of hand, hence the word jugler came to signify a performer of
legerdemain; and it was sometimes used in this sense (to which it is
now appropriated) even so early as the time of Chaucer, who in his
_Squire's Tale_, (ii. 108) speaks of the horse of brass, as:
"----like
An apparence ymade by som magike,
As _Jogelours_ plaien at thise festes grete."
See also the _Frere's Tale_, i. p. 279, v. 7049.
[Aa2] [_Females playing on the harp._] Thus in the old romance of "Syr
Degore (or Degree," No. 22, iii. appendix) we have (Sign. D. i.):
"The lady, that was so faire and bright,
Upon her bed she sate down ryght;
She harped notes swete and fine.
(Her mayds filled a piece of wine.)
And Syr Degore, sate him downe,
For to hear the harpes sowne."
The 4th line being omitted in the pr. copy, is supplied from the folio
MS.
In the _Squyr of lowe Degree_ (No. 24, iii. appendix) the king says to
his daughter (Sign. D. i.):
"Ye were wont to harpe and syng,
And be the meryest in chamber comyng."
In the _Carle of Carlisle_, (No. 10. iii. appendix) we have the
following passage (folio MS. p. 451, v. 217).
"Downe came a lady faire and free,
And sett her on the Carles knee:
One whiles shee harped another whiles song,
Both of paramours and louinge amonge."
And in the Romance of _Eger and Grime_ (No. 12, iii. appendix), we have
(_ibid._ p. 127, col. 2) in part i. v. 263:
"The ladye fayre of hew and hyde
Shee sate downe by the bed side
Shee laid a souter (psaltry) vpon her knee
Theron shee plaid full lovesomelye.
... And her 2 maydens sweetlye sange."
A similar passage occurs in part iv, v. 129 (p. 136.)--But these
instances are sufficient.
[Bb] [_A charter ... to appoint a king of the minstrels._] Intitled
_Carta Le Roy de ministraulx_ (in Latin _histriones_ vid. Plott. p.
437.) A copy of this charter is printed in _Monast. Anglic._ i. 355,
and in Blount's _Law Diction._ 1717 (art. king).
That this was a most respectable officer, both here and on the
continent, will appear from the passages quoted below, and therefore it
could only have been in modern times, when the proper meaning of the
original terms _ministraulz_, and _histriones_ was forgot, that he was
called king of the fidlers; on which subject see below, note [Ee2].
Concerning the king of the minstrels we have the following curious
passages collected by Du Cange, Gloss. iv. 773:
"Rex Ministellorum; supremus inter _ministellos_: de cujus munere,
potestate in cæteros _ministellos_ agit Charta Henrici IV. Regis Angliæ
in _Monast. Anglicano_, tom. i. p. 355. Charta originalis an. 1338.
Je Robert Caveron Roy des Menestreuls du Royaume de France. Aliæ ann.
1357. & 1362. Copin de Brequin Roy des Menestres du Royaume de France.
Computum de auxiliis pro redemptione Regis Johannis, ann. 1367. Pour
une couronne d'argent qu'il donna le jour de la Tiphaine au roy des
menestrels.
"Regestum Magnorum Dierum Trecensium an. 1296. Super quod Joannes
dictus Charmillons Juglator, cui dominus Rex per suas literas tanquam
Regem Juglatorum in civitate Trecensi Magisterium Juglatorum,
quemadmodum suæ placeret voluntati, concesserat." _Gloss._ c. 1587.
There is a very curious passage in Pasquier's _Recherches de la_
_France_, Paris, 1633, folio, liv. 7. ch. 5, p. 611, wherein he appears
to be at a loss how to account for the title of Le Roy assumed by
the old composers of metrical romances; in one of which the author
expressly declares himself to have been a minstrel. The solution of the
difficulty, that he had been _Le Roy des Menestrels_, will be esteemed
more probable than what Pasquier here advances; for I have never seen
the title of _prince_ given to a minstrel, &c. scil.--"A nos vieux
Poetes ... comme ... fust qu'ils eussent certain jeux de prix en leurs
Poesies, ils ... honoroient du nome, tantot de roy, tantot de prince,
celuy qui avoit le mieux faict comme nous voyons entre les archers,
arbalestiers, & harquebusiers estre fait le semblable. Ainsi l'autheur
du Roman d'Oger le Danois, s'appelle Roy.
"Icy endroict est cil Livre finez
Qui des enfans Oger est appellez
Or vueille Diex qu'il soit parachevez
En tel maniere kestre n'en puist blamez
Le Roy Adams (r. Adenes) ki il' est rimez.
"Et en celuy de Cleomades,
"Ce Livre de Cleomades
Rimé-je le Roy Adenes
Menestre au bon Duc Henry.
"Mot de Roy, qui seroit tres-mal approprié à un menestrier, si
d'ailleurs on ne le rapportoit a un jeu du priz: Et de faict il semble
que de nostre temps, il y en eust encores quelque remarques, en ce
que le mot de jouingleur s'estant par succession de temps tourné en
batelage nous avons veu en nostre jeunesse les Jouingleurs se trouver
à certain jour tous les ans en la ville de Chauny en Picardie, pour
faire monstre de leur mestrier devant le monde, à qui mieux. Et ce que
j'en dis icy n'est pas pour vilipender ces anciens Rimeurs, ainsi pour
monstrer qu'il n'y a chose si belle qui ne s'aneantisse avec le temps."
We see here that in the time of Pasquier the poor minstrel was sunk
into as low estimation in France, as he was then or afterwards in
England: but by his apology for comparing the jouingleurs, who
assembled to exercise their faculty, in his youth, to the ancient
rimeurs, it is plain they exerted their skill in rhyme.
As for king _Adenes_, or _Adenez_ (whose name in the first passage
above is corruptly printed _Adams_), he is recorded in the
_Bibliothèque des Romans, Amst._ 1734, 12mo. vol. i. p. 232, to
have composed the two romances in verse above-mentioned, and a third
intitled _Le Roman de Bertin_: all three being preserved in a MS.
written about 1270. His _Bon Duc Henry_ I conceive to have been Henry
Duke of Brabant.
[Bb2] [_King of the minstrels, &c._] See Anstis's _Register of the
Order of the Garter_, ii. p. 303, who tells us: "The President or
Governour of the minstrels had the like denomination of _roy_ in France
and Burgundy: and in England, John of Gaunt constituted such an officer
by a patent; and long before his time payments were made by the crown,
to [a] king of the minstrels by Edw. I. 'Regi Roberto Ministrallo
scutifero ad arma commoranti ad vadia Regis anno 5to.' (_Bibl. Cotton.
Vespas._ c. 16, f. 3), as likewise (_Libro Garderob_. 25, E. 1):
'Ministrallis in die nuptiarum comitissæ Holland filiæ Regis, Regi
Pago, Johanni Vidulatori &c. Morello Regi, &c. Druetto Monthaut,
and Jacketto de Scot. Regibus, cuilibet eorum xls.' Regi Pagio de
Hollandia, &c. under Ed II. We likewise find other entries, 'Regi
Roberto et aliis ministrallis facientibus menistrallias (ministralcias,
qu.) suas coram Rege. (_Bibl. Cotton. Nero._ c. 8, p. 84 b. _Comp.
Garderob._) That king granted, 'Willielmo de Morlee dicto Roy de North,
Ministrallo Regis, domos quæ fuerunt' Johannis le Boteler dicti Roy
Brunhaud (_Pat. de terr. forisfact._ 16. E. 3)." He adds below, (p.
304) a similar instance of a _rex juglatorum_, and that the "king
of the minstrels" at length was styled in France _roy des violons_,
(Furitiere, _Diction. Univers._) as with us "king of the fidlers," on
which subject see below, note [Ee2].
[Bb3] The statute 4 Hen. IV. (1402) c. 27, runs in these terms: "Item,
pur eschuir plusieurs diseases et mischiefs qont advenuz devaunt ces
heures en la terre de Gales par plusieurs westours rymours, minstralx
et autres vacabondes, ordeignez est et establiz qe nul westour, rymour
ministral ne vacabond soit aucunement sustenuz en la terre de Gales pur
faire kymorthas ou coillage sur la commune poeple illoeques." This is
among the severe laws against the Welsh, passed during the resentment
occasioned by the outrages committed under Owen Glendour; and as the
Welsh bards had excited their countrymen to rebellion against the
English government, it is not to be wondered that the act is conceived
in terms of the utmost indignation and contempt against this class of
men, who are described as _rymours_, _ministralx_, which are apparently
here used as only synonymous terms to express the Welsh bards with the
usual exuberance of our acts of parliament; for if their _ministralx_
had been mere musicians, they would not have required the vigilance of
the English legislature to suppress them. It was their songs exciting
their countrymen to insurrection which produced "les diseases &
mischiefs en la terre de Gales."
It is also submitted to the reader, whether the same application of
the terms does not still more clearly appear in the commission issued
in 1567, and printed in Evan Evans's _Specimens of Welsh Poetry_,
1764, 4to. p. v. for bestowing the silver harp on "the chief of that
faculty." For after setting forth "that vagrant and idle persons,
naming themselves _minstrels_, _rythmers_, and _bards_, had lately
grown into such intolerable multitude within the Principality in
North Wales, that not only gentlemen and others by their shameless
disorders are oftentimes disquieted in their habitations, but also
expert _minstrels_ and _musicians in tongue and cunynge_ thereby much
discouraged, &c." and "hindred [of] livings and preferment," &c.
it appoints a time and place, wherein all "persons that intend to
maintain their living by name or colour of _minstrels_, _rythmers_, or
_bards_ within five shires of North Wales, shall appear to show their
learnings accordingly," &c. And the commissioners are required to admit
such as shall be found worthy, into and under the degrees heretofore
in use, so that they may "use, exercise, and follow the sciences and
faculties of their professions in such decent order as shall appertain
to each of their degrees." And the rest are to return to some honest
labour, &c. upon pain to be taken as sturdy and idle vagabonds, &c.
[Bb4] Holinshed translated this passage from Tho. de Elmham's _Vita
et Gesta Henrici V._ scil.: "Soli Omnipotenti Deo se velle victoriam
imputari ... in tantum, quod cantus de suo triumpho fieri, seu per
Citharistas vel alios quoscunque cantari penitus prohibebat." (Edit.
Hearnii, 1727, p. 72). As in his version Holinshed attributes the
making, as well as singing ditties to minstrels, it is plain he knew
that men of this profession had been accustomed to do both.
[Cc] [_The Houshold Book, &c._] See Section v.
"Of the noumbre of all my lords servaunts."
"Item, Mynstrals in Houshold iii. viz. a taberet, a luyte, and a
Rebecc." (The rebeck was a kind of fiddle with three strings).
"Sect. XLIV. 3.
"Rewardes to his lordship's Servaunts, &c.
"Item, My lord usith ande accustomith to gyf yerly, when his lordschipp
is at home, to his minstrallis that be daily in his houshold, as his
tabret, lute, ande Rebeke, upon New Yeresday in the mornynge when they
do play at my lordis chamber dour for his lordschip and my lady, xx_s._
viz. xiii_s._ iv_d._ for my lord; and vi_s._ viii_d._ for my lady, if
sche be at my lords fyndynge, and not at hir owen; And for playing at
my lordis sone and heire's chamber doure, the lord Percy, ii_s._ And
for playinge at the chamber doures of my lords yonger sonnes, my yonge
masters, after viii_d._ the pece for every of them.--xxiii_s._ iiii_d._
"Sect. XLIV. 2.
"Rewards to be geven to strangers, as Players,
Mynstralls, or any other, &c.
"Furst, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gif to the kings jugler; ...
when they custome to come unto hym yerly, vi_s._ viii_d._
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gif yerely to the kings or
queenes Bearwarde, if they have one, when they custom to come unto hym
yerly, vi_s._ viii_d._
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyfe yerly to every erles
mynstrellis, when they custome to come to hym yerely, iii_s._ iiii_d._
And if they come to my lorde seldome, ones in ii or iii yeres, than
vi_s._ viii_d._
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomedeth to gife yerely to an erls
mynstralls, if he be his speciall lorde, friende, or kynsman, if
they come yerely to his lordschip.... And, if they come to my 'lord'
seldome, ones in ii or iii years...."
