Hugh the first Earl of Chester, in his charter of foundation of

St. Werburg's Abbey in that city, had granted such a privilege to

those, who should come to Chester fair, that they should not be then

apprehended for theft or any other misdemeanor, except the crime were

committed during the fair. This special protection, occasioning a

multitude of loose people to resort to that fair, was afterwards of

signal benefit to one of his successors. For Ranulph the last Earl of

Chester, marching into Wales with a slender attendance, was constrained

to retire to his castle of Rothelan (or Rhuydland) to which the Welsh

forthwith laid siege. In this distress he sent for help to the Lord De

Lacy, Constable of Chester: "Who, making use of the minstrells of all

sorts, then met at Chester fair, by the allurement of their musick,

got together a vast number of such loose people, as, by reason of the

before specified priviledge, were then in that city; whom he forthwith

sent under the conduct of Dutton (his steward)," a gallant youth, who

was also his son in law. The Welsh, alarmed at the approach of this

rabble, supposing them to be a regular body of armed and disciplined

veterans, instantly raised the siege and retired.

For this good service Ranulph is said to have granted to De Lacy by

charter the patronage and authority over the minstrels and the loose

and inferior people; who, retaining to himself that of the lower

artificers, conferred on Dutton the jurisdiction of the minstrels and

harlots:[1059] and under the descendants of this family the minstrels

enjoyed certain privileges, and protection for many ages. For even

so late as the reign of Elizabeth, when this profession had fallen

into such discredit that it was considered in law as a nuisance, the

minstrels under the jurisdiction of the family of Dutton are expressly

excepted out of all acts of parliament made for their suppression; and

have continued to be so excepted ever since.[W]

The ceremonies attending the exercise of this jurisdiction are thus

described by Dugdale[1060] as handed down to his time, viz. "That at

midsummer fair there, all the minstrels of that countrey resorting to

Chester, do attend the heir of Dutton, from his lodging to St. John's

church (he being then accompanied by many gentlemen of the countrey)

one of 'the minstrels' walking before him in a surcoat of his arms

depicted on taffata; the rest of his fellows proceeding (two and two)

and playing on their several sorts of musical instruments. And after

divine service ended, give the like attendance on him back to his

lodging; where a court being kept by his (Mr. Dutton's) Steward, and

all the minstrels formally called, certain orders and laws are usually

made for the better government of that Society, with penalties on those

who transgress."

In the same reign of K. John we have a remarkable instance of a

minstrel, who to his other talents superadded the character of

Soothsayer, and by his skill in drugs and medicated potions was able to

rescue a knight from imprisonment. This occurs in Leland's Narrative

of the Gestes of Guarine (or Warren) and his sons, which he "excerptid

owte of an old Englisch boke yn ryme,"[1061] and is as follows:

Whitington Castle, in Shropshire, which together with the coheiress

of the original proprietor had been won in a solemn turnament by

the ancestor of the Guarines,[1062] had in the reign of K. John

been seized by the Prince of Wales, and was afterwards possessed by

Morice, a retainer of that Prince, to whom the king out of hatred to

the true heir Fulco Guarine (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel

at Chess)[1063] not only confirmed the possession, but also made him

governor of the marches, of which Fulco himself had the custody in

the time of K. Richard. The Guarines demanded justice of the king,

but obtaining no gracious answer, renounced their allegiance and

fled into Bretagne. Returning into England, after various conflicts,

"Fulco resortid to one John of Raumpayne, a Sothsayer and Jocular

and Minstrelle, and made hym his spy to Morice at Whitington." The

privileges of this character we have already seen, and John so well

availed himself of them, that in consequence of the intelligence

which he doubtless procured, "Fulco, and his brethrene laide waite

for Morice, as he went toward Salesbyri, and Fulco ther woundid hym:

and Bracy" (a knight, who was their friend and assistant), "cut of

Morice['s] hedde." This sir Bracy being in a subsequent rencounter

sore wounded, was taken and brought to K. John; from whose vengeance

he was however rescued by this notable minstrel; for "John Rampayne

founde the meanes to cast them, that kepte Bracy, into a deadely

slepe; and so he and Bracy cam to Fulco to Whitington," which on the

death of Morice had been restored to him by the Prince of Wales. As

no further mention occurs of the minstrel, I might here conclude this

narrative; but I shall just add, that Fulco was obliged to flee into

France, where assuming the name of Sir Amice, he distinguished himself

in justs and turnaments; and, after various romantic adventures by sea

and land (having in the true stile of chivalry rescued "certayne ladies

owt of prison"), he finally obtained the king's pardon, and the quiet

possession of Whitington Castle.

In the reign of K. Henry III. we have mention of Master Richard the

King's harper, to whom in his 36th year (1252) that monarch gave not

only forty shillings, and a pipe of wine, but also a pipe of wine to

Beatrice his wife.[1064] The title of _magister_, or master, given to

this minstrel deserves notice, and shews his respectable situation.

* * * * *

V. The harper, or minstrel, was so necessary an attendant on a royal

personage, that Prince Edward (afterwards K. Edward I.) in his Crusade

to the Holy Land, in 1271, was not without his harper, who must have

been officially very near his person, as we are told by a contemporary

historian[1065] that, in the attempt to assassinate that heroic prince,

when he had wrested the poisoned knife out of the Sarazen's hand and

killed him with his own weapon, the attendants, who had stood apart

while he was whispering to their master, hearing the struggle, ran

to his assistance, and one of them, to wit his harper, seizing a

tripod or trestle, struck the assassin on the head and beat out his

brains.[1066] And though the Prince blamed him for striking the man

after he was dead, yet his near access shews the respectable situation

of this officer; and his affectionate zeal should have induced Edward

to entreat his brethren the Welsh Bards afterwards with more lenity.

Whatever was the extent of this great monarch's severity towards the

professors of music and of song in Wales; whether the executing by

martial law such of them as fell into his hands was only during the

heat of conflict, or was continued afterwards with more systematic

rigor;[1067] yet in his own court the minstrels appear to have

been highly favoured; for when, in 1306, he conferred the order of

knighthood on his son, and many others of the young nobility, a

multitude of minstrels were introduced to invite and induce the new

knights to make some military vow.[X] And

Under the succeeding reign of K. Edward II. such extensive privileges

were claimed by these men, and by dissolute persons assuming their

character, that it became a matter of public grievance, and was

obliged to be reformed by an express regulation in A.D. 1315.[Y]

Notwithstanding which, an incident is recorded in the ensuing year,

which shews that minstrels still retained the liberty of entering at

will into the royal presence, and had something peculiarly splendid in

their dress. It is thus related by Stow.[Z]

"In the year 1316, Edward the second did solemnize his feast of

Pentecost at Westminster, in the great hall: where sitting royally at

the table with his peers about him, there entered a woman _adorned

like a minstrel_, sitting on a great horse trapped, _as minstrels_

_then used_; who rode round about the tables, shewing pastime; and at

length came up to the king's table, and laid before him a letter, and

forthwith turning her horse saluted every one and departed."----The

subject of this letter was a remonstrance to the king on the favours

heaped by him on his minions, to the neglect of his knights and

faithful servants.

The privileged character of a minstrel was employed on this occasion,

as sure of gaining an easy admittance; and a female the rather deputed

to assume it, that in case of detection, her sex might disarm the

king's resentment. This is offered on a supposition, that she was

not a real minstrel; for there should seem to have been women of this

profession,[Aa] as well as of the other sex; and no accomplishment is

so constantly attributed to females, by our ancient bards, as their

singing to and playing on the harp.[Aa2]

In the fourth year of K. Richard II. John of Gaunt erected at Tutbury

in Staffordshire, a court of minstrels, similar to that annually kept

at Chester (p. 363), and which, like a Court-Leet or Court-Baron, had

a legal jurisdiction, with full power to receive suit and service from

the men of this profession within five neighbouring countries, to enact

laws, and determine their controversies; and to apprehend and arrest

such of them as should refuse to appear at the said court, annually

held on the 16th of August. For this they had a charter by which they

were empowered to appoint a king of the minstrels, with four officers

to preside over them.[Bb] These were every year elected with great

ceremony; the whole form of which as observed in 1680, is described by

Dr. Plott:[1068] in whose time however they appear to have lost their

singing talents, and to have confined all their skill to "wind and

string music."[1069]

The minstrels seem to have been in many respects upon the same footing

as the heralds; and the king of the minstrels, like the king at arms,

was both here and on the Continent an usual officer in the courts of

princes. Thus we have in the reign of K. Edward I. mention of a King

Robert, and others. And in 16 Edw. II. is a grant to William de Morlee

"the king's Minstrel, stiled _Roy de North_,"[1070] of houses which had

belonged to another king, John le Boteler.[Bb2] Rymer hath also printed

a licence granted by K. Richard II. in 1387, to John Caumz, the king of

his minstrels, to pass the seas, recommending him to the protection and

kind treatment of all his subjects and allies.[1071]

In the subsequent reign of K. Henry IV. we meet with no particulars

relating to the minstrels in England, but we find in the Statute Book

a severe law passed against their brethren the Welsh bards; whom our

ancestors could not distinguish from their own _Rimours, Ministralx_;

for by these names they describe them.[Bb3] This act plainly shews

that far from being extirpated by the rigorous policy of K. Edward I.,

this order of men were still able to alarm the English government,

which attributed to them "many diseases and mischiefs in Wales," and

prohibited their meetings and contributions.

