendments the answer was agreed to.]
Mr. THATCHER wished, as no objection was made to the Address, that it
might be entered on the journals as unanimously agreed to; but, on the
question being put, a few noes being heard, the SPEAKER declared it not
carried.
The usual resolution was then passed, that the SPEAKER, attended by the
House, do present the Address, and that a committee be appointed to wait
upon the PRESIDENT, to know when and where he will be pleased to receive
the same.
Messrs. DANA, VENABLE, and HARPER, were appointed a committee for this
purpose. They waited upon the PRESIDENT accordingly, and Mr. DANA
reported that the PRESIDENT would receive the Address to-morrow, at his
own house, at twelve o'clock.[37]
FRIDAY, December 14.
Several other members, to wit: JAMES COCHRAN, from New York; WILLIAM
MATTHEWS, from Maryland; JOSIAH PARKER, from Virginia; and THOMAS
PINCKNEY, from South Carolina, appeared, and took their seats in the
House.
_Answer of the President._
The hour having arrived at which the PRESIDENT had appointed to receive
the Address of this House in answer to his Speech to both Houses, the
SPEAKER announced it, and the House withdrew for the purpose of
presenting the Address.
In about a quarter of an hour, the members returned; when the SPEAKER,
having taken his chair, proceeded to read the answer to their Address, a
copy of which had been put into his hand by the PRESIDENT. It was as
follows:
_To the House of Representatives of the United States:_
GENTLEMEN: My sincere acknowledgments are due to the House
of Representatives of the United States, for this excellent
Address, so consonant to the character of Representatives
of a great and free people. The judgment and feelings of a
nation, I believe, were never more truly expressed by their
Representatives than those of our constituents, by your
decided declaration, that with our means of defence, our
interest and honor command us to repel a predatory warfare
against the unquestionable rights of a neutral commerce.
That it becomes the United States to be as determined in
resistance as they have been patient in suffering and
condescending in negotiation. That, while those who direct
the affairs of France persist in the enforcement of decrees
so hostile to our essential rights, their conduct forbids
us to confide in any of their professions of amity; that an
adequate naval force must be considered as an important
object of national policy; and that, whether negotiations
with France are resumed or not, vigorous preparations for
war will be alike indispensable.
The generous disdain you so coolly and deliberately
express, of a reliance on foreign protection, wanting no
foreign guaranty of our liberties, resolving to maintain
our national independence against every attempt to despoil
us of this inestimable treasure, will meet the full
approbation of every sound understanding, and exulting
applauses from the heart of every faithful American.
I thank you, gentlemen, for your candid approbation of my
sentiments on the subject of negotiation, and for the
declaration of your opinion, that the policy of extending
and invigorating our measures of defence, and the adoption
with prudent foresight of such systematical measures as may
be expedient for calling forth the energies of our country,
wherever the national exigencies may require, whether on
the ocean or on our own territory, will demand your most
sedulous attention.
At the same time, I take the liberty to assure you, it
shall be my vigilant endeavor, that no illusory professions
shall seduce me into an abandonment of the rights which
belong to the United States, as a free and independent
nation.