* * * * *
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely a dookes or erlis
trumpetts, if they come vi together to his lordschipp, viz. if they
come yerly, vi_s._ viii_d._ And, if they come but in ii or iii yeres,
than x_s._"
"Item, my lorde usith and accustometh to gife yerly, when his lordschip
is at home, to gyf to the kyngs shawmes, when they com to my lorde
yerely, x_s._"
* * * * *
I cannot conclude this note without observing that in this enumeration
the family minstrels seem to have been musicians only, and yet both the
earl's trumpets and the king's shawmes are evidently distinguished from
the earl's minstrels, and the king's jugler. Now we find jugglers still
coupled with pipers in Barklay's _Egloges, circ._ 1514. (Warton, ii.
254.)
[Cc2] The honours and rewards conferred on minstrels, &c. in the
middle ages were excessive, as will be seen by many instances in these
volumes; v. note [E], [F] &c. But more particularly with regard to
English minstrels, &c. See T. Warton's _Hist. of Eng. Poetry_, i. p.
89-92, 116, &c., ii. 105, 106, 254, &c. Dr. Burney's _Hist. of Music_,
ii. p. 316-319, 397-399, 427-428.
On this head, it may be sufficient to add the following passage from
the _Fleta_, lib. ii. c. 23: "Officium Elemosinarij est ... Equos
relictos, Robas, Pecuniam, et alia ad Elemosinam largiter recipere et
fidelitur distribuere; debet etiam Regem super Elemosinæ largitione
crebris summonitionibus stimulare & præcipue diebus sanctorum, et
rogare ne Robas suas quæ magni sunt precij histrionibus, blanditoribus,
adulatoribus, accusatoribus, vel menestrallis, sed ad Elemosinæ suæ
incrementum jubeat largiri." Et in c. 72: "ministralli, vel adulatoris."
[Dd] [_A species of men who did not sing, &c._] It appears from the
passage of Erasmus here referred to, that there still existed in
England of that species of _jongleurs_ or minstrels, whom the French
called by the peculiar name of _conteours_, or reciters in prose. It
is in his _Ecclesiastes_, where he is speaking of such preachers as
imitated the tone of beggars or mountebanks: "Apud Anglos est simile
genus hominum, quales apud Italos sunt circulatores [mountebanks] de
quibus modo dictum est; qui irrumpunt in convivia magnatum, aut in
Cauponas Vinarias; et argumentum aliquod, quod edidicerunt, recitant;
puta mortem omnibus dominari, aut laudem matrimonii. Sed quoniam ea
linguâ monosyllabis fere constat, quemadmodum Germanica; atque illi
(sc. this peculiar species of reciters) studio vitant cantum, nobis
(sc. Erasmus, who did not understand a word of English) latrare
videntur verius quàm loqui."--_Opera_, tom. v. c. 958 (Jortin, vol. ii.
p. 193). As Erasmus was correcting the vice of preachers, it was more
to his point to bring an instance from the moral reciters of prose,
than from chanters of rhime; though the latter would probably be more
popular, and therefore more common.
[Ee] This character is supposed to have been suggested by descriptions
of minstrels in the romance of _Morte Arthur_; but none, it seems, have
been found which come nearer to it than the following, which I shall
produce, not only that the reader may judge of the resemblance, but to
shew how nearly the idea of the minstrel character given in this essay
corresponds with that of our old writers.
Sir Lancelot, having been affronted by a threatening abusive letter
which Mark, king of Cornwal, had sent to Queen Guenever, wherein he
"spake shame by her and Sir Lancelot," is comforted by a knight, named
Sir Dinadan, who tells him "I will make a lay for him, and when it is
made, I shall make an harper to sing it before him. So anon he went and
made it, and taught it an harper, that hyght Elyot; and when hee could
it, hee taught it to many harpers. And so ... the harpers went straight
unto Wales and Cornwaile to sing the lay ... which was the worst lay
that ever harper sung with harpe, or with any other instrument. And
[at a] great feast that king Marke made for joy of [a] victorie which
hee had ... came Eliot the harper; ... and because he was a curious
harper, men heard him sing the same lay that Sir Dinadan had made, the
which spake the most vilanie by king Marke of his treason, that ever
man heard. When the harper had sung his song to the end, king Marke was
wonderous wroth with him, and said, Thou harper, how durst thou be so
bold to sing this song before me? Sir, said Eliot, wit you wel I am a
minstrell, and I must doe as I am commanded of these lords that _I bear
the armes of_. And Sir king, wit you well that Sir Dinadan a knight
of the Round Table made this song, and he made me to sing it before
you. Thou saiest well, said king Marke, I charge thee that thou hie
thee fast out of my sight. So the harper departed, &c." (Part ii. c.
113, ed. 1634. See also part iii. c. 5.)
[Ee2] [_This art seems to have put an end to the profession, &c._]
Although I conceive that the character ceased to exist, yet the
appellation might be continued, and applied to fidlers, or other
common musicians: which will account for the mistakes of Sir Peter
Leicester, or other modern writers. (See his _Historical Antiquities
of Cheshire_, 1673, p. 141.)
In this sense it is used in an ordinance in the times of Cromwell
(1656), wherein it is enacted that if any of the "persons commonly
called fidlers or minstrels shall at any time be taken playing,
fidling, and making music in any inn, ale-house, or tavern, or shall be
taken proffering themselves, or desiring, or intreating any ... to hear
them play or make music in any of the places aforesaid" they are to be
"adjudged and declared to be rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars."
This will also account why John of Gaunt's king of the minstrels at
length came to be called, like _le roy des violons_ in France (v.
note [Bb2]), king of the fidlers. See the common ballad intitled _The
Pedigree, Education, and Marriage of Robin-hood with Clorinda, queen
of Tutbury Feast_: which, though prefixed to the modern collection on
that subject,[1132] seems of much later date than most of the others;
for the writer appears to be totally ignorant of all the old traditions
concerning this celebrated outlaw, and has given him a very elegant
bride instead of his old noted Lemman, "Maid Marian:" who together with
his chaplain "Frier Tuck," were his favourite companions, and probably
on that account figured in the old morice dance, as may be seen by the
engraving in Mr Steevens's and Mr. Malone's edition of _Shakespeare_:
by whom she is mentioned, 1 Hen. IV. act iii. sc. 3. (See also Warton,
i. 245, ii. 237.) Whereas from this ballad's concluding with an
exhortation to "pray for the king," and "that he may get children,"
&c. it is evidently posterior to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and can
scarce be older than the reign of K. Charles I. for K. James I. had no
issue after his accession to the throne of England. It may even have
been written since the Restoration, and only express the wishes of the
nation for issue on the marriage of their favourite K. Charles II., on
his marriage with the Infanta of Portugal. I think it is not found in
the Pepys collection.
[Ff] [_Historical song or ballad._] The English word ballad is
evidently from the French _balade_, as the latter is from the Italian
_ballata_; which the Crusca Dictionary defines, _canzone che si canta_
_ballando_: "a song which is sung during a dance." So Dr. Burney (ii.
342,) who refers to a collection of _ballette_, published by Gastaldi,
and printed at Antwerp in 1596 (iii. 226.)
But the word appears to have had an earlier origin: for in the decline
of the Roman empire, these trivial songs were called _ballistea_
and _saltatiunculæ_. _Ballisteum_, Salmasius says, is properly
_ballistium_, Gr. #Ballisteion#. "#apo tou Ballizô# ... #Ballistia#
saltatio ... _Ballistium_ igitur est quod vulgo vocamus _ballet_; nam
inde deducta vox nostra." Salmas. _Not. in_ Hist. Ang. Scriptores, iv.
p. 349.
In the life of the Emperor Aurelian by Fl. Vopiscus may be seen two of
these _ballistea_, as sung by the boys skipping and dancing, on account
of a great slaughter made by the emperor with his own hand in the
Sarmatic war. The first is:
"Mille, mille, mille decollavimus,
Unus homo mille decollavimus,
Mille vivat, qui mille occidit.
Tantum vini habet nemo
Quantum fudit sanguinis."
The other was:
"Mille Sarmatas, mille Francos
Semel & semel occidimus.
Mille Persas quærimus."
Salmasius (_in loc._) shows that the trivial poets of that time were
wont to form their metre of trochaic tetrametre catalectics, divided
into distichs. (_Ibid._ p. 350.) This becoming the metre of the hymns
in the church service, to which the monks at length superadded rhyming
terminations, was the origin of the common trochaic metre in the modern
languages. This observation I owe to the learned author of _Irish
Antiquities_, 4to.
[Ff2] [_Little Miscellanies named Garlands, &c._] In the Pepysian and
other libraries are preserved a great number of these in black letter,
12mo. under the following quaint and affected titles, viz.:
1. _A Crowne Garland of Goulden Roses gathered out of England's Royal
Garden, &c._, by Richard Johnson, 1612. [In the Bodleyan Library.]
2. _The Golden Garland of Princely Delight._ 3. _The Garland of
Good-will_, by T. D., 1631. 4. _The Royal Garland of Love and
Delight_, by T. D. 5. _The Garland of Delight, &c._, by Tho. Delone. 6.
_The Garland of Love and Mirth_, by Thomas Lanfier. 7. _Cupid's Garland
set round with Guilded Roses._ 8. _The Garland of Withered Roses_,
by Martin Parker, 1656. 9. _The Shepherd's Garland of Love, Loyalty,
&c._ 10. _The Country Garland._ 11. _The Golden Garland of Mirth and
Merriment._ 12. _The Lover's Garland._ 13. _Neptune's fair Garland._
14. _England's fair Garland._ 15. _Robin Hood's Garland._ 16. _The
Maiden's Garland._ 17. _A Loyal Garland of Mirth and Pastime._ 18.
_A Royal Garland of New Songs._ 19. _The Jovial Garland_, 8th edit.
1691, &c. &c. &c.
This sort of petty publications had anciently the name of Penny
Merriments: as little religious tracts of the same size were called
Penny Godlinesses. In the Pepysian Library are multitudes of both kinds.
[Gg] [_The term minstrel was not confined to a meer musician in_
_this country any more than on the Continent._] The discussion of the
question, whether the term minstrel was applied in England to singers
and composers of songs, &c. or confined to the performers on musical
instruments, was properly reserved for this place, because much light
hath already been thrown upon the subject in the preceding notes, to
which it will be sufficient to refer the reader.
That on the Continent the minstrel was understood not to be a meer
musician but a singer of verses, hath been shown in notes [B], [C],
[R], [Aa], &c.[1133] And that he was also a maker of them is evident
from the passage in [C] p. 386, where the most noted romances are said
to be of the composition of these men. And in [Bb] p. 417, we have the
titles of some of which a minstrel was the author, who has himself left
his name upon record.
The old English names for one of this profession were gleeman,[1134]
jogeler,[1135] and latterly minstrel; not to mention harper, &c.
In French he was called _jongleur_ or _jugleur_, _menestrel_ or
_menestrier_.[1136] The writers of the middle ages expressed the
character in Latin by the words _joculator_, _mimus_, _histrio_,
_ministrellus_, &c. These terms, however modern critics may endeavour
to distinguish and apply them to different classes, and although they
may be sometimes mentioned as if they were distinct, I cannot find
after a very strict research to have had any settled appropriate
difference, but they appear to have been used indiscriminately by the
oldest writers, especially in England, where the most general and
comprehensive name was latterly minstrel, Lat. _ministrellus_, &c.
Thus _joculator_ (Eng. jogeler, or juglar) is used as synonymous to
_citharista_ (note [K] p. 397), and to _cantor_ (p. 397), and to
minstrel (vid. _infra_, p. 425). We have also positive proof that the
subject of his songs were gestes and romantic tales ([V2] note).
So _mimus_ is used as synonymous to _joculator_ ([M] p. 399). He was
rewarded for his singing ([N] p. 400) and he both sang, harped, and
dealt in that sport [T2] which is elsewhere called _ars joculatoria_
([M] _ubi supra_).