When his heroic son K. Henry V. was preparing his great voyage for

France in 1415, an express order was given for his minstrels, fifteen

in number, to attend him:[1072] and eighteen are afterwards mentioned,

to each of whom he allowed xii_d._ a day, when that sum must have been

of more than ten times the value it is at present.[1073] Yet when he

entered London in triumph after the battle of Agincourt, he, from a

principle of humility, slighted the pageants and verses which were

prepared to hail his return; and, as we are told by Holinshed,[1074]

would not suffer "any Dities to be made and song by minstrels, of

his glorious victorie; for that he would whollie have the praise and

thankes altogether given to God."[Bb4] But this did not proceed from

any disregard for the professors of music or of song; for at the feast

of Pentecost which he celebrated in 1416, having the Emperor and the

Duke of Holland for his guests, he ordered rich gowns for sixteen of

his minstrels, of which the particulars are preserved by Rymer.[1075]

And having before his death orally granted an annuity of 100 shillings

to each of his minstrels, the grant was confirmed in the first year

of his son K. Henry VI., A.D. 1423, and payment ordered out of the

Exchequer.[1076]

The unfortunate reign of K. Henry VI. affords no occurrences respecting

our subject; but in his 34th year, A.D. 1456, we have in Rymer[1077] a

commission for impressing boys or youths, to supply vacancies by death

among the king's minstrels; in which it is expressly directed that they

shall be elegant in their limbs, as well as instructed in the minstrel

art, wherever they can be found, for the solace of his Majesty.

In the following reign, K. Edward IV. (in his 9th year, 1469) upon

a complaint that certain rude husbandmen and artificers of various

trades had assumed the title and livery of the king's minstrels, and

under that colour and pretence had collected money in diverse parts of

the kingdom and committed other disorders, the king grants to Walter

Haliday, Marshal, and to seven others his own minstrels whom he names,

a charter,[1078] by which he creates, or rather restores a fraternity

or perpetual Gild (such, as he understands, the brothers and sisters

of the fraternity of minstrels had in times past) to be governed by a

Marshal appointed for life and by two wardens to be chosen annually;

who are impowered to admit brothers and sisters into the said Gild, and

are authorized to examine the pretensions of all such as affected to

exercise the minstrel profession; and to regulate, govern, and punish

them throughout the realm (those of Chester excepted).--This seems to

have some resemblance to the Earl Marshal's Court among the heralds,

and is another proof of the great affinity and resemblance which the

minstrels bore to the members of the College of Arms.

It is remarkable that Walter Haliday, whose name occurs as marshal in

the foregoing charter, had been retained in the service of the two

preceding monarchs, K. Henry V.[1079] and VI.;[1080] nor is this the

first time he is mentioned as marshal of the king's minstrels, for in

the third year of this reign, 1464, he had a grant from K. Edward of

ten marks per annum during life directed to him with that title.[1081]

But besides their marshal, we have also in this reign mention of a

Sergeant of the minstrels, who upon a particular occasion was able

to do his royal master a singular service, wherein his confidential

situation and ready access to the king at all hours is very apparent;

for "as he [K. Edward IV.] was in the north contray in the monneth of

Septembre, as he lay in his bedde, one namid Alexander Carlile, that

was _Sariaunt of the Mynstrellis_, cam to him in grete hast, and badde

hym aryse for he hadde enemyes cummyng for to take him, the which

were within vi. or vii. mylis, of the which tydinges the king gretely

marveylid, &c."[1082] This happened in the same year, 1469, wherein

the king granted or confirmed the charter for the fraternity or Gild

above-mentioned; yet this Alexander Carlisle is not one of the eight

minstrels to whom that charter is directed.[1083]

The same charter was renewed by K. Henry VIII. in 1520, to John Gilman

his then marshal, and to seven others his minstrels;[1084] and on

the death of Gilman he granted in 1529 this office of Marshal of his

minstrels to Hugh Wodehouse,[1085] whom I take to have borne the office

of his serjeant over them.[1086]

* * * * *

VI. In all the establishments of royal and noble households, we find

an ample provision made for the minstrels; and their situation to have

been both honourable and lucrative. In proof of this it is sufficient

to refer to the Household Book of the Earl of Northumberland, A.D.

1512.[Cc] And the rewards they received so frequently recur in ancient

writers that it is unnecessary to crowd the page with them here.[Cc2]

The name of minstrel seems however to have been gradually appropriated

to the musician only, especially in the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries; yet we occasionally meet with applications of the term in

its more enlarged meaning as including the singer, if not the composer

of heroic or popular rhymes.[1087]

In the time of K. Henry VIII. we find it to have been a common

entertainment to hear verses recited, or moral speeches learned for

that purpose, by a set of men who got their livelihood by repeating

them, and who intruded without ceremony into all companies; not only in

taverns, but in the houses of the nobility themselves. This we learn

from Erasmus, whose argument led him only to describe a species of

these men who _did not sing_ their compositions; but the others that

_did_, enjoyed without doubt the same privileges.[Dd]

For even long after, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was usual

"in places of assembly" for the company to be "desirous to heare of

old adventures and valiaunces of noble knights in times past, as

those of king Arthur, and his knights of the round table, Sir Bevys

of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke and others like" in "short and long

meetres, and by breaches or divisions (sc. Fits)[1088] to be more

commodiously sung to the harpe," as the reader may be informed by a

courtly writer in 1589.[1089] Who himself had "written for pleasure

a litle brief romance or historicall ditty ... of the Isle of Great

Britaine" in order to contribute to such entertainment. And he subjoins

this caution: "Such as have not premonition hereof" (viz. that his

poem was written in short metre, &c. to be sung to the harpe in such

places of assembly), "and consideration of the causes alledged, would

peradventure reprove and disgrace every romance, or short historicall

ditty for that they be not written in long meeters or verses

Alexandrins," which constituted the prevailing versification among the

poets or that age, and which no one now can endure to read.

And that the recital of such romances sung to the harp was at that time

the delight of the common people, we are told by the same writer,[1090]

who mentions that "common rimers" were fond of using rimes at short

distances, "in small and popular musickes song by these Cantabanqui"

(the said common rimers) "upon benches and barrels heads," &c. "or

else by blind harpers or such like Taverne minstrels that give a

fit of mirth for a groat; and their matter being for the most part

stories of old time, as the Tale of Sir Topas, the reportes of Bevis

of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke, Adam Bell, and Clymme of the Clough,

and such other old romances, or historicall rimes," &c. "also they be

used in carols and rounds, and such light or lascivious poemes, which

are commonly more commodiously uttered by these buffons, or vices

in playes, then by any other person. Such were the rimes of Skelton

(usurping the name of a poet laureat) being in deede but a rude

railing rimer, and all his doings ridiculous."[1091]

But although we find here that the minstrels had lost much of their

dignity, and were sinking into contempt and neglect: yet that they

still sustained a character far superior to anything we can conceive at

present of the singers of old ballads, I think, may be inferred from

the following representation.

When Queen Elizabeth was entertained at Killingworth Castle by the Earl

of Leicester in 1575, among the many devices and pageants which were

contrived for her entertainment, one of the personages introduced was

to have been that of an ancient minstrel: whose appearance and dress

are so minutely described by a writer there present,[1092] and give us

so distinct an idea of the character, that I shall quote the passage at

large.[Ee]

"A person very meet seemed he for the purpose, of a xlv years old,

apparelled partly as he would himself. His cap off; his head seemly

rounded Tonsler wise:[1093] fair kembed, that with a sponge daintily

dipt in a little capon's greace was finely smoothed, to make it shine

like a mallard's wing. His beard smugly shaven: and yet his shirt after

the new trink, with ruffs fair starched, sleeked and glistering like

a pair of new shoes, marshalled in good order with a setting stick,

and strut, that every ruff stood up like a wafer. A side (_i.e._ long)

gown of Kendal green, after the freshness of the year now, gathered at

the neck with a narrow gorget, fastened afore with a white clasp and

a keeper close up to the chin; but easily, for heat to undo when he

list. Seemly begirt in a red caddis girdle: from that a pair of capped

Sheffield knives hanging a' two sides. Out of his bosom drawn forth a

lappet of his napkin[1094] edged with a blue lace, and marked with a

true love, a heart, and a D for Damian, for he was but a batchelor yet.