Again _histrio_ is also proved to have been a singer ([Z] p. 412) and
to have gained rewards by his _verba joculatoria_ ([E] p. 388). And
_histriones_ is the term by which the Fr. word _ministraulx_ is most
frequently rendered into Latin ([W] p. 410, [Bb] p. 416, &c.)
The fact therefore is sufficiently established that this order of men
were in England, as well as on the Continent, singers: so that it only
becomes a dispute about words, whether here under the more general name
of minstrels, they are described as having sung.
But in proof of this we have only to turn to so common a book as T.
Warton's _History of Eng. Poetry_: where we shall find extracted from
records the following instances:--
"Ex Registr. Priorat. S. Swithin Winton (sub anno 1374). In festo
Alwyni Epi.... Et durante pietancia in Aula Conventus sex ministralli,
cum quatuor citharisatoribus, faciebant ministralcias suas. Et post
cenam, in magna camera arcuata dom. prioris cantabant idem Gestum in
qua Camera suspendebatur, ut moris est, magnum dorsale Prioris habens
picturas trium Regum Colein. Veniebant autem dicti joculatores a
Castello domini Regis & ex familia Epi." (vol. ii. p. 174). Here the
minstrels and harpers are expressly called _joculatores_, and as the
harpers had musical instruments, the singing must have been by the
minstrels, or by both conjointly.
For that minstrels sang we have undeniable proof in the following
entry in the Accompt Roll of the Priory of Bicester, in Oxfordshire
(under the year 1432). "_Dat. Sex_ ministrallis de _Bokyngham_
cantantibus _in refectorio Martyrium Septem Domientium in festo
Epiphanie_, ivs." (vol. ii. p. 175).
In like manner our old English writers abound with passages wherein the
minstrel is represented as singing. To mention only a few:
In the old romance of _Emaré_ (No. 15, vol. iii. appendix), which
from the obsoleteness of the style, the nakedness of the story, the
barrenness of incidents, and some other particulars, I should judge to
be next in point of time to _Hornchild,_ we have:
"I have herd menstrelles syng yn sawe."--Stanza 27.
In a poem of Adam Davie (who flourished about 1312) we have this
distich:--
"Merry it is in halle to here the harpe,
The Minstrelles synge, the jogelours carpe."
T. Warton, i. p. 225.
So William of Nassyngton (circ. 1480) as quoted by Mr. Tyrwhitt
(_Chaucer_, iv. 319):--
"I will make no vain carpinge
Of dedes of armys ne of amours
As dus Mynstrelles and Jestours [Gestours]
That makys carpinge in many a place
Of Octaviane and Isembrase,
And of many other Jestes [Gestes]
And namely whan they come to festes."[1137]
See also the description of the minstrel in note [Ee] from _Morte_
_Arthur_, which appears to have been compiled about the time of this
last writer. (See T. Warton, ii. 235).
By proving that minstrels were singers of the old romantic songs and
gestes, &c. we have in effect proved them to have been the makers
at least of some of them. For the names of their authors being not
preserved, to whom can we so probably ascribe the composition of many
of these old popular rhimes, as to the men who devoted all their time
and talents to the recitation of them: especially as in the rhimes
themselves minstrels are often represented as the makers or composers.
Thus in the oldest of all, _Hornchild_ having assumed the character of
a harper or jogeler, is in consequence said (fo. 92). to have
"made Rymenild [his mistress] a lay."
In the old romance of _Emaré_, we have this exhortation to minstrels,
as composers, otherwise they could not have been at liberty to chuse
their subjects (st. 2):--
"Menstrelles that walken fer and wyde
Her and ther in every a syde
In mony a dyverse londe
Sholde ut her bygynnyng
Speke of that ryghtwes kyng
That made both see and sonde," &c.
And in the old song or geste of _Guy and Colbronde_ (No. 4, vol. iii.
appendix), the minstrel thus speaks of himself in the first person:
"When meate and drinke is great plentye
Then lords and ladyes still wil be
And sitt and solace lythe
Then itt is time for _mee_ to speake
Of keene knights and kempes great
Such carping for to kythe."
We have seen already that the Welsh bards, who were undoubtedly
composers of the songs they chanted to the harp, could not be
distinguished by our legislators from our own rimers, minstrels (vid.
note [Bb3], p. 418).
And that the Provençal _troubadour_ of our King Richard, who is called
by M. Favine _jongleur_, and by M. Fauchet _menestrel_, is by the old
English translator termed a rimer or minstrel, when he is mentioning
the fact of his composing some verses (p. 359).
And lastly, that Holinshed, translating the prohibition of K. Henry V.,
forbidding any songs to be composed on his victory, or to be sung by
harpers or others, roundly gives it, he would not permit "any ditties
to be made and sung by minstrels on his glorious victory," &c. (vid. p.
370 and note [Bb4]).
Now that this order of men, at first called gleemen, then juglers, and
afterwards more generally minstrels, existed here from the Conquest,
who entertained their hearers with chanting to the harp or other
instruments, songs and tales of chivalry, or as they were called,
gests[1138] and romances in verse in the English language, is proved by
the existence of the very compositions they so chanted, which are still
preserved in great abundance, and exhibit a regular series from the
time our language was almost Saxon, till after its improvements in the
age of Chaucer, who enumerates many of them. And as the Norman French
was in the time of this bard still the courtly language, it shows that
the English was not thereby excluded from affording entertainment
to our nobility, who are so often addressed therein by the title of
lordings: and sometimes more positively "lords and ladies" (p. 427).
And tho' many of these were translated from the French, others are
evidently of English origin[1139] which appear in their turns to
have afforded versions into that language; a sufficient proof of
that intercommunity between the French and English minstrels, which
hath been mentioned in a preceding page. Even the abundance of such
translations into English being all adapted for popular recitation,
sufficiently establishes the fact that the English minstrels had a
great demand for such compositions, which they were glad to supply,
whether from their own native stores or from other languages.
We have seen above that the _joculator_, _mimus_, _histrio_, whether
these characters were the same, or had any real difference, were all
called minstrels; as was also the harper,[1140] when the term implied a
singer, if not a composer of songs, &c. By degrees the name of minstrel
was extended to vocal and instrumental musicians of every kind: and
as in the establishment of royal and noble houses, the latter would
necessarily be most numerous, so we are not to wonder that the band
of music (entered under the general name of minstrels) should consist
of instrumental performers chiefly, if not altogether; for as the
composer or singer of heroic tales to the harp would necessarily be a
solitary performer, we must not expect to find him in the band along
with the trumpeters, fluters, &c.
However, as we sometimes find mention of "Minstrels of Music:"[1141]
so at other times we hear of "expert minstrels and musicians of tongue
and cunning" (B b. iii. p. 418)[1142], meaning doubtless by the former
singers, and probably by the latter phrase composers of songs. Even
"minstrels music" seems to be applied to the species of verse used by
minstrels in the passage quoted below.[1143]
But although from the predominancy of instrumental music minstrelsy
was at length chiefly to be understood in this sense, yet it was
still applied to the poetry of minstrels so late as the time of Queen
Elizabeth, as appears in the following extract from Puttenham's _Arte
of Eng. Poesie_, p. 9, who, speaking of the first composers of Latin
verses in ryme, says, "all that they wrote to the favour or prayse
of princes, they did it in such manner of minstralsie; and thought
themselves no small fooles, when they could make their verses go all in
ryme."
I shall conclude this subject with the following description of
minstrelcy given by John Lidgate at the beginning of the fifteenth
century, as it shows what a variety of entertainments were then
comprehended under this term, together with every kind of instrumental
music then in use.
"Al maner Mynstralcye.
That any man kan specifye.
Ffor there were Rotys of Almayne,
And eke of Arragon, and Spayne:
Songes, Stampes, and eke Daunces;
Divers plente of plesaunces:
And many unkouth notys new
Of swiche folke as lovid treue.[1144]
And instrumentys that did excelle,
Many moo than I kan telle.
Harpys, Fythales, and eke Rotys
Well according to her [_i.e._ their] notys,
Lutys, Ribibles, and Geternes,
More for estatys, than tavernes:
Orgay[n]s, Cytolis, Monacordys.--
There were Trumpes, and Trumpettes,
Lowde Shall[m]ys, and Doucettes."
T. Warton, ii. 225, note [1144].
* * * * *
[-»] The foregoing essay on the ancient minstrels has been very
much enlarged and improved since the first edition, with respect
to the Anglo-Saxon minstrels, in consequence of some objections
proposed by the reverend and learned Mr. Pegge, which the reader
may find in the second volume of the _Archæologia_, printed by the
Antiquarian Society: but which that gentleman has since retracted
in the most liberal and candid manner in the third volume of the
_Archæologia_, No. xxxiv. p. 310.
And in consequence of similar objections respecting the English
minstrels after the Conquest, the subsequent part hath been much
enlarged, and additional light thrown upon the subject; which,
to prevent cavil, hath been extended to minstrelsy in all its
branches, as it was established in England, whether by natives or
foreigners.
* * * * *
[Ritson made a searching examination of this essay, and dissented
from many of the propositions contained in it. His essay "On the
Ancient English Minstrels" will be found in his collection of
_Ancient Songs and Ballads_.]
FOOTNOTES:
[1103] The Anglo-Saxon and primary English name for this character
was Gleeman (see below, note [I], sect. 1), so that wherever the term
minstrel is in these pages applied to it before the Conquest, it must
be understood to be only by anticipation. Another early name for this
profession in English was jogeler, or jocular, Lat. _joculator_. (See
p. 353, as also note [V2] and note [Q].) To prevent confusion, we have
chiefly used the more general word minstrel, which (as the author of
the _Observ. on the Statutes_ hath suggested to the editor) might have
been originally derived from a diminutive of the Lat. _minister_, scil.
_ministerellus_, _ministrellus_.
[1104] Ministers seems to be used for minstrels in the account of
the Inthronization of Abp. Neville (An. 6, Edw. IV.). "Then all the
Chaplyns must say grace, and the ministers do sing." Vid. _Lelandi_
_Collectanea_, by Hearne, vol. vi. p. 13.
[1105] It has, however, been suggested to the editor by the learned
and ingenious author of _Irish Antiquities_, 4to. that the ancient
_mimi_ among the Romans had their heads and beards shaven, as is shown
by Salmasius in Notis ad _Hist. August. Scriptores VI. Paris_, 1622,
fol. p. 385. So that this peculiarity had a classical origin, though it
afterwards might make the minstrels sometimes pass for ecclesiastics,
as appears from the instance given below. Dr. Burney tells us that
_histriones_ and _mimi_ abounded in France in the time of Charlemagne
(ii. 221), so that their profession was handed down in regular
succession from the time of the Romans, and therewith some leading
distinctions of their habit or appearance; yet with a change in their
arts of pleasing, which latterly were most confined to singing and
music.
[1106] Yet in St. Mary's church at Beverley, one of the columns hath
this inscription: "Thys Pillar made the Mynstrylls;" having its capital
decorated with figures of five men in short coats; one of whom holds an
instrument resembling a lute. See Sir J. Hawkins' _Hist._ ii. 298.
[1107] Vid. infra, not. [Aa].
[1108] Vid. Not. [B] [K] [Q].
[1109] Vid. Note [N].
[1110] The minstrels in France were received with great magnificence in
the fourteenth century. Froissart describing a Christmas entertainment
given by the Comte de Foix, tells us, that "there were many mynstrels,
as well of hys own, as of straungers, and eache of them dyd their
devoyre in their faculties. The same day the Erle of Foix gave to
haraulds and minstrelles the som of fyve hundred frankes: and gave to
the Duke of Tourayns mynstreles gownes of clothe of gold, furred with
ermyne, valued at two hundred frankes." B. iii. c. 31. Eng. Trans.
Lond. 1525. (Mr. C.)
[1111] Et vid. Policraticon, cap. 8, &c.
[1112] Vid. Nicolson's _Eng. Hist. Lib._ &c.
[1113] Gleeman continued to be the name given to a minstrel both in
England and Scotland almost as long as this order of men continued.
In De Brunne's metrical version of Bishop Grosthead's _Manuel de
Peche_, A.D. 1303 (see Warton, i. 61), we have this,
"----Gode men, ye shall lere
When ye any _gleman_ here."
Fabyan (in his Chronicle, 1533, f. 32.) translating the passage from
Geoffrey of Monmouth, quoted below in p. 397 note [K] renders _Deus
Joculatorum_, by God of Gleemen. (Warton's _Hist. Eng. Poet._, Diss.
i.) Fabyan died in 1592.
Dunbar, who lived in the same century, describing in one of his poems,
intitled, _The Daunce_ what passed in the infernal regions "amangis the
Feyndis," says:
"Na menstralls playit to thame, but dowt,
For gle-men thaire wer haldin out,
Be day and eke by nycht."
See Poems from Bannatyne's MS. Edinb. 1770, 12mo. p. 30. Maitland's MS.
at Cambridge reads here _glewe-men_.
[1114] To gleek is used in Shakespeare for "to make sport, to jest," &c.
[1115] The preceding list of Anglo-Saxon words, so full and copious
beyond any thing that ever yet appeared in print on this subject, was
extracted from Mr. Lye's curious _Anglo-Saxon Lexicon_, in MS. but
the arrangement here is the Editor's own. It had however received
the sanction of Mr. Lye's approbation, and would doubtless have been
received into his printed copy, had he lived to publish it himself.
It should also be observed, for the sake of future researches, that
without the assistance of the old English interpretations given by
Somner, in his _Anglo-Saxon Dictionary_, the Editor of the book never
could have discovered that _glee_ signified minstrelsy, or _gligman_ a
minstrel.
[1116] Neven, _i.e._ name.
[1117] Geoffrey of Monmouth is probably here describing the appearance
of the _joculatores_ or minstrels, as it was in his own time. For they
apparently derived this part of their dress, &c. from the _mimi_ of the
ancient Romans, who had their heads and beards shaven (see above p.
383 note [1105]), as they likewise did the mimickry, and other arts of
diverting, which they superadded to the composing and singing to the
harp heroic songs, &c. which they inherited from their own progenitors
the bards and scalds of the ancient Celtic and Gothic nations. The
Longobardi had, like other northern people, brought these with them
into Italy. For "in the year 774, when Charlemagne entered Italy and
found his passage impeded, he was met by a minstrel of Lombardy,
whose song promised him success and victory. _Contigit_ joculatorem
_ex_ Longobardorum _gente ad Carolum venire, et_ cantiunculam a se
compositam, _rotando in conspectu suorum, cantare_." Tom. ii. p. 2.
_Chron. Monast._ Noval. lib. iii. cap. x. p. 717. (T. Warton's
_Hist._ vol. ii. Emend. of vol. i. p. 113.)
[1118] _Natus_, 1030; _scripsit_, 1091; _obit_, 1109. Tanner.
[1119] _Obit, Anno_ 1142. Tanner.
[1120] See above, p. 394. Both Ingulph. and Will. of Malmesb. had been
very conversant among the Normans; who appear not to have had such
prejudices against the minstrels as the Anglo-Saxons had.
[1121] Thus +Leod+, the Saxon word for a poem, is properly a song, and
its derivative _lied_ signifies a ballad to this day in the German
tongue. And _cantare_ we have seen above is by Alfred himself rendered,
+Be hearpan singan.+
[1122] The tabour or tabourin was a common instrument with the French
minstrels, as it had also been with the Anglo-Saxon (_vid._ p. 393):
thus in an ancient Fr. MS. in the Harl. collection (2253, 75), a
minstrel is described as riding on horseback, and bearing his tabour.
"Entour son col porta son _tabour_,
Depeynt de Or, e riche Açour."
See also a passage in Menage's _Diction. Etym._ (v. _menestriers_,)
where _tabours_ is used as synonymous to _menestriers_.
Another frequent instrument with them was the viele. This, I am told,
is the name of an instrument at this day, which differs from a guitar,
in that the player turns round a handle at the top of the instrument,
and with his other hand, plays on some keys, that touch the chords, and
produce the sound.
See Dr. Burney's account of the vielle, vol. ii. p. 263, who thinks it
the same with the _rote_ or wheel. See p. 270 in the note.
"Il ot un Jougleor a Sens,
Qui navoit pas sovent robe entiere;
Sovent estoit sans sa _viele_."--_Fabliaux & Cont._ ii. 184, 5.
[1123] "Romanset Jutglar canta alt veux ... devant lo senyor
Rey."--_Chron. d'Aragon_, apud Du Cange, iv. 771.
[1124] It ought to have been observed in its proper place in No. 31,
vol. iii. appendix, that Amys and Amylion were no otherwise "Brothers"
than as being fast friends: as was suggested by the learned Dr.
Samuel Pegge, who was so obliging as to favour the essayist formerly
with a curious transcript of this poem accompanied with valuable
illustrations, &c: and that it was his opinion that both the fragment
of the _Lady Bellesent_ mentioned in the same No. 31, and also the
mutilated tale No. 37, were only imperfect copies of the above romance
of _Amys and Amylion_, which contains the two lines quoted in No. 37.
[1125] Whenever the word _Romance_ occurs in these metrical narratives,
it hath been thought to afford decisive proof of a translation from the
_Romance_, or French language. Accordingly it is so urged by T. Warton
(i. 146, note), from two passages in the pr. copy of _Sir Eglamour_,
viz., Sign. E. i.
"In Romaunce as we rede."
Again in fol. ult.
"In Romaunce this cronycle is."
But in the Cotton MS. of the original the first passage is:
"As I herd a Clerke rede."
And the other thus:
"In Rome this Gest cronycled ys."
So that I believe references to "the Romaunce," or the like, were often
meer expletive phrases inserted by the oral reciters; one of whom, I
conceive, had altered or corrupted the old _Syr Eglamour_ in the manner
that the copy was printed.
[1126] The harp (Lat. _cithara_) differed from the sautry, or psaltry
(Lat. _psalterium_) in that the former was a stringed instrument, and
the latter was mounted with wire: there was also some difference in the
construction of the bellies, &c. See _Bartholomæus de proprietatibus_
_rerum_, as Englished by Trevisa and Batman, ed. 1584, in Sir J.
Hawkins's _Hist._ vol ii. p. 285.
[1127] Jogeler (Lat. _joculator_) was a very ancient name for a
minstrel. Of what nature the performance of the joculator was, we
may learn from the register of St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester
(T. Warton, i. 69): "Et cantabat Joculator quidam nomine Herebertus
Canticum Colbrondi, necnon Gestum Emme regine a judicio ignis liberate,
in aula Prioris." His instrument was sometimes the fythele, or
fiddle, Lat. _fidicula_: which occurs in the Anglo-Saxon lexicon. On
this subject we have a curious passage from a MS. of the _Lives of
the Saints_ in metre, supposed to be earlier than the year 1200 (T.
Warton's _Hist._ i. p. 17), viz.:
"Christofre him served longe
The kynge loved melodye much of fithele and of songe:
So that his Jogeler on a day beforen him gon to pleye faste,
And in a tyme he nemped in his song the devil at laste."
[1128] Le Compte.
[1129] fait.
[1130] _Sornette_, a gibe, a jest, or flouting
[1131] _Janglerie_, _babillage_, _raillerie_.
[1132] Of the 24 songs in what is now called _Robin Hood's Garland_,
many are so modern as not to be found in Pepys's collection completed
only in 1700. In the folio MS. are ancient fragments of the following,
viz.: _Robin Hood and the Beggar_, _Robin Hood and the Butcher_,
_Robin Hood and Fryer Tucke_, _Robin Hood and the Pindar_, _Robin
Hood and Queen Catharine_, in two parts, _Little John and the four
Beggars_, and _Robine Hoode his Death_. This last, which is very
curious, has no resemblance to any that have been published; and the
others are extremely different from the printed copies; but they
unfortunately are in the beginning of the MS. where half of every leaf
hath been torn away.
[1133] That the French minstrel was a singer and composer; &c. appears
from many passages translated by M. Le Grand, in _Fabliaux ou Contes,
&c._ see tom. i. p. 37, 47, ii. 306, 313, & _seqq._ iii. 266, &c.
Yet this writer, like other French critics, endeavours to reduce to
distinct and separate classes the men of this profession under the
precise names of _fablier_, _conteur_, _menetrier_, _menestrel_, and
_jongleur_ (tom. i. pref. p. xcviii.) whereas his own tales confute
all these nice distinctions, or prove at least that the title of
_menetrier_ or minstrel was applied to them all.
[1134] See p. 392.
[1135] See p. 409.
[1136] See p. 359, note [1051].
[1137] The fondness of the English (even the most illiterate) to hear
tales and rimes, is much dwelt on by Rob. de Brunne, in 1330 (Warton,
i. p. 59, 65, 75). All rimes were then sung to the harp: even _Troilus
and Cresseide_, though almost as long as the _Æneid_, was to be
"redde ... or else songe." l. ult. (Warton, i. 388).
[1138] Gests at length came to signify adventures or incidents in
general. So in a narrative of the journey into Scotland of Queen
Margaret and her attendants, on her marriage with K. James IV. in 1503
(in appendix to _Leland. Collect._ iv. p. 265), we are promised an
account "of their gestys and manners during the said voyage."
[1139] The romance of Richard Coeur de Lion (No. 25) I should judge
to be of English origin, from the names Wardrewe and Eldrede, &c. iii.
appendix (sect. ii.). As is also _Eger and Grim_ (No. 12), wherein a
knight is named Sir Gray Steel, and a lady who excells in surgery is
called Loosepaine or Losepain; these surely are not derived from France.
[1140] See the romance of _Sir Isenbras_ (No. 14) sign. a.
"Harpers loved him in Hall
With other Minstrels all."
[1141] T. Warton, ii. 258, note (a) from Leland's _Collect._ vol. iv.
append. edit. 1774, p. 267.
[1142] The curious author of the _Tour in Wales_, 1773, 4to. p. 435,
I find to have read these words, "in toune and contrey;" which I can
scarce imagine to have been applicable to Wales at that time. Nor can I
agree with him in the representation he has given (p. 367) concerning
the _Cymmorth_ or meeting, wherein the bards exerted their powers
to excite their countrymen to war; as if it were by a deduction of
the particulars he enumerates, and, as it should seem, in the way of
harangue, &c. After which, "the band of minstrels ... struck up; the
harp, the _crwth_, and the pipe filled the measures of enthusiasm,
which the others had begun to inspire." Whereas it is well known that
the bard chanted his enthusiastic effusions to the harp; and as for the
term minstrel, it was not, I conceive, at all used by the Welsh; and in
English it comprehended both the bard and the musician.
[1143] "Your ordinarie rimers use very much their measures in the odde,
as nine and eleven, and the sharpe accent upon the last sillable, which
therefore makes him go ill favouredly and like a minstrels musicke."
(Puttenham's _Arte of Eng. Poesie_, 1589, p. 59.) This must mean his
vocal music, otherwise it appears not applicable to the subject.
[1144] By this phrase I understand new tales or narrative rymes
composed by the minstrels on the subject of true and faithful lovers,
&c.
APPENDIX II.
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, &c.
I.