"His gown had side (_i.e._ long) sleeves down to mid-leg, slit from the

shoulder to the hand, and lined with white cotton. His doublet-sleeves

of black worsted: upon them a pair of poynets[1095] of tawny chamlet

laced along the wrist with blue threaden points, a wealt towards the

hand of fustian-a-napes. A pair of red neather stocks. A pair of pumps

on his feet, with a cross cut at the toes for corns: not new indeed,

yet cleanly blackt with soot, and shining as a shoing horn.

"About his neck a red ribband suitable to his girdle. His harp in

good grace dependent before him. His wrest[1096] tyed to a green lace

and hanging by. Under the gorget of his gown a fair flaggon chain

(pewter,[1097] for) silver, as a squire minstrel of Middlesex, that

travelled the country this summer season, unto fairs and worshipful

mens houses. From his chain hung a scutcheon, with metal and colour,

resplendant upon his breast, of the ancient arms of Islington."

This minstrel is described as belonging to that village. I suppose

such as were retained by noble families wore the arms of their patrons

hanging down by a silver chain as a kind of badge.[1098] From the

expression of squire minstrel above, we may conclude there were other

inferior orders, as yeomen minstrels or the like.

This minstrel, the author tells us a little below, "after three lowly

courtsies, cleared his voice with a hem ... and ... wiped his lips with

the hollow of his hand for 'filing his napkin, tempered a string or two

with his wrest, and after a little warbling on his harp for a prelude,

came forth with a solemn song, warranted for story out of King Arthur's

acts, &c." This song the reader will find printed in this work, vol.

iii. book i. No. 3.

Towards the end of the sixteenth century this class of men had lost

all credit, and were sunk so low in the public opinion, that in the

39th year of Elizabeth,[1099] a statute was passed by which "minstrels,

wandering abroad," were included among "rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy

beggars," and were adjudged to be punished as such. This act seems to

have put an end to the profession.[Ee2]

* * * * *

VII. I cannot conclude this account of the ancient English minstrels,

without remarking that they are most of them represented to have

been of the North of England. There is scarce an old historical

song or ballad [Ff] wherein a minstrel or harper appears, but he

is characterized by way of eminence to have been "of the North

countreye:"[1100] and, indeed, the prevalence of the Northern dialect

in such compositions shews that this representation is real.[1101] On

the other hand, the scene of the finest Scottish ballads is laid in

the south of Scotland; which should seem to have been peculiarly the

nursery of Scottish minstrels. In the old song of Maggy Lawder, a piper

is asked, by way of distinction, "Come ye frae the Border?"[1102]

The martial spirit constantly kept up and exercised near the frontier

of the two kingdoms, as it furnished continual subjects for their

songs, so it inspired the inhabitants of the adjacent counties on both

sides with the powers of poetry. Besides, as our southern metropolis

must have been ever the scene of novelty and refinement, the northern

countries, as being most distant, would preserve their ancient manners

longest, and, of course, the old poetry, in which those manners are

peculiarly described.

The reader will observe in the more ancient ballads of this collection,

a cast of style and measure very different from that of contemporary

poets of a higher class; many phrases and idioms, which the minstrels

seem to have appropriated to themselves, and a very remarkable licence

of varying the accent of words at pleasure, in order to humour the

flow of the verse, particularly in the rhimes; as

_Countrìe_ _harpèr_ _battèl_ _mornìng_

_Ladìe_ _singèr_ _damsèl_ _lovìng_,

instead of _coùntry_, _làdy_, _hàrper_, _sìnger_, &c. This liberty

is but sparingly assumed by the classical poets of the same age; or

even by the latter composers of heroical ballads, I mean by such as

professedly wrote for the press. For it is to be observed, that so long

as the minstrels subsisted, they seem never to have designed their

rhymes for literary publication, and probably never committed them to

writing themselves; what copies are preserved of them were doubtless

taken down from their mouths. But as the old minstrels gradually wore

out, a new race of ballad-writers succeeded, an inferior sort of minor

poets, who wrote narrative songs merely for the press. Instances of

both may be found in the reign of Elizabeth. The two latest pieces in

the genuine strain of the old minstrelsy that I can discover are No. 3

and 4 of book iii. in this volume. Lower than these I cannot trace the

old mode of writing.

The old minstrel ballads are in the northern dialect, abound with

antique words and phrases, are extremely incorrect, and run into the

utmost licence of metre; they have also a romantic wildness, and are

in the true spirit of chivalry. The other sort are written in exacter

measure, have a low or subordinate correctness, sometimes bordering

on the insipid, yet often well adapted to the pathetic; these are

generally in the southern dialect, exhibit a more modern phraseology,

and are commonly descriptive of more modern manners. To be sensible of

the difference between them, let the reader compare in this volume No.

3 of book iii. with No. 11 of book ii.

Towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign (as is mentioned above), the

genuine old minstrelsy seems to have been extinct, and henceforth the

ballads that were produced were wholly of the latter kind, and these

came forth in such abundance that in the reign of James I. they began

to be collected into little miscellanies, under the name of Garlands,

and at length to be written purposely for such collections. [Ff2]

* * * * *

P.S. By way of postscript should follow here the discussion of

the question whether the term Minstrels was applied in English to

singers and composers of songs, &c. or confined to musicians only.

But it is reserved for the concluding note.[Gg]

THE END OF THE ESSAY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1031] The larger Notes and Illustrations referred to by the capital

letters [A] [B] &c. are thrown together to the end of this essay.

[1032] Wedded to no hypothesis, the author hath readily corrected any

mistakes which have been _proved_ to be in this essay; and considering

the novelty of the subject, and the time and place when and where he

first took it up, many such had been excusable.--That the term Minstrel

was not confined, as some contend, to a meer musician in this country,

any more than on the Continent, will be considered more fully in the

last note [Gg] at the end of this essay.

[1033] Vid. Pelloutier, _Hist. des Celtes_, tom. i. l. 2. c. 6. 10.

[1034] _Tacit. de Mor. Germ._ cap. 2.

[1035] Vid. _Bartholin. de Causis contemptæ a Danis mortis_, lib. 1.

cap. 10.--_Wormij Literatura Runic._ ad finem.--See also _Northern_

_Antiquities, or, A Description of the Manners, Customs, &c. of the_

_ancient Danes and other northern nations: from the French of M._

_Mallet_. London, printed for T. Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo.

[1036] _Torfæi Præfat. ad Orcad. Hist._--Pref. to _Five pieces of

Runic Poetry_, &c.

[1037] Vid. _Chronic. Saxon. à Gibson._ pp. 12, 13, 4to.--_Bed. Hist._

_Eccles. à Smith_, lib. 1, c. 15.--"Ealdsexe [Regio antiq. Saxonum] in

cervice Cimbricæ Chersonesi, Holsatiam proprie dictam, Dithmarsiam,

Stormariam, et Wagriam, complectens."--_Annot. in Bed. à Smith_, p.

52. Et vid. _Camdeni Britan_.

[1038] "Anglia Vetus, hodie etiam Anglen, sita est inter Saxones et

Giotes [Jutos], habens oppidum capitale ... Sleswick."--_Ethelwerd_,

lib. 1.

[1039] See _Northern Antiquities_, &c. vol i. pp. 7, 8, 185, 259, 260,

261.

[1040] See _Northern Antiquities_, Preface, p. xxvi.

[1041] See Rapin's _Hist._ (by Tindal, fol. 1732, vol. i. p. 36) who

places the incident here related under the year 495.

[1042] By Bale and Spelman. See Note [M].

[1043] _Ibid._

[1044] _Anno_ 938. Vid. Rapin, &c.

[1045] So I think the name should be printed, rather then Anlaff, the

more usual form (the same traces of the letters express both names

in MS.), Aulaff being evidently the genuine northern name Olaff, or

Olave. Lat. Olaus. In the old Romance of _Horn-Childe_ (see vol. iii.

Appendix), the name of the king his father is Allof, which is evidently

Ollaf, with the vowels only transposed.

[1046] Rollo was invested in his new duchy of Normandy, A.D. 912.

William invaded England, A.D. 1066.

[1047] Vid. _Hist. des Troubadours_, 3 tom. passim, & vid. _Fableaux

ou Contes du XII. & du XIII. Siécle, traduits, &c. avec des Notes

historiques & critiques, &c._ par M. le Grand. Paris, 1781, 5 tom.

12mo.

[1048] See Notes [B] and [Aa]

[1049] See a pathetic song of his in Mr. Walpole's _Catalogue of

Royal Authors_, vol. i. p. 5. The reader will find a translation of

it into modern French, in _Hist. littéraire des Troubadours_, 1774, 3

tom. 12mo. See vol. i. (p. 58) where some more of Richard's poetry is

translated. In Dr. Burney's _Hist. of Music_, vol. ii. p. 238, is a

poetical version of it in English.

[1050] Mons. Favine's _Theatre of Honour and Knighthood_, translated

from the French. London, 1623, fol. tom. ii. p. 49. An elegant relation

of the same event (from the French of Presid. Fauchet's _Recueil_, &c.)

may be seen in _Miscellanies in prose and verse_: by Anna Williams,

London, 1766, 4to. p. 46. It will excite the reader's admiration to be

informed that most of the pieces of that collection were composed under

the disadvantage of a total deprivation of sight.

[1051] Favine's words are, "Jongleur appellé Blondiaux de Nesle,"

Paris, 1620, _4to_. p. 1106. But Fauchet, who has given the same

story, thus expresses it, "Or ce roy ayant nourri un Menestrel appellé

Blondel, &c." liv. 2, p. 92. _Des anciens Poëtes François._ He is

however said to have been another Blondel, not Blondel (or Blondiaux)

de Nesle: but this no way affects the circumstances of the story.

[1052] This the author calls in another place, _An ancient MS. of old_

_Poesies, written about those very times_. From this MS. Favine gives a

good account of the taking of Richard by the duke of Austria, who sold

him to the emperor. As for the MS. chronicle, it is evidently the same

that supplied Fauchet with this story. See his _Recueil de l'Origine de

la Langue & Poesie Françoise, Ryme, & Romans, &c._ Par. 1581.

[1053] Tribales. "Retrudi eum præcepit in Triballis: a quo carcere

nullus ante dies istos exivit."--_Lat. Chron. of Otho of Austria_: apud

Favin.

[1054] _Comme Menestrels s'accointent legerement._--Favine. (Fauchet

expresses it in the same manner.)

[1055] I give this passage corrected, as the English translator of

Favine's book appeared here to have mistaken the original:--Scil. "Et

quant Blondel eut dit la moitie de la Chanson, le Roy Richart se prist

a dire l'autre moitie et l'acheva."--FAVINE, p. 1106. Fauchet has also

expressed it in nearly the same words. _Recueil_, p. 93.

[1056] In a little romance or novel, intitled, _La Tour Tenebreuse, et_

_les Jours lumineux, Contes Angloises, accompagnez d'Historiettes, &_

_tirez a'une ancienne Chronique composee par Richard, surnomme Coeur

de Lion, Roy d'Angleterre, &c._ Paris, 1705, 12mo. In the Preface to

this Romance the editor has given another song of Blondel de Nesle, as

also a copy of the song written by K. Richard, and published by Mr.

Walpole, mentioned above (in Note [1049], p. 357), yet the two last are

not in Provençal like the sonnet printed here; but in the old French,

called _Langage Roman_.

[1057] The words of the original, viz. "Citharisator homo jocosus in

Gestis antiquorum valde peritus," I conceive to give the precise idea

of the ancient minstrel. See Note [V2]. That Gesta was appropriated to

romantic stories, see Note [I], Part IV. (i.)

[1058] See Dugdale (Bar. i. 42, 101), who places it after 13 John, A.D.

1212. See also Plot's _Staffordsh._ Camden's _Britann._ (Cheshire).

[1059] See the ancient record in Blount's _Law Dictionary_. (Art.

Minstrel.)

[1060] _Ibid._ p. 101.

[1061] Leland's _Collectanea_, vol. i. p. 261, 266, 267.

[1062] This old feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who

should vanquish all his opponents in solemn contest, &c. appears to be

burlesqued in the _Turnament of Totenham_ (see vol. ii. book i. No. 4),

as is well observed by the learned author of _Remarks_, &c. in _Gent.

Mag._ for July, 1794, p. 613.

[1063] "John, sun to K. Henry, and Fulco felle at variance at

Chestes [r. Chesse]; and John brake Fulco[s] hed with the Chest

borde: and then Fulco gave him such a blow, that he had almost

killid hym."--Lel. _Coll._ 1, p. 264. A curious picture of courtly

manners in that age! Notwithstanding this fray, we read in the next

paragraph, that "K. Henry dubbid Fulco & 3 of his bretherne knightes at

Winchester."--_Ibid._

[1064] Burney's _Hist._ ii. p. 355. Rot. Pip. An. 36, H. 3. "Et in uno

dolio vini empto & dato Magistro Ricardo Citharistæ Regis, xl sol. per

br. Reg. Et in uno dolio empto & dato Beatrici uxori ejusdem Ricardi."

[1065] Walter Hemmingford (_vixit temp._ Edw. I.) in Chronic. cap. 35,

inter _V. Hist. Ang. Scriptores_, vol. ii. Oxon. 1687, fol. p. 591.

[1066] "Accurrentes ad hæc Ministri ejus, qui a longe steterunt,

invenerunt eum (scil. Nuntium) in terra mortuum, et apprehendit unus

eorum tripodem, scilicet Cithareda suus & percussit eum in capite, et

effundit cerebrum ejus. Increpavitque eum Edwardus quod hominem mortuum

percussisset."--_Ibid._ These _ministri_ must have been upon a very

confidential footing, as it appears above in the same chapter that they

had been made acquainted with the contents of the letters, which the

assassin had delivered to the prince from his master.

[1067] See Gray's _Ode_: and the Hist. of the Gwedir Family in

_Miscellanies by the Hon. Daines Barrington_, 1781, 4to. p. 386; who

in the laws, &c. of this monarch could find no instances of severity

against the Welsh. See his _Observations on the Statutes_, 4to. 4th

edit. p. 358.

[1068] _Hist. of Staffordshire_, Ch. 10, Section 69-76, p. 433, & seqq.

of which see extracts in Sir J. Hawkins's _Hist. of Music_, vol. ii. p.

64, and Dr. Burney's _Hist._ vol. ii. p. 360 & seqq.

N.B. The barbarous diversion of Bull-running was no part of the

original institution, &c. as is fully proved by the Rev. Dr. Pegge in

_Archæologia_, vol. ii. No. xiii. p. 86.

[1069] See the charge given by the steward, at the time of the

election, in Plot's _Hist._ ubi supra; and in Hawkins, p. 67, Burney,

p. 363-4.

[1070] So among the heralds _Norrey_ was anciently stiled _Roy d'Armes_

_de North_ (Anstis, ii. 300). And the kings at armes in general were

originally called _Reges Heraldorum_ (_Ibid._ 302), as these were

_Reges Minstrallorum_.

[1071] Rymer's, _Fædera_, tom. vii. p. 555.

[1072] Rymer, ix. 255.

[1073] _Ibid._ p. 260.

[1074] See his _Chronicle_, sub anno 1415 (p. 1170). He also gives

this other instance of the king's great modesty, "that he would not

suffer his helmet to be carried with him, and shewed to the people,

that they might behold the dintes and cuttes, whiche appeared in the

same, of such blowes and stripes, as hee received the daye of the

battell."--_Ibid._ Vid. T. de Elmham, c. 29, p. 72.

The prohibition against vain and secular songs would probably not

include that inserted in our 2nd vol. No. v. which would be considered

as a hymn. The original notes may be seen reduced and set to score

in Mr. Stafford Smith's _Collection of English Songs for 3 and 4

voices_, and in Dr. Burney's _Hist. of Music_, ii. p. 384.

[1075] T. ix. 336.

[1076] _Ibid._ x. 287. They are mentioned by name, being _ten_ in

number: one of them was named Thomas Chatterton.

[1077] Tom. xi. 375.

[1078] See it in Rymer, t. xi. 642, and in Sir J. Hawkins, vol. iv. p.

366, note. The above charter is recited in letters patent of K. Charles

I. 15 July (11 Anno Regni) for a corporation of musicians, &c. in

Westminster, which may be seen, _ibid._

[1079] Rymer, ix. 255.

[1080] _Ibid._ xi. 375.

[1081] Rymer, xi. 512.

[1082] Here unfortunately ends a curious fragment (an. 9, E. IV.), ad

calcem _Sprotti Chron._ Ed. Hearne, Oxon. 1719, 8vo. Vid. T. Warton's

_Hist._ ii. p. 134, note [C].

[1083] Rymer, xi. 642.

[1084] _Ibid._ xiii. 705.

[1085] _Ibid._ xiv. 2. 93.

[1086] So I am inclined to understand the term Serviens noster Hugo

Wodehous, in the original Grant (see Rymer, _ubi supra_). It is

needless to observe that _Serviens_ expressed a serjeant as well as

a servant. If this interpretation of _Serviens_ be allowed, it will

account for his placing Wodehouse at the head of his Gild, although

he had not been one of the eight minstrels who had had the general

direction. The serjeant of his minstrells, we may presume, was next in

dignity to the marshal, although he had no share in the government of

the Gild.

[1087] See below, and Note [Gg].

[1088] See vol. ii. book 2, No. 10.

[1089] Puttenham in his _Arte of English Poesie_, 1589, 4to. p. 33. See

the quotation in its proper order in vol ii. book ii. No. 10.

[1090] _Ibid._ p. 69. See vol. ii. book 2, No. 10.

[1091] Puttenham, &c. p. 69.

[1092] See a very curious "Letter: whearin, part of the entertainment

untoo the Queenz Maiesty, at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer,

in this soomerz Progress 1575, iz signified," &c. bl. l. 4to. vid. p.