It is well known that dramatic poetry in this and most other nations
of Europe owes its origin, or at least its revival, to those religious
shows which in the dark ages were usually exhibited on the more
solemn festivals. At those times they were wont to represent in the
churches the lives and miracles of the saints, or some of the more
important stories of scripture. And as the most mysterious subjects
were frequently chosen, such as the Incarnation, Passion, and
Resurrection of Christ, &c., these exhibitions acquired the general
name of mysteries. At first they were probably a kind of dumb shews,
intermingled, it may be, with a few short speeches; at length they grew
into a regular series of connected dialogues, formally divided into
acts and scenes. Specimens of these in their most improved state (being
at best but poor artless compositions) may be seen among Dodsley's _Old
Plays_ and in Osborne's _Harleyan Miscel_. How they were exhibited in
their most simple form we may learn from an ancient novel, often quoted
by our old dramatic poets[1145] intitled ... "a merye jest of a man
that was called Howleglas"[1146], &c., being a translation from the
Dutch language, in which he is named _Ulenspiegle_. Howleglass, whose
waggish tricks are the subject of this book, after many adventures
comes to live with a priest, who makes him his parish clerk. This
priest is described as keeping a leman or concubine, who had but one
eye, to whom Howleglass owed a grudge for revealing his rogueries
to his master. The story thus proceeds: ... "And than in the meane
season, while Howleglas was parysh clarke, at Easter they should play
the Resurrection of our Lorde: and for because than the men wer not
learned, nor could not read, the priest toke his leman, and put her in
the grave for an Aungell: and this seing Howleglas, toke to hym iij
of the symplest persons that were in the towne, that played the iij
Maries; and the Person [_i.e._ Parson or Rector] played Christe, with
a baner in his hand. Than saide Howleglas to the symple persons. Whan
the Aungel asketh you, whome you seke, you may saye, The parsons leman
with one iye. Than it fortuned that the tyme was come that they must
playe, and the Aungel asked them whom they sought, and than sayd they,
as Howleglas had shewed and lerned them afore, and than answered they,
We seke the priests leman with one iye. And than the prieste might
heare that he was mocked. And whan the priestes leman herd that, she
arose out of the grave, and would have smyten with her fist Howleglas
upon the cheke, but she missed him and smote one of the simple persons
that played one of the thre Maries; and he gave her another; and than
toke she him by the heare [hair]; and that seing his wyfe, came running
hastely to smite the priestes leaman; and than the priest seeing this,
caste down hys baner and went to helpe his woman, so that the one gave
the other sore strokes, and made great noyse in the churche. And than
Howleglas seyng them lyinge together by the eares in the bodi of the
churche, went his way out of the village, and came no more there."[1147]
As the old mysteries frequently required the representation of some
allegorical personage, such as Death, Sin, Charity, Faith, and the
like, by degrees the rude poets of those unlettered ages began to form
compleat dramatic pieces consisting entirely of such personifications.
These they intitled moral plays, or moralities. The mysteries were
very inartificial, representing the scripture stories simply according
to the letter. But the moralities are not devoid of invention: they
exhibit outlines of the dramatic art; they contain something of a fable
or plot, and even attempt to delineate characters and manners. I have
now before me two that were printed early in the reign of Henry VIII.,
in which, I think, one may plainly discover the seeds of tragedy and
comedy, for which reason I shall give a short analysis of them both.
One of them is intitled _Every Man_.[1148] The subject of this piece
is the summoning of man out of the world by death; and its moral, that
nothing will then avail him but a well-spent life and the comforts of
religion. This subject and moral are opened in a monologue spoken by
the Messenger (for that was the name generally given by our ancestors
to the prologue on their rude stage); then God[1149] is represented,
who, after some general complaints on the degeneracy of mankind, calls
for Deth, and orders him to bring before his tribunal Every-man, for
so is called the personage who represents the human race. Every-man
appears, and receives the summons with all the marks of confusion
and terror. When Death is withdrawn Every-man applies for relief in
this distress to Fellowship, Kindred, Goods, or Riches, but they
successively renounce and forsake him. In this disconsolate state he
betakes himself to Good-dedes, who, after upbraiding him with his long
neglect of her,[1150] introduces him to her sister Knowledge, and she
leads him to the "holy man Confession," who appoints him penance; this
he inflicts upon himself on the stage, and then withdraws to receive
the sacraments of the priest. On his return he begins to wax faint, and
after Strength, Beauty, Discretion, and Five Wits[1151] have all taken
their final leave of him, gradually expires on the stage, Good-dedes
still accompanying him to the last. Then an Aungell descends to sing
his requiem, and the epilogue is spoken by a person called Doctour, who
recapitulates the whole and delivers the moral:--
"C. This memoriall men may have in mynde,
Ye herers, take it of worth old and yonge,
And forsake Pryde, for he disceyveth you in thende,
And remembre Beautè, Five Witts, Strength and Discretion,
They all at last do Every-man forsake;
Save his Good Dedes there dothe he take;
But beware, for and they be small,
Before God he hath no helpe at all," &c.
From this short analysis it may be observed that _Every Man_ is a
grave, solemn piece, not without some rude attempts to excite terror
and pity, and therefore may not improperly be referred to the class of
tragedy. It is remarkable that in this old simple drama the fable is
conducted upon the strictest model of the Greek tragedy. The action is
simply one, the time of action is that of the performance, the scene
is never changed, nor the stage ever empty. Every-man, the hero of the
piece, after his first appearance never withdraws, except when he goes
out to receive the sacraments, which could not well be exhibited in
public, and during his absence Knowledge descants on the excellence and
power of the priesthood, somewhat after the manner of the Greek chorus.
And, indeed, except in the circumstance of Every-man's expiring on the
stage, the Sampson Agonistes of Milton is hardly formed on a severer
plan.[1152]
The other play is intitled _Hick Scorner_,[1153] and bears no distant
resemblance to comedy; its chief aim seems to be to exhibit characters
and manners, its plot being much less regular than the foregoing. The
prologue is spoken by Pity, represented under the character of an aged
pilgrim; he is joined by Contemplacyon and Perseverance, two holy
men, who, after lamenting the degeneracy of the age, declare their
resolution of stemming the torrent. Pity then is left upon the stage,
and presently found by Frewyll, representing a lewd debauchee, who,
with his dissolute companion Imaginacion, relate their manner of life,
and not without humour describe the stews and other places of base
resort. They are presently joined by Hick-Scorner, who is drawn as a
libertine returned from travel, and, agreeably to his name, scoffs at
religion. These three are described as extremely vicious, who glory
in every act of wickedness; at length two of them quarrel, and Pity
endeavours to part the fray; on this they fall upon him, put him in the
stocks, and there leave him. Pity, thus imprisoned, descants in a kind
of lyric measure on the profligacy of the age, and in this situation
is found by Perseverance and Contemplacion, who set him at liberty,
and advise him to go in search of the delinquents. As soon as he is
gone Frewill appears again, and, after relating in a very comic manner
some of his rogueries and escapes from justice, is rebuked by the two
holy men, who, after a long altercation, at length convert him and his
libertine companion Imaginacioun from their vicious course of life,
and then the play ends with a few verses from Perseverance by way of
epilogue. This and every morality I have seen conclude with a solemn
prayer. They are all of them in rhyme, in a kind of loose stanza,
intermixed with distichs.
It would be needless to point out the absurdities in the plan and
conduct of the foregoing play; they are evidently great. It is
sufficient to observe that bating the moral and religious reflection
of Pity, etc., the piece is of a comic cast, and contains a humorous
display of some of the vices of the age. Indeed, the author has
generally been so little attentive to the allegory, that we need only
substitute other names to his personages, and we have real characters
and living manners.
We see then that the writers of these moralities were upon the very
threshold of real tragedy and comedy, and therefore we are not to
wonder that tragedies and comedies in form soon after took place,
especially as the revival of learning about this time brought them
acquainted with the Roman and Grecian models.
II. At what period of time the moralities had their rise here it is
difficult to discover, but plays of miracles appear to have been
exhibited in England soon after the Conquest. Matthew Paris tells
us that Geoffrey, afterwards Abbot of St. Albans, a Norman, who had
been sent for over by Abbot Richard to take upon him the direction of
the school of that monastery, coming too late, went to Dunstable and
taught in the Abby there, where he caused to be acted (probably by his
scholars) a miracle-play of St. Catharine, composed by himself.[1154]
This was long before the year 1119, and probably within the eleventh
century. The above play of St. Catharine was, for aught that appears,
the first spectacle of this sort that was exhibited in these kingdoms,
and an eminent French writer thinks it was even the first attempt
towards the revival of dramatic entertainments in all Europe, being
long before the representations of mysteries in France, for these did
not begin till the year 1398.[1155]
But whether they derived their origin from the above exhibition or not,
it is certain that holy plays, representing the miracles and sufferings
of the saints, were become common in the reign of Henry II., and a
lighter sort of interludes appear not to have been then unknown.[1156]
In the subsequent age of Chaucer, "Plays of Miracles" in Lent were the
common resort of idle gossips.[1157]
They do not appear to have been so prevalent on the Continent, for the
learned historian of the Council of Constance[1158] ascribes to the
English the introduction of plays into Germany. He tells us that the
Emperor, having been absent from the Council for some time, was at his
return received with great rejoicings, and that the English fathers in
particular did upon that occasion cause a sacred comedy to be acted
before him on Sunday, Jan. 31, 1417, the subjects of which were:--"The
Nativity of our Saviour;" "The Arrival of the Eastern Magi;" and "The
Massacre by Herod." Thence it appears, says this writer, that the
Germans are obliged to the English for the invention of this sort of
spectacles, unknown to them before that period.
The fondness of our ancestors for dramatic exhibitions of this kind,
and some curious particulars relating to this subject, will appear
from the _Houshold Book_ of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, A.D.
1512,[1159] whence I shall select a few extracts which show that the
exhibiting Scripture dramas on the great festivals entered into the
regular establishment, and formed part of the domestic regulations of
our ancient nobility, and, what is more remarkable, that it was as much
the business of the chaplain in those days to compose plays for the
family as it is now for him to make sermons.
"My Lordes Chapleyns in Household vj. viz. The Almonar, and if he
be a maker of Interludys, than he to have a servaunt to the intent
for writynge of the parts; and ells to have non. The maister of
gramer, &c."
Sect. v. p. 44.
"Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely if his lordship
kepe a chapell and be at home, them of his lordschipes chapell, if
they doo play the Play of the _Nativite_ uppon cristynmes day in
the mornnynge in my lords chapell befor his lordship--xx_s._"
Sect. xliv. p. 343.
"Item, ... to them of his lordship chappell and other his
lordshipis servaunts that doith play the Play befor his lordship
uppon Shrof-Tewsday at night yerely in reward--x_s._"
_Ibid._ p. 345.
"Item, ... to them ... that playth the Play of _Resurrection_
upon estur day in the mornnynge in my lordis 'chapell' befor his
lordshipe--xx_s._"
_Ibid._
"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth yerly to gyf hym which is
ordynede to be the Master of the Revells yerly in my lordis hous
in cristmas for the overseyinge and orderinge of his lordschips
Playes, Interludes and Dresinge that is plaid befor his lordship
in his hous in the xijth dayes of Cristenmas and they to have in
rewarde for that caus yerly--xx_s._"
_Ibid._ p. 346.
"Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth to gyf every of the iiij
Parsones that his lordschip admyted as his Players to com to his
lordship yerly at Cristynmes ande at all other such tymes as his
lordship shall comande them for playing of Playe and Interludes
affor his lordship in his lordshipis hous for every of their fees
for an hole yere...."
_Ibid._ p. 351.
"Item, to be payd ... for rewards to Players for Playes playd in
Christynmas by Stranegeres in my house after xx_d._[1160] every
play, by estimacion somme-xxxiij_s._ iiij.[1161]."
Sect. i. p. 22.
"Item, My Lorde usith, and accustometh to gif yerely when his
Lordshipp is at home, to every erlis Players that comes to his
Lordshipe betwixt Cristynmas ande Candelmas, if he be his special
Lorde & Frende & Kynsman--xx_s._"
Sect. xliiii. p. 340.
"Item, My Lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely, when his
Lordship is at home to every Lordis Players, that comyth to his
Lordshipe betwixt Crystynmas and Candilmas--x_s._"
_Ibid._
The reader will observe the great difference in the rewards here given
to such players as were retainers of noble personages and such as are
stiled strangers, or, as we may suppose, only strolers.
The profession of a common player was about this time held by some in
low estimation. In an old satire intitled _Cock Lorreles Bote_[1162]
the author, enumerating the most common trades or callings, as
"carpenters, coopers, joyners," &c., mentions--
"Players, purse-cutters, money-batterers,
Golde-washers, tomblers, jogelers,
Pardoners, &c."
Sign. B. vj.
III. It hath been observed already that plays of miracles, or
mysteries, as they were called, led to the introduction of moral
plays, or moralities, which prevailed so early and became so common
that towards the latter end of K. Henry VII.'s reign John Rastel,
brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, conceived a design of making them
the vehicle of science and natural philosophy. With this view he
published. _A new interlude and a mery of the nature of the iiii.
elements declarynge many proper points of philosophy naturall, and
of dyvers straunge landys_[1163], &c. It is observable that the poet
speaks of the discovery of America as then recent:
----"Within this xx yere
Westwarde be founde new landes
That we never harde tell of before this," &c.