46, & seqq. (Printed in Nichols's _Collection of Queen Elizabeth's

Progresses_, &c. in 2 vols. 4to.) We have not followed above the

peculiar and affected orthography of this writer, who was named Ro.

Laneham, or rather Langham.

[1093] I suppose "Tonsure-wise," after the manner of the monks.

[1094] _i.e._ handkerchief. So in Shakspear's _Othello_, passim.

[1095] Perhaps, points.

[1096] The key, or screw, with which he tuned his harp.

[1097] The reader will remember that this was not a real minstrel, but

only one personating that character; his ornaments therefore were only

such as _outwardly_ represented those of a real minstrel.

[1098] As the house of Northumberland had anciently three minstrels

attending on them in their castles in Yorkshire, so they still retain

three in their service in Northumberland, who wear the badge of the

family (a silver crescent on the right arm), and are thus distributed;

_viz._ one for the barony of Prudhoe, and two for the barony of

Rothbury. These attend the court leets and fairs held for the Lord, and

pay their annual suit and service at Alnwick castle; their instrument

being the ancient Northumberland bagpipe (very different in form and

execution from that of the Scots, being smaller; and blown, not with

the breath, but with a small pair of bellows).

This, with many other venerable customs of the ancient Lord Percys, was

revived by their illustrious representatives the late Duke and Dutchess

of Northumberland.

[1099] Anno Dom. 1597. Vid. _Pult. Stat._ p. 1110, 39 Eliz.

[1100] See this vol. Song 6, v. 156, 180, &c.

[1101] Giraldus Cambrensis, writing in the reign of K. Henry II.

mentions a very extraordinary habit or propensity, which then prevailed

in the north of England, beyond the Humber, for "symphonious harmony,"

or singing "in two parts, the one murmuring in the base, and the other

warbling in the acute or treble." (I use Dr. Burney's version, vol.

ii. p. 108.) This he describes as practised by their very children

from the cradle; and he derives it from the Danes (so _Daci_ signifies

in our old writers) and Norwegians, who long over-ran and in effect

new-peopled the northern parts of England, where alone this manner of

singing prevailed. (Vide _Cambriae Descriptio_, cap. 13, and in Burney,

_ubi supra_.) Giraldus is probably right as to the origin or derivation

of this practise, for the Danish and Icelandic scalds had carried the

arts of poetry and singing to great perfection at the time the Danish

settlements were made in the north. And it will also help to account

for the superior skill and fame of our northern minstrels and harpers

afterwards: who had preserved and transmitted the arts of their scaldic

ancestors. See _Northern Antiquities_, vol. i. c. 13, p. 386, and _Five

pieces of Runic poetry_, 1763, 8vo. Compare the original passage in

Giraldus, as given by Sir John Hawkins, i. 408, and by Dr. Burney,

ii. 108, who are both at a loss to account for this peculiarity, and

therefore doubt the fact. The credit of Giraldus, which hath been

attacked by some partial and bigotted antiquaries, the reader will find

defended in that learned and curious work, _Antiquities of Ireland_, by

Edward Ledwich, LL.D. &c. Dublin, 1790, 4to. p. 207, & seqq.

[1102] This line being quoted from memory, and given as old Scottish

poetry, would have been readily corrected by the copy published

in _Scottish Songs_, 1794, 2 vols. 12mo. i. p. 267, thus (though

apparently corrupted from the Scottish idiom):

"Live you upo' the Border?"

had not all confidence been destroyed by its being altered in the

_Historical Essay_, prefixed to that publication (p. cx.) to

"Ye live upo' the Border,"

the better to favour a position, that many of the pipers "might live

upon the border, for the conveniency of attending fairs, &c. in both

kingdoms." But whoever is acquainted with that part of England knows

that on the English frontier rude mountains and barren wastes reach

almost across the island, scarcely inhabited by any but solitary

shepherds; many of whom durst not venture into the opposite border on

account of the ancient feuds and subsequent disputes concerning the

Debatable Lands, which separated the boundaries of the two kingdoms,

as well as the estates of the two great families of Percy and Douglas;

till these disputes were settled, not many years since, by arbitration

between the _present_ Lord Douglas, and the _late_ Duke and Dutchess of

Northumberland.

[Illustration]

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS

REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING ESSAY.

[A] [_The Minstrels, &c._]

The word _minstrel_ does not appear to have been in use here before

the Norman Conquest: whereas it had long before that time been adopted

in France.[1103] Menestrel, so early as the eighth century, was a

title given to the _Maestro di Capella_ of K. Pepin, the father of

Charlemagne; and afterwards to the Coryphæus, or leader of any band

of musicians (v. Burney's _Hist. of Music_, ii. 268). This term

_menestrel_, _menestrier_ was thus expressed in Latin, _ministellus_,

_ministrellus_, _ministrallus_, _menesterellus_, &c. (Vid. _Gloss. Du

Cange_, and Supplement.)

Menage derives the French words above mentioned from _ministerialis_

or _ministeriarius_, barbarous Latin terms, used in the middle ages to

express a workman or artificer (still called in Languedoc _ministral_),

as if these men were styled artificers or performers by way of

excellence (vid. _Diction. Etym._) But the origin of the name is given

perhaps more truly by Du Cange, "Ministelli ... quos vulgo _menestreux_

vel _menestriers_ appellamus, quod minoribus aulæ _ministris_

accenserentur." (_Gloss._ iv. p. 769.) Accordingly, we are told, the

word "_minister_" is sometimes used "pro _ministellus_" (_Ibid._),

and an instance is produced which I shall insert at large in the next

paragraph.

Minstrels sometimes assisted at divine service, as appears from the

record of the ninth of Edw. IV. quoted above in p. 371 by which

Haliday and others are erected into a perpetual Gild, &c. See the

original in _Rymer_, xi. 642. By part of this record it is recited to

be their duty to pray (_exorare_: which it is presumed they did by

assisting in the chant, and musical accompaniment, &c.) The same also

appears from the passage in the Supplem. to Du Cange, alluded to above.

"Minister ... pro _Ministellus_ Joculator[1104]--Vetus ceremoniale MS.

B. M. deauratæ Tolos. Item, etiam congregabuntur Piscatores, qui debent

interesse isto die in processione cum _Ministris_ seu Joculatoribus:

quia ipsi Piscatores tenentur habere isto die _Joculatores_, seu

_Mimos_ ob _honorem Crucis_--et vadunt primi ante processionem cum

_Ministris_ seu Joculatoribus semper pulsantibus usque ad ecclesiam S.

Stephani" (_Gloss_. 773). This may perhaps account for the clerical

appearance of the minstrels, who seem to have been distinguished by

the tonsure, which was one of the inferior marks of the clerical

character.[1105] Thus Jeffery of Monmouth, speaking of one who acted

the part of a minstrel, says, _Rasit capillos suos & barbam_ (see note

[K]). Again, a writer in the reign of Elizabeth, describing the habit

of an ancient minstrel, speaks of his head as "rounded tonster-wise"

(which I venture to read tonsure-wise), "his beard smugly shaven." See

above, p. 375.

It must, however, be observed, that notwithstanding such clerical

appearance of the minstrels, and though they might be sometimes

countenanced by such of the clergy as were of more relaxed morals,

their sportive talents rendered them generally obnoxious to the more

rigid ecclesiastics, and to such of the religious orders as were of

more severe discipline; whose writings commonly abound with heavy

complaints of the great encouragement shewn to those men by the princes

and nobles, and who can seldom afford them a better name than that of

_scurræ, famelici, nebulones_, &c. of which innumerable instances may

be seen in Du Cange. It was even an established order in some of the

monasteries, that no minstrel should ever be suffered to enter their

gates.[1106]

We have, however, innumerable particulars of the good cheer and great

rewards given to the minstrels in many of the convents, which are

collected by T. Warton (i. 91, &c.) and others. But one instance,

quoted from Wood's _Hist. Antiq. Univ. Ox._ i. 67. (Sub. An. 1224)

deserves particular mention. Two itinerant priests, on a supposition

of their being _mimi_ or _minstrels_, gained admittance. But the

cellarer, sacrist, and others of the brethren, who had hoped to have

been entertained with their diverting arts, &c. when they found them to

be only two indigent ecclesiastics, who could only administer spiritual

consolation, and were consequently disappointed of their mirth, beat

them and turned them out of the monastery. (_Ibid._ p. 92.) This

passage furnishes an additional proof that a minstrel might by his

dress or appearance be mistaken for an ecclesiastic.

[B] [_The minstrels use mimicry and action, and other means of

diverting, &c._] It is observable that our old monkish historians do

not use the words _cantator_, _citharædus_, _musicus_, or the like,

to express a minstrel in Latin, so frequently as _mimus_, _histrio_,

_joculator_, or some other word that implies gesture. Hence it might

be inferred that the minstrels set off their songs with all the arts

of gesticulation, &c. or according to the ingenious hypothesis of Dr.

Brown, united the powers of melody, poem, and dance. (See his _History

of the Rise of Poetry_, &c.)

But indeed all the old writers describe them as exercising various

arts of this kind. Joinville, in his _Life of S. Lewis_, speaks

of some Armenian minstrels, who were very dextrous tumblers and

posture masters. "Avec le Prince vinrent trois Menestriers de la

Grande Hyermenie (Armenia) ... et avoient trois cors--Quand ils

encommenceoient a corner, vous dissiez que ce sont les voix de

cygnes, ... et fesoient les plus douces melodies.--Ils fesoient

trois merveilleus _saus_, car on leur metoit une touaille desous les

piez, et tournoient tout debout ... Les deux tournoients les testes

arieres," &c. (See the extract at large, in the Hon. D. Barrington's

_Observations on the Anc. Statutes_, 4to. 2nd edit. p. 273, omitted in

the last impression.)

This may also account for that remarkable clause in the press warrant

of Henry VI. "_De Ministrallis propter solatium regis providendis_,"

by which it is required, that the boys, to be provided _in arte

Ministrallatûs instructos_, should also be _membris naturalibus_

_elegantes_. See above, p. 370. (_Observ. on the Anc. Stat._ 4th edit.

p. 337.)

Although by minstrel was properly understood, in English, one who sang

to the harp, or some other instrument of music, verses composed by

himself or others; yet the term was also applied by our old writers to

such as professed either music or singing separately, and perhaps to

such as practised any of the sportive arts connected with these.[1107]

Music, however, being the leading idea, was at length peculiarly called

minstrelsy, and the name of minstrel at last confined to the musician

only.

In the French language all these arts were included under the general

name of _menestraudie_, _menestraudise_, _jonglerie_, &c. (Med. Lat.

_menestellorum ars_, _ars joculatoria_, &c.) "On peut comprendre sous

le nom de jonglerie tout ce qui appartient aux anciens chansonniers

Provençaux, Normands, Picards, &c. Le corps de la jonglerie etoit formé

des _trouveres_, ou _troubadours_, qui composoient les chansons, et

parmi lesquels il y avoit des _improvisateurs_, comme on en trouve en

Italie; des _chanteurs_ ou _chanteres_ qui executoient ou chantoient

ces compositions; des _conteurs_ qui faisoient en vers ou en prose les

contes, les recits, les histoires; des _jongleurs_ ou _menestrels_

qui accompagnoient de leurs instrumens,--L'art de ces chantres ou

chansonniers, etoit nommé la Science Gaie, _Gay Saber_." (Pref.

_Anthologie Franç._ 1765, 8vo. p. 17.) See also the curious Fauchet

(_De l'Orig. de la Lang. Fr._ p. 72, &c.) "Bien tost après la division

de ce grand empire François en tant de petits royaumes, duchez, &

comtez, au lieu des Poetes commencerent a se faire cognoistre les

_trouverres_, et _chanterres_, _contëours_, et _juglëours_: qui sont

trouveurs, chantres, conteurs, jongleurs, ou jugleurs, c'est à dire,

menestriers chantans avec la viole."

We see then that _jongleur_, _jugleur_, (Lat. _joculator_, _juglator_)

was a peculiar name appropriated to the minstrels. "Les jongleurs

ne faisoient que chanter les poesies sur leurs instrumens. On les

appelloit aussi Menestrels," says Fontenelle, in his _Hist. du Theat._

_Franc._ prefixed to his _Life of Corneille_.

[C] [_Successors of the ancient bards._] That the minstrels in many

respects bore a strong resemblance both to the British bards and to

the Danish scalds, appears from this, that the old monkish writers

express them all without distinction by the same names in Latin.

Thus Geoffrey of Monmouth, himself a Welshman, speaking of an old

pagan British King, who excelled in singing and music so far as to

be esteemed by his countrymen the patron deity of the bards, uses

the phrase _Deus_ Joculatorum; which is the peculiar name given to

the English and French minstrels.[1108] In like manner, William

Malmesbury, speaking of a Danish king's assuming the profession of

a scald, expresses it by _professus_ mimum; which was another name

given to the minstrels in middle latinity.[1109] Indeed, Du Cange,

in his _Glossary_, quotes a writer who positively asserts that the

minstrels of the middle ages were the same with the ancient bards.

I shall give a large extract from this learned glossographer, as he

relates many curious particulars concerning the profession and arts of

the minstrels; whom, after the monks, he stigmatizes by the name of

_scurræ_; though he acknowledges their songs often tended to inspire

virtue.

"Ministelli, dicti præsertim _scurræ_, Mimi, joculatores." ...

"Ejusmodi _scurrarum_ munus erat principes non suis duntaxat ludicris

oblectare, sed et eorum aures variis avorum, adeoque ipsorum principum

laudibus, non sine assentatione, cum cantilenis & musicis instrumentis

demulcere ...

"Interdum etiam virorum insignium & heroum gesta, aut explicata

& jocunda narratione commemorabant, aut suavi vocis inflexione,

fidibusque decantabant, quo sic dominorum, cæterorumque qui his

intererant ludicris, nobilium animos ad virtutem capessendam, et

summorum virorum imitationem accenderent: quod fuit olim apud Gallos

bardorum ministerium, ut auctor est Tacitus. Neque enim alios à

_ministellis_, veterum Gallorum _bardos_ fuisse pluribus probat

Henricus Valesius ad 15 Ammiani.... Chronicon Bertrandi Guesclini.

"Qui veut avoir renom des bons & des vaillans

Il doit aler souvent a la pluie & au champs

Et estre en la bataille, ainsy que fu Rollans,

Les Quatre Fils Haimon, & Charlon li plus grans,

Li dus Lions de Bourges, & Guions de Connans

Perceval li Galois, Lancelot, & Tristans,

Alixandres, Artus, Godfroi li Sachans,

De quoy cils _menestriers_ font les nobles _Romans_."

"Nicolaus de Braia describens solenne convivium, quo post

inaugurationem suam proceres excepit Lud. VIII. rex Francorum, ait

inter ipsius convivii apparatum, in medium prodiisse mimum, qui regis

laudes ad cytharam decantavit."

Our author then gives the lines at length, which begin thus,

"Dumque fovent genium geniali munere Bacchi,

Nectare commixto curas removente Lyæo

Principis a facie, citharæ celeberrimus arte

Assurgit mimus, ars musica quem decoravit.

Hic ergo chorda resonante subintulit ista:

Inclyte rex regum, probitatis stemmate vernans,

Quem vigor & virtus extollit in æthera famæ," &c.

The rest may be seen in Du Cange, who thus proceeds, "Mitto reliqua

similia, ex quibus omnino patet ejusmodi mimorum & ministellorum

cantilenas ad virtutem principes excitasse.... Id præsertim in pugnæ

præcinctu, dominis suis occinebant, ut martium ardorem in eorum animis

concitarent: cujusmodi cantum _Cantilenam Rollandi_ appellat Will.

Malmesb. lib. 3. Aimoinus, lib. 4. de Mirac. S. Bened. c. 37. Tanta

vero illis securitas ... ut scurram se precedere facerent, qui musico

instrumento res fortiter gestas et priorum bella præcineret, quatenus

his acrius incitarentur, &c." As the writer was a monk, we shall not

wonder at his calling the minstrel, _scurram_.

This word _scurra_, or some one similar, is represented in the

Glossaries as the proper meaning of _leccator_ (Fr. _leccour_) the

ancient term by which the _minstrel_ appears to be expressed in the

Grant to Dutton, quoted above in page 363. On this head I shall produce

a very curious passage, which is twice quoted in Du Cange's _Glossary_.

(Sc. ad verb. Menestellus & ad verb. Lecator.) "Philippus Mouskes in

Philip. Aug. fingit Carolum M. Provincie comitatum scurris & mimis suis

olim donasse, indeque postea tantum in hac regione poetarum numerum

excrevisse.

"Quar quant li buens Rois Karlemaigne

Ot toute raise a son demaine

Provence, qui mult iert plentive

De vins, de bois, d'aigue, de rive,

As leccours as menestreus

Qui sont auques luxurieus

Le donna toute et departi."

[D] _The poet and the minstrel early with us became two persons._ The

word scald comprehended both characters among the Danes, nor do I

know that they had any peculiar name for either of them separate. But

it was not so with the Anglo-Saxons. They called a poet +Sceop.+ and

+Leoðþyrta+: the last of these comes from +Leoð+, a song; and the

former answers to our old word make (Gr. #Poiêtês#), being derived

from +Scippan+ or +Sceopan+, _formare_, _facere_, _fingere_, _creare_

(Ang. to shape). As for the minstrel, they distinguished him by the

peculiar appellation of +Gligman+, and perhaps by the more simple title

of +Ðearpere+, harper: (See below, notes [H], [I].) This last title,

at least, is often given to a minstrel by our most ancient English

rhymists. See in this work vol. i. book i. No. 6, vol. iii. book i. No.

7.