The West Indies were discovered by Columbus in 1492, which fixes the
writing of this play to about 1510 (two years before the date of the
above _Houshold Book_). The play of _Hick-Scorner_ was probably
somewhat more ancient, as he still more imperfectly alludes to the
American discoveries, under the name of "the Newe founde Ilonde."
[Sign. A. vij.]
It is observable that in the older moralities, as in that last
mentioned, _Every-man_, &c., is printed no kind of stage direction for
the exits and entrances of the personages, no division of acts and
scenes. But in the moral interlude of _Lusty Juventus_,[1164] written
under Edward VI. the exits and entrances begin to be noted in the
margin.[1165] At length in Q. Elizabeth's reign moralities appeared
formally divided into acts and scenes with a regular prologue, &c. One
of these is reprinted by Dodsley.
Before we quit this subject of the very early printed plays, it may
just be observed that although so few are now extant it should seem
many were printed before the reign of Q. Elizabeth, as at the beginning
of her reign her injunctions in 1559 are particularly directed to the
suppressing of "many Pamphlets, Playes, and Ballads; that no manner
of person shall enterprize to print any such, &c." but under certain
restrictions. Vid. Sect. V.
In the time of Hen. VIII. one or two dramatic pieces had been published
under the classical names of comedy and tragedy,[1166] but they
appear not to have been intended for popular use. It was not till the
religious ferments had subsided that the public had leisure to attend
to dramatic poetry. In the reign of Elizabeth tragedies and comedies
began to appear in form, and could the poets have persevered the
first models were good. _Gorboduc_, a regular tragedy, was acted in
1561;[1167] and Gascoigne, in 1566, exhibited _Jocasta_, a translation
from Euripides, as also _The Supposes_, a regular comedy from Ariosto,
near thirty years before any of Shakespeare's were printed.
The people, however, still retained a relish for their old mysteries
and moralities,[1168] and the popular dramatic poets seem to have
made them their models. From the graver sort of moralities our modern
tragedy appears to have derived its origin, as our comedy evidently
took its rise from the lighter interludes of that kind. And as most
of these pieces contain an absurd mixture of religion and buffoonery,
an eminent critic[1169] has well deduced from thence the origin of our
unnatural tragi-comedies. Even after the people had been accustomed to
tragedies and comedies moralities still kept their ground. One of them,
intitled _The New Custom_,[1170] was printed so late as 1573. At
length they assumed the name of masques,[1171] and with some classical
improvements, became in the two following reigns the favourite
entertainments of the Court.
IV. The old mysteries, which ceased to be acted after the Reformation,
appear to have given birth to a third species of stage exhibition,
which, though now confounded with tragedy and comedy, were by our first
dramatic writers considered as quite distinct from them both. These
were historical plays or histories, a species of dramatic writing which
resembled the old mysteries in representing a series of historical
events simply in the order of time in which they happened, without
any regard to the three great unities. These pieces seem to differ
from tragedies just as much as historical poems do from epic: as the
Pharsalia does from the Æneid.
What might contribute to make dramatic poetry take this form was,
that soon after the mysteries ceased to be exhibited, was published
a large collection of poetical narratives, called _The Mirrour for_
_Magistrates_,[1172] wherein a great number of the most eminent
characters in English history are drawn relating their own misfortunes.
This book was popular, and of a dramatic cast; and therefore, as an
elegant writer[1173] has well observed, might have its influence in
producing historical plays. These narratives probably furnished the
subjects, and the ancient mysteries suggested the plan.
There appears indeed to have been one instance of an attempt at an
historical play itself, which was perhaps as early as any mystery
on a religious subject, for such, I think, we may pronounce the
representation of a memorable event in English history, that was
expressed in actions and rhimes. This was the old Coventry play of
Hock-Tuesday,[1174] founded on the story of the massacre of the Danes,
as it happened on St. Brice's night, November 13, 1002.[1175] The play
in question was performed by certain men of Coventry, among the other
shews and entertainments at Kenelworth Castle, in July, 1575, prepared
for Queen Elizabeth, and this the rather "because the matter mentioneth
how valiantly our English women, for the love of their country, behaved
themselves."
The writer, whose words are here quoted,[1176] hath given a short
description of the performance, which seems on that occasion to have
been without recitation or rhimes, and reduced to meer dumb-show;
consisting of violent skirmishes and encounters, first between Danish
and English "lance-knights on horseback," armed with spear and shield,
and afterwards between "hosts" of footmen, which at length ended in the
Danes being "beaten down, overcome, and many led captive by our English
women."[1177]
This play, it seems, which was wont to be exhibited in their city
yearly, and which had been of great antiquity and long continuance
there,[1178] had of late been suppressed at the instance of some
well-meaning but precise preachers, of whose "sourness" herein the
townsmen complain, urging that their play was "without example of
ill-manners, papistry, or any superstition;"[1179] which shews it to
have been entirely distinct from a religious mystery.[1180] But having
been discontinued, and, as appears from the narrative, taken up of a
sudden after the sports were begun, the players apparently had not been
able to recover the old rhimes, or to procure new ones to accompany the
action: which, if it originally represented "the outrage and importable
insolency of the Danes, the grievous complaint of Huna, king Ethelred's
chieftain in wars,"[1181] his counselling and contriving the plot
to dispatch them, concluding with the conflicts above mentioned, and
their final suppression--"expressed in actions and rhimes after their
manner,"[1182] one can hardly conceive a more regular model of a
compleat drama; and, if taken up soon after the event, it must have
been the earliest of the kind in Europe.[1183]
Whatever this old play, or "storial show,"[1184] was at the time it
was exhibited to Q. Elizabeth, it had probably our young Shakespeare
for a spectator, who was then in his twelfth year, and doubtless
attended with all the inhabitants of the surrounding country at these
"princely pleasures of Kenelworth,"[1185] whence Stratford is only a
few miles distant. And as the Queen was much diverted with the Coventry
play, "whereat her Majestic laught well," and rewarded the performers
with two bucks, and five marks in money, who, "what rejoicing upon
their ample reward, and what triumphing upon the good acceptance,
vaunted their play was never so dignified, nor ever any players before
so beatified;" but especially if our young bard afterwards gained
admittance into the castle to see a play, which the same evening, after
supper, was there "presented of a very good theme, but so set forth by
the actors' well handling, that pleasure and mirth made it seem very
short, though it lasted two good hours and more,"[1186] we may imagine
what an impression was made on his infant mind. Indeed the dramatic
cast of many parts of that superb entertainment which continued
nineteen days, and was the most splendid of the kind ever attempted in
this kingdom; the addresses to the Queen in the personated characters
of a sybille, a savage man, and Sylvanus, as she approached or departed
from the castle, and on the water by Arion, a Triton, or the Lady of
the Lake, must have had a very great effect on a young imagination
whose dramatic powers were hereafter to astonish the world.
But that the historical play was considered by our old writers, and
by Shakespeare himself, as distinct from tragedy and comedy, will
sufficiently appear from various passages in their works. "Of late
days," says Stow, "in place of those stage-playes[1187] hath been
used comedies, tragedies, enterludes, and histories both true and
fayned."[1188] Beaumont and Fletcher, in the prologue to _The Captain_,
say:
"This is nor Comedy, nor Tragedy,
Nor History."----
Polonius in _Hamlet_ commends the actors as the best in the world,
"either for tragedie, comedie, historie, pastorall," &c. And
Shakespeare's friends, Heminge and Condell, in the first folio edit.
of his plays, in 1623,[1189] have not only intitled their book "Mr.
William Shakespeare's Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies," but in their
table of contents have arranged them under those three several heads;
placing in the class of histories "K. John, Richard II. Henry IV. 2
pts. Henry V. Henry VI. 3 pts. Rich. III. and Henry VIII.", to which
they might have added such of his other plays as have their subjects
taken from the old chronicles, or Plutarch's _Lives_.
Although Shakespeare is found not to have been the first who invented
this species of drama,[1190] yet he cultivated it with such superior
success, and threw upon this simple inartificial tissue of scenes
such a blaze of genius, that his histories maintain their ground in
defiance of Aristotle and all the critics of the classic school, and
will ever continue to interest and instruct an English audience. Before
Shakespeare wrote, historical plays do not appear to have attained
this distinction, being not mentioned in Q. Elizabeth's licence in
1574[1191] to James Burbage and others, who are only impowered "to use,
exercyse, and occupie the arte and facultye of playenge Commedies,
Tragedies, Enterludes, Stage-Playes, and such other like." But when
Shakespeare's histories had become the ornaments of the stage, they
were considered by the publick, and by himself, as a formal and
necessary species, and are thenceforth so distinguished in public
instruments. They are particularly inserted in the licence granted by
K. James I. in 1603,[1192] to W. Shakespeare himself, and the players
his fellows; who are authorized "to use and exercise the arte and
faculty of playing Comedies, Tragedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals,
Pastorals, Stage-Plaies, and such like."
The same merited distinction they continued to maintain after his
death, till the theatre itself was extinguished: for they are expressly
mentioned in a warrant in 1622, for licensing certain "late Comedians
of Q. Anne deceased, to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise
of playing Comedies, Histories, Interludes, Morals, Pastorals,
Stage-Plaies, and such like."[1193] The same appears in an admonition
issued in 1637[1194] by Philip, Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, then
Lord Chamberlain, to the master and wardens of the Company of Printers
and Stationers, wherein is set forth the complaint of his Majesty's
servants the players, that "diverse of their books of Comedyes and
Tragedyes, Chronicle-Historyes, and the like," had been printed and
published to their prejudice, &c.
This distinction, we see, prevailed for near half a century; but after
the Restoration, when the stage revived for the entertainment of a new
race of auditors, many of whom had been exiled in France, and formed
their taste from the French theatre, Shakespeare's histories appear
to have been no longer relished; at least the distinction respecting
them is dropt in the patents that were immediately granted after the
king's return. This appears not only from the allowance to Mr. William
Beeston in June, 1660,[1195] to use the house in Salisbury-court "for
a Play-house, wherein Comedies, Tragedies, Tragi-comedies, Pastoralls,
and Interludes, may be acted," but also from the fuller grant (dated
August 21, 1760),[1196] to Thomas Killigrew, Esq., and Sir William
Davenant, Knt., by which they have authority to erect two companies
of players, and to fit up two theatres "for the representation of
Tragydies, Comedyes, Playes, Operas, and all other entertainments of
that nature."
But while Shakespeare was the favourite dramatic poet, his histories
had such superior merit that he might well claim to be the chief, if
not the only historic dramatist that kept possession of the English
stage; which gives a strong support to the tradition mentioned by
Gildon,[1197] that, in a conversation with Ben Jonson, our bard
vindicated his historical plays by urging, that as he had found "the
nation in general very ignorant of history, he wrote them in order
to instruct the people in this particular." This is assigning not
only a good motive, but a very probable reason for his preference of
this species of composition; since we cannot doubt but his illiterate
countrymen would not only want such instruction when he first began to
write, notwithstanding the obscure dramatic chroniclers who preceded
him, but also that they would highly profit by his admirable lectures
on English history so long as he continued to deliver them to his
audience. And as it implies no claim to his being the _first_ who
introduced our chronicles on the stage, I see not why the tradition
should be rejected.
Upon the whole we have had abundant proof that both Shakespeare and
his contemporaries considered his histories, or historical plays, as
of a legitimate distinct species, sufficiently separate from tragedy
and comedy, a distinction which deserves the particular attention of
his critics and commentators; who, by not adverting to it, deprive
him of his proper defence and best vindication for his neglect of the
unities, and departure from the classical dramatic forms. For, if it
be the first canon of sound criticism to examine any work by whatever
rule the author prescribed for his own observance, then we ought not to
try Shakespeare's histories by the general laws of tragedy or comedy.
Whether the rule itself be vicious or not is another inquiry: but
certainly we ought to examine a work only by those principles according
to which it was composed. This would save a deal of impertinent
criticism.
V. We have now brought the inquiry as low as was intended, but cannot
quit it without entering into a short description of what may be called
the oeconomy of the ancient English stage.