[E] [_Minstrels ... at the houses of the great, &c._] Du Cange

affirms, that in the middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so

much with this kind of men, and such large sums were expended in

maintaining and rewarding them, that they often drained the royal

treasures: especially, he adds, of such as were delighted with their

flatteries (_præsertim qui ejusmodi ministellorum assentationibus_

_delectabantur_). He then confirms his assertion by several passages

out of monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against this extravagance.

Of these I shall here select only one or two, which show what kind of

rewards were bestowed on these old songsters.

"Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. an. 1185. 'Cum in curiis regum seu

aliorum principum, frequens turba histrionum convenire soleat, ut ab

eis aurum, argentum, equos, seu vestes,[1110] quos persæpe mutare

consueverunt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joculatoria variis

adulationibus plena proferre nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid

de ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, videlicet omnes

delitias et lepores, et visu dignas urbanitates et cæteras ineptias,

trutinantibus buccis in medium eructare non erubescunt. Vidimus

quondam quosdam principes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis

florum picturationibus artificiosè elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20

vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpserant, vix revolutis septem diebus,

histrionibus, ministris diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c."

The curious reader may find a similar, though at the same time a

more candid account, in that most excellent writer, Presid. Fauchet

(_Recueil de la Lang. Fr._ p. 73), who says, that, like the ancient

Greek #Aoidoi#, "Nos trouverres, ainsi que ceux la, prenans leur

subject sur les faits des vaillans (qu'ils appelloyent geste, venant

de _gesta_ Latin) alloyent ... par les cours rejouir les princes ...

Remportans des grandes recompences des seigneurs, qui bien souvent leur

donnoyent jusques aux robes qu'ils avoyent vestues: & lesquelles ces

juglëours ne failloyent de porter aux autres cours, à fin d'inviter les

seigneurs a pareille liberalité. Ce qui a duré si longuement, qu'il me

souvient avoir veu Martin Baraton (ja viel menestrier d'Orleans) lequel

aux festes et nopces batoit un tabourin d'argent, semé des plaques

aussi d'argent gravees des armoiries de ceux a qui il avoit appris a

danser." Here we see that a minstrel sometimes performed the function

of a dancing-master.

Fontenelle even gives us to understand, that these men were often

rewarded with favours of a still higher kind. "Les princesses & les

plus grandes dames y joignoient souvent leurs faveurs. Elles etoient

fort foibles contre les beaux esprits." (_Hist. du Théat._) We are not

to wonder then that this profession should be followed by men of the

first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great

houses. "Tel qui par les partages de sa famille n'avoit que la moitié

ou le quart d'une vieux chateaux bien seigneurial, alloit quelque

temps courir le monde en rimant, et revenoit acquerir le reste de

Chateau." (_Fontenelle, Hist. du Théat._) We see then, that there was

no improbable fiction in those ancient songs and romances, which are

founded on the story of minstrels being beloved by kings' daughters,

&c., and discovering themselves to be the sons of some sovereign

prince, &c.

[F] The honours and rewards lavished upon the minstrels were not

confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburiensis

(in the time of Henry II.) declaims no less than the monks abroad,

against the extravagant favour shown to these men. Non enim more

nugatorum ejus seculi in histriones & mimos, et hujusmodi monstra

hominum, ob famæ redemptionem & dilatationem nominis effunditis opes

vestras, &c. (_Epist._ 247.[1111])

The monks seem to grudge every act of munificence that was not applied

to the benefit of themselves and their convents. They therefore bestow

great applauses upon the Emperor Henry, who, at his marriage with

Agnes of Poictou, in 1044, disappointed the poor minstrels, and sent

them away empty. "Infinitam histrionum & joculatorum multitudinem sine

cibo & muneribus vacuam & moerentem abire permisit." (_Chronic.

Virtziburg._) For which I doubt not but he was sufficiently stigmatized

in the songs and ballads of those times. Vid. Du Cange, _Gloss._ tom.

iv. p 771, &c.

[G] [_The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective._]

Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the

Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and

abridgements, giving only a concise and general relation of the more

remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial

particulars are to be found in them: nor do they hardly ever descend

to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their

countrymen. The _Saxon Chronicle_, for instance, which is the best

of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such

an epitome as Lucius Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman

history. As for Ethelward, his book is judged to be an imperfect

translation of the _Saxon Chronicle_;[1112] and the _Pseudo Asser_,

or _Chronicle of St. Neot_, is a poor defective performance. How

absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or

facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would

carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely

plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly studied the

Ante-Norman historians. "Conjecturis (licet nusquam sine verisimili

fundamento) aliquoties indulgemus ... utpote ab historicis jejune

nimis & indiligenter res nostras tractantibus coacti ... Nostri ...

nudâ factorum commemoratione plerumque contenti, reliqua omnia, sive

ob ipsarum rerum, sive meliorum literarum, sive historicorum officii

ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt." Vide plura in _Præfat. ad_

_Ælfr. Vitam a Spelman_. Ox. 1678, fol.

[H] [_Minstrels and harpers._] That the harp (_cithara_) was the common

musical instrument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be inferred from the very

word itself, which is not derived from the British, or any other Celtic

language, but of genuine Gothic original, and current among every

branch of that people: viz. Ang.-Sax. +Ðearpe, Ðearpa;+ Iceland. harpa,

haurpa; Dan. and Belg. harpe; Germ, harpffe, harpffa; Gal. harpe; Span.

harpa; Ital. arpa. (Vid. _Jun. Etym., Menage Etym._ &c.) As also from

this, that the word +Ðearpe+ is constantly used, in the Anglo-Saxon

versions, to express the Latin words _cithara_, _lyra_, and even

_cymbalum_: the word _psalmus_ itself being sometimes translated +Ðearp

sang+, harp song (_Gloss, Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo-Sax. Lexic._)

But the fact itself is positively proved by the express testimony of

Bede, who tells us that it was usual at festival meetings for this

instrument to be handed round, and each of the company to sing to it

in his turn. See his _Hist. Eccles. Anglor._ lib. iv. c. 24, where

speaking of their sacred poet Cædmon, who lived in the times of the

Heptarchy (_ob. circ._ 680) he says:

"Nihil unquam frivoli & supervacui poematis facere potuit; sed ea

tantummodo, quæ ad religionem pertinent, religiosam ejus linguam

decebant. Siquidem in habitu sæculari, usque ad tempora provectioris

ætatis constitutus, nil carminum aliquando didicerat. Unde nonnunquam

in convivio, cum esset lætitia causa ut omnes per ordinem cantare

deberent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat a

mediâ coenâ, et egressus ad suam domum repedabat."

I shall now subjoin King Alfred's own Anglo-Saxon translation of this

passage, with a literal interlineary English version.

+Ðe.. næfre noht leasunga. ne ideles leoðes pyrcean ne mihte;+

_He ... never no leasings, nor idle songs compose ne might_;

+ac efne ða an ða ðe to æfestnesse belumpon. [et]+

_but lo! only those things which to religion [piety] belong, and_

+his ða æfestan tungan gedafenode singan: [hj]æs he se man+

_his then pious tongue became to sing: He was the [a] man_

+in peorolt-hade geseted oð ða tide ðe he pæs of+

_in worldly [secular] state set to the time in which he was of an_

+gelyfedre ylde. [et] he næfre ænig leoþ geleornode. [et] he+

_advanced age; and he never any song learned. And he_

+forþon oft in gebeorscipe ðonne ðær pæs blisse intinga+

_therefore_ OFT _in an entertainment when there was for merriment_

+gedemed. [þ/] hi ealle sceoldan ðuph engeby+

_sake adjudged [or decreed], that they_ ALL _should through their_

+rdnesse be hearpan singan. ðonne he geseah ða hearpan+

_turns by [to the]_ HARP SING; _when he saw the_ HARP

+him nealæcan. ðonne aras he for sceome fram ðam symle+

_him approach, then arose he FOR_ SHAME _from the supper_

+[et] ham eode to his huse.+

_and home yode [went] to his house._

_Bed. Hist. Eccl. a Smith._ Cantab. 1722, fol. p. 597.

In this version of Alfred's it is observable, (1) that he has expressed

the Latin word _cantare_, by the Anglo-Saxon words "+be hearpan

singan+," sing to the harp; as if they were synonymous, or as if his

countrymen had no idea of singing unaccompanied with the harp: (2) That

when Bede simply says, _surgebat a mediâ coenâ_, he assigns a motive,

"+aras for sceome+," arose for shame: that is, either from an austerity

of manners, or from his being deficient in an accomplishment which so

generally prevailed among his countrymen.

[I] [_The word_ glee _which peculiarly denoted their art_, &c.] This

word glee is derived from the Anglo-Saxon +Gligg+, (Gligg) _musica_,

music, minstrelsy (Somn). This is the common radix, whence arises such

a variety of terms and phrases relating to the minstrel art, as affords

the strongest internal proof, that this profession was extremely common

and popular here before the Norman Conquest. Thus we have

I.