Such was the fondness of our forefathers for dramatic entertainments,
that not fewer than nineteen playhouses had been opened before the year
1633, when Prynne published his _Histriomastix_.[1198] From this writer
it should seem that "tobacco, wine, and beer,"[1199] were in those
days the usual accommodations in the theatre, as within our memory at
Sadler's Wells.
With regard to the players themselves, the several companies were
(as hath been already shewn),[1200] retainers or menial servants to
particular noblemen,[1201] who protected them in the exercise of
their profession: and many of them were occasionally strollers, that
travelled from one gentleman's house to another. Yet so much were
they encouraged, that, notwithstanding their multitude, some of them
acquired large fortunes. Edward Allen, who founded Dulwich College, is
a known instance. And an old writer speaks of the very inferior actors,
whom he calls the hirelings, as living in a degree of splendour which
was thought enormous in that frugal age.[1202]
At the same time the ancient prices of admission were often very
low. Some houses had penny benches.[1203] The "two-penny gallery"
is mentioned in the prologue to Beaumont and Fletcher's _Woman
Hater_;[1204] and seats of three-pence and a groat seem to be intended
in the passage of Prynne above referred to. Yet different houses varied
in their prices: that playhouse called the "Hope" had seats of five
several rates, from sixpence to half-a-crown.[1205] But a shilling
seems to have been the usual price[1206] of what is now called the pit,
which probably had its name from one of the playhouses having been a
cock-pit.[1207]
The day originally set apart for theatrical exhibition appears to
have been Sunday, probably because the first dramatic pieces were of
a religious cast. During a great part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the
playhouses were only licensed to be opened on that day:[1208] but
before the end of her reign, or soon after, this abuse was probably
removed.
The usual time of acting was early in the afternoon,[1209] plays being
generally performed by day-light.[1210] All female parts were performed
by men, no English actress being ever seen on the public stage[1211]
before the civil wars.
Lastly, with regard to the playhouse furniture and ornaments, a
writer of King Charles II.'s time,[1212] who well remembered the
preceding age, assures us that in general "they had no other scenes nor
decorations of the stage, but only old tapestry, and the stage strewed
with rushes, with habits accordingly."[1213]
Yet Coryate thought our theatrical exhibitions, &c., splendid when
compared with what he saw abroad. Speaking of the Theatre for Comedies
at Venice, he says: "The house is very beggarly and base in comparison
of our stately playhouses in England, neyther can their actors compare
with ours for apparrell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine
things that I never saw before: For I saw women act, a thing that I
never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been sometimes used
in London; and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture,
and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine
actor."[1214]
It ought, however, to be observed, that amid such a multitude of
playhouses as subsisted in the metropolis before the Civil Wars, there
must have been a great difference between their several accommodations,
ornaments, and prices; and that some would be much more shewy than
others, though probably all were much inferior in splendor to the two
great theatres after the Restoration.
* * * * *
[->] The preceding Essay, although some of the materials are new
arranged, hath received no alteration deserving notice, from what
it was in the second edition, 1767, except in section IV, which in
the present impression hath been much enlarged.
This is mentioned, because, since it was first published, the
history of the English stage hath been copiously handled by Mr.
Tho. Warton in his _History of English Poetry_, 1774, &c., 3 vols.
4to. (wherein is inserted whatever in these volumes fell in with
his subject); and by Edmond Malone, Esq., who, in his _Historical_
_Account of the English Stage_ (_Shakesp._ vol. i. part ii. 1790),
hath added greatly to our knowledge of the oeconomy and usages of
our ancient theatres.
* * * * *
[This Essay is now entirely out of date, on account of the mass of
new material for a complete history of the English stage, which has
been printed since it was written. Information on the subject must
be sought in the prefaces of the various editions of the dramatists
and of the collections of mysteries and miracle plays, or in
Collier's _History of English Dramatic Poetry_, and Halliwell's
_New Materials for the Life of Shakespeare_.]
FOOTNOTES:
[1145] See Ben Jonson's _Poetaster_, act iii. sc. 4, and his _Masque
of the Fortunate Isles_. Whalley's edit. vol. ii. p. 49, vol. vi. p.
190.
[1146] Howleglass is said in the Preface to have died in MCCCCL. At the
end of the book, in MCCCL.
[1147] Imprynted ... by Wyllyam Copland: without date, in 4to. bl. let.
among Mr. Garrick's old plays, K. vol. x.
[1148] This play has been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his three vols.
of old plays, intitled, _The Origin of the English Drama_, 12mo.
Oxford, 1773. See vol. i. p. 27.
[1149] The second person of the Trinity seems to be meant.
[1150] The before-mentioned are male characters.
[1151] _i. e._ The five senses. These are frequently exhibited as five
distinct personages upon the Spanish stage (see Riccoboni, p. 98), but
our moralist has represented them all by one character.
[1152] See more of _Every Man_ in vol. ii. pref. to B. ii., note.
[1153] "Imprynted by me Wynkyn de Worde," no date; in 4to. bl. let.
This play has also been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his _Origin of the
English Drama_. vol. i. p. 69.
[1154] "Apud Dunestapliam ... quendam ludum de sancta Katerina (quem
miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad quæ decoranda, petiit a
sacrista sancti Albani, ut sibi Capæ Chorales accommodarentur, et
obtinuit. Et fuit ludus ille de sancta Katerina." _Vitæ Abbat. ad fin.
Hist. Mat. Paris_, fol. 1639, p. 56. We see here that plays of miracles
were become common enough in the time of Mat. Paris, who flourished
about 1240. But that indeed appears from the more early writings of
Fitz-Stephens: quoted below.
[1155] Vid. _Abregè Chron. de l'Hist. de France_, par M. Henault, à
l'ann. 1179.
[1156] See Fitz-Stephens's description of London, preserved by Stow
(and reprinted with notes, &c., by the Rev. Mr. Pegge, in 1774, 4to.):
"Londonia pro spectaculis theatralibus, pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet
sanctiores, representationes miraculorum," &c. He is thought to have
written in the reign of Henry II. and to have died in that of Richard
I. It is true at the end of this book we find mentioned _Henricum regem
tertium_; but this is doubtless Henry II.'s son, who was crowned during
the life of his father, in 1170, and is generally distinguished as _Rex
juvenis_, _Rex filius_, and sometimes they were jointly named _Reges
Angliæ_. From a passage in his chap. _De Religione_, it should seem
that the body of St. Thomas Becket was just then a new acquisition to
the church of Canterbury.
[1157] See prologue to _Wife of Bath's Tale_, v. 6137, Tyrwhitt's ed.
[1158] M. L'enfant, vid. _Hist. du Conc. de Constance_, vol. ii. p. 440.
[1159] _The Regulations and Establishments of the Houshold of Hen.
Alg. Percy, 5th Earl of Northumb._ Lond. 1770, 8vo. whereof a small
impression was printed by order of the late Duke and Duchess of
Northumberland to bestow in presents to their friends. Although begun
in 1512, some of the regulations were composed so late as 1525.
[1160] This was not so small a sum then as it may now appear; for, in
another part of this MS. the price ordered to be given for a fat ox is
but 13_s._ 4_d._ and for a lean one 8_s._
[1161] At this rate the number of plays acted must have been twenty.
[1162] Pr. at the Sun in Fleet-str. by W. de Worde, no date, b. l. 4to.
[1163] Mr. Garrick has an imperfect copy (_Old Plays_, i. vol.
iii.). Thtu Dramatis Personæ are: "The Messenger [or Prologue].
Nae re naturate. Humanytè. Studyous Desire. Sensuall Appetyte. The
Taverner. Experyence. Ygnoraunce. (Also yf ye lyste ye may brynge in
a dysgysynge.)" Afterwards follows a table of the matters handled in
the interlude; among which are: "Of certeyn conclusions prouvynge the
yerthe must nedes be rounde, and that yt is in circumference above
xxi. M. myle."----"Of certeyne points of cosmographye--and of dyvers
straunge regyons,--and of the new founde landys and the maner of the
people." This part is extremely curious, as it shews what notions were
entertained of the new American discoveries by our own countrymen.
[1164] Described in vol. ii. preface to book ii. The Dramatis Personæ
of this piece are: "Messenger, Lusty Juventus, Good Counsail,
Knowledge, Sathan the devyll, Hypocrisie, Fellowship, Abominable-lyving
[an Harlot], God's-merciful-promises."
[1165] I have also discovered some few _exeats_ and _intrats_ in the
very old interlude of the _Four Elements_.
[1166] Bp. Bale had applied the name of tragedy to his mystery of _Gods
Promises_, in 1538. In 1540 John Palsgrave, B.D., had republished a
Latin comedy, called _Acolastus_, with an English version. Holinshed
tells us (vol. iii. p. 850), that so early as 1520, the king had "a
good comedie of Plautus plaied" before him at Greenwich; but this
was in Latin, as Mr. Farmer informs us in his curious _Essay on the
Learning of Shakespeare_, 8vo. p. 31.
[1167] See _Ames_, p. 316. This play appears to have been first printed
under the name of _Gorboduc_, then under that of _Ferrex and Porrex_,
in 1569; and again under _Gorboduc_, 1590. Ames calls the first edition
quarto; Langbaine, octavo; and Tanner, 12mo.
[1168] The general reception the old moralities had upon the stage will
account for the fondness of all our first poets for allegory. Subjects
of this kind were familiar with every one.
[1169] Bp. Warburt. _Shakesp._ vol. v.
[1170] Reprinted among Dodsley's _Old Plays_, vol.i.
[1171] In some of these appeared characters full as extraordinary as in
any of the old moralities. In Ben Jonson's masque of _Christmas_, 1616,
one of the personages is Minced Pye.
[1172] The first part of which was printed in 1559.
[1173] _Catal. of Royal and Noble authors_, vol. i. p. 166-7.
[1174] This must not be confounded with the mysteries acted on Corpus
Christi Day by the Franciscans at Coventry, which were also called
Coventry Plays, and of which an account is given from T. Warton's
_Hist. of Eng. Poetry_, &c., in Malone's _Shakesp._ vol. ii. part ii.
p. 13-14.
[1175] Not 1012, as printed in Laneham's _Letter_, mentioned below.
[1176] Ro. Laneham, whose letter, containing a full description of
the shows, &c., is reprinted at large in Nichols's _Progresses of Q._
_Elizabeth_, &c., vol. i. 4to. 1788. That writer's orthography being
peculiar and affected, is not here followed.
[1177] Laneham, p. 37.
[1178] _Ibid._ p. 33.
[1179] _Ibid._
[1180] Laneham describes this play of _Hock Tuesday_, which was
"presented in an historical cue by certain good-hearted men of
Coventry" (p. 32), and which was "wont to be play'd in their citie
yearly" (p. 33), as if it were peculiar to them, terming it "their
old storial show" (p. 32). And so it might be as represented and
expressed by them "after their manner" (p. 33): although we are also
told by Bevil Higgons, that St. Brice's Eve was still celebrated by the
northern English in commemoration of this massacre of the Danes, the
women beating brass instruments, and singing old rhimes, in praise of
their cruel ancestors. See his _Short View of Eng. History_, 8vo. p.
17. (The preface is dated 1734.)
[1181] _Ibid._ p. 32.
[1182] Laneham, p. 33.
[1183] The _Rhimes_, &c., prove this play to have been in English:
whereas Mr. Tho. Warton thinks the mysteries composed before 1328 were
in Latin. Malone's _Shakesp._ vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 9.
[1184] Laneham, p. 32.
[1185] See Nichols's _Progresses_, vol. i. p. 57.
[1186] Laneham, p. 38-39. This was on Sunday evening, July 9.
[1187] _The Creation of the World_, acted at Skinner's-well in 1409.
[1188] See Stow's _Survey of London_, 1603, 4to. p. 94 (said in the
title-page to be "written in the year 1598"). See also Warton's
_Observations on Spenser_, vol. ii. p. 109.
[1189] The same distinction is continued in the second and third
folios, &c.
[1190] See Malone's _Shakesp._ vol. i. part ii. p. 31.
[1191] _Ibid._ p. 37.
[1192] _Ibid._ p. 40.
[1193] See Malone's _Shakesp._ vol. i. part ii. p. 49. Here histories,
or historical plays, are found totally to have excluded the mention of
tragedies; a proof of their superior popularity. In an order for the
King's comedians to attend King Charles I. in his summer's progress,
1636 (_ibid._ p. 144), histories are not particularly mentioned; but
so neither are tragedies: they being briefly directed to "act playes,
comedyes, and interludes, without any lett," &c.
[1194] _Ibid._ p. 139.
[1195] This is believed to be the date by Mr. Malone, vol. ii. part ii.
p. 239.
[1196] _Ibid._ p. 244.
[1197] See Malone's _Shakesp._ vol. vi. p. 427. This ingenious writer
will, with his known liberality, excuse the difference of opinion here
entertained concerning the above tradition.
[1198] He speaks in p. 492 of the playhouses in Bishopsgate-street and
on Ludgate-hill, which are not among the seventeen enumerated in the
preface to Dodsley's _Old Plays_. Nay, it appears from Rymer's MSS.
that twenty-three playhouses had been at different periods open in
London; and even six of them at one time. See Malone's _Shakesp._ vol.
i. pt. ii. p. 48.
[1199] So, I think, we may infer from the following passage, viz.: "How
many are there, who, according to their several qualities, spend 2_d._
3_d._ 4_d._ 6_d._ 12_d._ 18_d._ 2_s._ and sometimes 4_s._ or 5_s._ at a
playhouse, day by day, if coach-hire, boat-hire, tobacco, wine, beere,
and such like vaine expences, which playes doe usually occasion, be
cast into the reckoning?" Prynne's _Histriom._ p. 322.
But that tobacco was smoaked in the playhouses appears from Taylor the
Water-poet, in his _Proclamation for Tobacco's Propagation_: "Let
play-houses, drinking-schools, taverns, &c. be continually haunted with
the contaminous vapours of it; nay (if it be possible) bring it into
the churches, and there choak up their preachers." (_Works_, p. 253.)
And this was really the case at Cambridge: James I. sent a letter in
1607 against "taking Tobacco" in St. Mary's. So I learn from my friend
Dr. Farmer.
A gentleman has informed me that once, going into a church in
Holland, he saw the male part of the audience sitting with their hats
on, smoking tobacco, while the preacher was holding forth in his
morning-gown.
[1200] See the extracts above, in p. 439, from the _E. of Northumb._
_Houshold Book_.
[1201] See the Preface to Dodsley's _Old Plays_. The author of an old
invective against the stage, called _A third Blast of Retrait from
Plaies_, &c., 1580, 12mo., says: "Alas! that private affection should
so raigne in the nobilitie, that to pleasure their servants, and to
upholde them in their vanitye, they should restraine the magistrates
from executing their office!... They [the nobility] are thought to
be covetous by permitting their servants ... to live at the devotion
or almes of other men, passing from countrie to countrie, from one
gentleman's house to another, offering their service, which is a kind
of beggerie. Who indeede, to speake more trulie, are become beggers
for their servants. For comonlie the good-wil, men beare to their
Lordes, makes them draw the strings of their purses to extend their
liberalitie." Vid. p. 75, 76, &c.
[1202] Stephen Gosson, in his _Schoole of Abuse_, 1579, 12mo., fol. 23,
says thus of what he terms in his margin Players-men: "Over lashing
in apparel is so common a fault, that the very hyerlings of some of
our Players, which stand at revirsion of vi_s._ by the week, jet under
gentlemens noses in sutis of silke, exercising themselves to prating
on the stage, and common scoffing when they come abrode, where they
look askance over the shoulder at every man, of whom the Sunday before
they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though everye one that
professeth the qualitie so abused himselfe, for it is well knowen, that
some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned, honest housholders
and citizens, well-thought on among their neighbours at home." [he
seems to mean Edw. Allen above mentioned] "though the pryde of their
shadowes (I mean those hangbyes, whom they succour with stipend) cause
them to be somewhat il-talked of abroad."
In a subsequent period we have the following satirical fling at the
shewy exterior and supposed profits of the actors of that time.
Vid. Greene's _Groatsworth of Wit_, 1625, 4to.: "What is your
profession?"--"Truly, Sir, ... I am a Player." "A Player?... I took you
rather for a Gentleman of great living; for, if by outward Habit men
should be censured, I tell you, you would be taken for a substantial
man." "So I am where I dwell.... What, though the world once went hard
with me, when I was fayne to carry my playing-fardle a foot-backe:
_Tempora mutantur_ ... for my very share in playing apparrell will not
be sold for two hundred pounds.... Nay more, I can serve to make a
pretty speech, for I was a country Author, passing at a Moral," &c. See
_Roberto's Tale_, sign. D. 3. b.
[1203] So a MS. of _Oldys_, from Tom Nash, an old pamphlet-writer.
And this is confirmed by Taylor the Water-poet, in his _Praise of_
_Beggerie_, p. 99:
"Yet have I seen a beggar with his many, [sc. vermin]
Come at a play-house, all in for one penny."
[1204] So in the _Belman's Night-Walks_ by Decker, 1616, 4to. "Pay thy
two-pence to a player, in this gallery thou mayest sit by a harlot."
[1205] Induct. to Ben Jonson's _Bartholomew-fair_. An ancient satirical
piece called _The Blacke Book_, Lond. 1604, 4to., talks of "The
six-penny roomes in play-houses;" and leaves a legacy to one whom he
calls "Arch-tobacco-taker of England, in ordinaries, upon stages both
common and private."
[1206] Shakesp. Prol. to _Hen. VIII._--Beaum. and Fletch. Prol. to the
_Captain_, and to the _Mad-lover_.
[1207] This etymology hath been objected to by a very ingenious writer
(see Malone's _Shakesp._ vol. i. part ii. p. 59), who thinks it
questionable, because, in St. Mary's church at Cambridge, the area that
is under the pulpit, and surrounded by the galleries, is (_now_) called
the pit; which, he says, no one can suspect to have been a _Cockpit_,
or that a playhouse phrase could be applied to a church. But whoever
is acquainted with the licentiousness of boys, will not think it
impossible that they should thus apply a name so peculiarly expressive
of its situation: which from frequent use might at length prevail among
the senior members of the University; especially when those young men
became seniors themselves. The name of Pit, so applied at Cambridge,
must be deemed to have been a cant phrase, until it can be shewn that
the area in other churches was usually so called.
[1208] So Ste. Gosson, in his _Schoole of Abuse_, 1579, 12mo., speaking
of the players, says, "These, because they are allowed to play every
Sunday, make iiii. or v. Sundayes at least every week," fol. 24. So the
author of _A Second and Third Blast of Retrait from Plaies_, 1580,
12mo. "Let the magistrate but repel them from the libertie of plaeing
on the Sabboth-daie.... To plaie on the Sabboth is but a priviledge
of sufferance, and might with ease be repelled, were it thoroughly
followed." P. 61-62. So again: "Is not the Sabboth of al other daies
the most abused?.... Wherefore abuse not so the Sabboth-daie, my
brethren; leave not the temple of the Lord." ... "Those unsaverie
morsels of unseemelie sentences passing out of the mouth of a ruffenlie
plaier, doth more content the hungrie humors of the rude multitude, and
carrieth better rellish in their mouthes, than the bread of the worde,
&c." Vid. p. 63, 65, 69, &c. I do not recollect that exclamations of
this kind occur in Prynne, whence I conclude that this enormity no
longer subsisted in this time.
It should also seem, from the author of the _Third Blast_ above quoted,
that the churches still continued to be used occasionally for theatres.
Thus, in p. 77, he says, that the players (who, as hath been observed,
were servants of the nobility), "under the title of their maisters, or
as reteiners, are priviledged to roave abroad, and permitted to publish
their mametree in everie temple of God, and that throughout England,
unto the horrible contempt of praier."
[1209] "He entertaines us" (says Overbury in his _Character of an_
_Actor_) "in the best leasure of our life, that is, betweene meales;
the most unfit time either for study or bodily exercise." Even so late
as in the reign of Charles II. plays generally began at three in the
afternoon.
[1210] See _Biogr. Brit._ i. 117, n. D.
[1211] I say "no English actress ... on the public stage," because
Prynne speaks of it as an unusual enormity, that "they had Frenchwomen
actors in a play not long since personated in Blackfriars playhouse."
This was in 1629, vid. p. 215. And tho' female parts were performed by
men or boys on the public stage, yet in masques at Court, the Queen and
her ladies made no scruple to perform the principal parts, especially
in the reigns of James I. and Charles I.
Sir William Davenant, after the restoration, introduced women, scenery,
and higher prices. See Cibber's _Apology for his own Life_.
[1212] See _A Short Discourse on the English Stage_, subjoined to
Flecknoe's _Love's Kingdom_, 1674, 12mo.
[1213] It appears from an epigram of Taylor the Water-poet, that one
of the principal theatres in his time, viz. the Globe on the Bankside,
Southwark (which Ben Jonson calls the "Glory of the Bank, and Fort of
the whole Parish"), had been covered with thatch till it was burnt down
in 1613. (See Taylor's _Sculler_, Epig. 22, p. 31. Jonson's _Execration
on Vulcan_.)
Puttenham tells us they used vizards in his time, "partly to supply the
want of players, when there were more parts than there were persons, or
that it was not thought meet to trouble ... princes chambers with too
many folkes." [_Art of Eng. Poes._ 1589, p. 26.] From the last clause,
it should seem that they were chiefly used in the masques at Court.
[1214] Coryate's _Crudities_, 4to. 1611, p. 247.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
INDEX OF BALLADS AND POEMS IN THE FIRST VOLUME.
Adam Bell, Clym of the Clough, and William of Cloudesley, 153.
Aged Lover renounceth Love, 179.
Alcanzor and Zayda, 338.
Bryan and Pereene, 328.
Carre, Captain, 148.
Cauline, Sir, 61.
Character of a Happy Life, 317.
Chevy Chase, Ancient Ballad of, 19.
Chevy Chace, Modern Ballad of, 249.
Child of Elle, 131.
Cophetua, King, and the Beggar Maid, 189.
Corydon's Farewell to Phillis, 209.
Cupid's Pastime, 314.
Death's Final Conquest, 264.
Dowsabell, 304.
Edom o' Gordon, 140.
Edward, Edward, 82.
Estmere, King, 85.
Farewell to Love, 310.
Friar of Orders Gray, 242.
Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's Good Fortune, 238.
Gentle River, Gentle River, 331.
Gernutus, the Jew of Venice, 211.
Gilderoy, 318.
Jephthah, Judge of Israel, 182.
Jew's Daughter, 54.
Lancelot du Lake, Sir, 204.
Leir, King, and his Three Daughters, 231.
My Mind to me a Kingdom is, 294.
Northumberland (Henry, 4th Earl of), Elegy on, 117.
Northumberland betrayed by Douglas, 279.
Otterbourne, Battle of, 35.
Passionate Shepherd to his Love, 220.
Patient Countess, 298.
Rising in the North, 266.
Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne, 102.
Robyn, Jolly Robyn, 185.
Song to the Lute in Musicke, 187.
Spence, Sir Patrick, 98.
Take those Lips away, 230.
Take thy old Cloak about thee, 195.
Titus Andronicus's Complaint, 224.
Tower of Doctrine, 127.
Ulysses and the Syren, 311.
Willow, Willow, Willow, 199.
Winifreda, 323.
Witch of Wokey, 325.
Youth and Age, 237.
END OF VOLUME THE FIRST
Transcriber's Notes:
Simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors
were corrected.
Punctuation normalized.
Anachronistic and non-standard spellings retained as printed.
ERRATA on p. vii were incorporated in the document.
Italics markup is enclosed in _underscores_.
Greek text is transliterated and enclosed in #number signs#.
Anglo-Saxon uncial script is enclosed in +plus sign+.
Special Characters and Symbols.
Latin Abbreviation Large Sign Et [et]
Latin small letter heng [hj]
Latin small letter thorn with stroke [þ/]
yogh [gh]
inverted asterism [***]
triple dagger (center one reversed) [+±+]
therefore sign [···]
reversed pilcrow sign [r¶]
black right pointing index [-»]
white right pointing index [->]