(1) +Glip+ (Gliw.), _mimus_, a minstrel. +Gligman, gligmon, gliman+,

(gleeman[1113]) _histrio_, _mimus_, _pantomimus_; all common names

in middle latinity for a minstrel; and Somner accordingly renders

the original by a minstrel--a player on a timbrel or taber. He adds,

a fidler; but although the _fythel_ or _fiddle_, was an ancient

instrument, by which the _jogelar_ or minstrel sometimes accompanied

his song (see Warton, i. 17), it is probable that Somner annexes here

only a modern sense to the word, not having at all investigated the

subject.

+Gliimen, gliigmen+, (Gleemen), _histriones_, minstrels. Hence,

+Gligmanna-yppe+. _Orchestra_, vel _pulpitus_. The place where the

minstrels exhibited their performances.

(2) But their most proper and expressive name was

+Gliphleoþriend+, _musicus_, a minstrel; and

+Gliphleoþriendlica+, _musicus_, musical.

These two words include the full idea of the minstrel character,

expressing at once their music and singing, being compounded of +Glip+,

_musicus, mimus_, a musician, minstrel; and +Leoð+, _carmen_, a song.

(3) From the above word +Gligg+, the profession itself was called.

+Gligcræft+ (glig _or_ glee-craft), _musica, histrionia, mimica

gesticulatio_: which Somner rightly gives in English, ministrelsy,

mimical gesticulation, mummery. He also adds stage-playing: but here

again I think he substitutes an idea too modern, induced by the word

_histrionia_, which in middle latinity only signifies the minstrel-art.

However, it should seem that both mimical gesticulation and a kind

of rude exhibition of characters were sometimes attempted by the old

minstrels: but

(4) As musical performance was the leading idea, so

+Gliopian+, is _Cantus musicos edere_; and

+Gligbeam, glipbeam+ (glig or glee-beam), _tympanum_; a timbrel or

taber. (So Somn.) Hence

+Glypan.+ _Tympanum pulsare_; and

+Glip-megen; gliypiende-maden+; (glee-maiden), _tympanistria_: which

Somner renders a she-minstrel; for it should seem that they had females

of this profession; one name for which was also +Glypbydenestra+.

(5) Of congenial derivation to the foregoing is

+Glypc.+ (Glywc), _Tibia_, a pipe or flute.

Both this and the common radix +Gligg+ are with great appearance of

truth derived by Junius from the Icelandic Gliggur, _flatus_; as

supposing that the first attempts at music among our Gothic ancestors

were with wind-instruments. Vid. _Jun. Etym. Ang._ v. Glee.

II.

But the minstrels, as is hinted above, did not confine themselves

to the mere exercise of their primary arts of music and song, but

occasionally used many other modes of diverting. Hence, from the above

root was derived, in a secondary sense:

(1) +Gleo+, and +pinsum glip+, _facetiæ_.

+Gleopian+, _jocari_; to jest, or, be merry (Somn.), and

+Gleopiend+, _jocans_; jesting, speaking merrily. (Somn.)

+Gligman+, also signified _jocista_, a jester.

+Glig-gamen+, (glee-games), _joci_. Which Somner renders, merriments,

or merry jests, or tricks, or sports, gamboles.

(2) Hence, again, by a common metonymy of the cause for the effect:

+Glie+, _gaudium_, _alacritas_, _lætitia_, _facetiæ_; joy, mirth,

gladness, cheerfulness, glee. (Somner.) Which last application of the

word still continues, though rather in a low debasing sense.

III.

But however agreeable and delightful the various arts of the minstrels

might be to the Anglo-Saxon laity, there is reason to believe, that

before the Norman Conquest, at least, they were not much favoured by

the clergy; particularly by those of monastic profession. For, not to

mention that the sportive talents of these men would be considered by

those austere ecclesiastics, as tending to levity and licentiousness,

the pagan origin of their art would excite in the monks an insuperable

prejudice against it. The Anglo-Saxon harpers and gleemen were the

immediate successors and imitators of the Scandinavian scalds, who were

the great promoters of Pagan superstition, and fomented that spirit of

cruelty and outrage in their countrymen the Danes, which fell with such

peculiar severity on the religious and their convents. Hence arose a

third application of words derived from +Gligg+, minstrelsy, in a very

unfavourable sense, and this chiefly prevails in books of religion and

ecclesiastic discipline. Thus:

(1) +Glig+ is _ludibrium_, laughing to scorn.[1114] So in S. Basil.

Regul. II. +Di hæfdon him to glige halpende minegunge.+ _ludibrio

habebant salutarem ejus admonitionm_. (10.) This sense of the word was

perhaps not ill-founded, for as the sport of rude uncultivated minds

often arises from ridicule, it is not improbable but the old minstrels

often indulged a vein of this sort, and that of no very delicate kind.

So again,

+Glig-man+ was also used to signify _scurra_, a saucy jester (Somn.)

+Glig-georn+, _dicax, scurriles jocos supra quàm par est amans_.

Officium Episcopale, 3.

+Glipian+. _Scurrilibus oblectamentis indulgere; scurram agere._ Canon.

Edgar. 58.

(2) Again, as the various attempts to please, practised by an order of

men who owed their support to the public favour, might be considered

by those grave censors, as mean and debasing: Hence came from the same

root,

+Gliper+. _Parasitus, assentator_; a fawner, a togger, a parasite, a

flatterer.[1115] (Somn.)

IV.

To return to the Anglo-Saxon word +Gligg+: notwithstanding the various

secondary senses in which this word (as we have seen above) was so

early applied; yet

The derivative _glee_ (though now chiefly used to express merriment and

joy) long retained its first simple meaning, and is even applied by

Chaucer to signify music and minstrelsy. (Vid. Jun. Etym.) E.g.

"For though that the best harper upon live

Would on the best sounid jolly harpe

That evir was, with all his fingers five

Touch aie o string, or aie o warble harpe

Were his nailes pointed nevir so sharpe

It shoulde makin every wight to dull

To heare is _glee_, and of his strokes full."

_Troyl. L._ ii.

Junius interprets _glees_ by _musica instrumenta_, in the following

passages of Chaucer's third boke of Fame:--

"... Stoden ... the castell all aboutin

Of all maner of _mynstrales_

And _jestours_ that tellen tales

Both of wepyng and of game,

And of all that longeth unto fame:

There herde I play on a harpe

That sowned both well and sharpe

Hym Orpheus full craftily;

And on this syde fast by

Sate the harper Orion;

And Eacides Chirion;

And other harpers many one,

And the Briton Glaskyrion."

After mentioning these, the great masters of the art, he proceeds:--

"And small harpers with her _glees_

Sat under them in divers sees."

* * * * *

Again, a little below, the poet having enumerated the performers on all

the different sorts of instruments, adds:--

"There sawe I syt in other sees

Playing upon other sundry _glees_,

Which that I cannot neven[1116]

More than starres ben in heven," &c.

Upon the above lines I shall only make a few observations:

(1) That by jestours, I suppose we are to understand gestours; scil.

the relaters of gests (Lat. _gesta_) or stories of adventures both

comic and tragical; whether true or feigned; I am inclined to add,

whether in prose or verse. (Compare the record below, in marginal

note, subjoined to v. 2.) Of the stories in prose, I conceive we have

specimens in that singular book the _Gesta Romanorum_, and this will

account for its seemingly improper title. These were evidently what

the French called _conteours_, or story-tellers, and to them we are

probably indebted for the first prose romances of chivalry, which may

be considered as specimens of their manner.

(2) That the "Briton Glaskeryon," whoever he was, is apparently the

same person with our famous harper Glasgerion, of whom the reader will

find a tragical ballad, in vol. iii. book 1, No. 7. In that song may be

seen an instance of what was advanced above in note [E] of the dignity

of the minstrel profession, or at least of the artifice with which the

minstrels endeavoured to set off its importance.

Thus "a king's son is represented as appearing in the character of a

harper or minstrel in the court of another king. He wears a collar (or

gold chain) as a person of illustrious rank; rides on horseback, and is

admitted to the embraces of a king's daughter."

The minstrels lost no opportunity of doing honour to their art.

(3) As for the word _glees_, it is to this day used in a musical sense,

and applied to a peculiar piece of composition. Who has not seen the

advertisements, proposing a reward to him who should produce the best

catch, canon, or glee?

[K] [_Comes from the pen of Geoffrey of Monmouth._] Geoffrey's own

words are: "Cum ergo alterius modi aditum [Baldulphus] non haberet,

rasit capillos suos et barbam,[1117] cultumque joculatoris cum

cythara fecit. Deinde intra castra deambulans, modulis quos in lyra

componebat, sese cytharistam exhibebat." _Galf. Monum. Hist._ 4to.

1508, lib. vii. c. 1.--That _joculator_ signifies precisely a minstrel,

appears not only from this passage, where it is used as a word of like

import to _citharista_ or harper (which was the old English word for

minstrel), but also from another passage of the same author, where

it is applied as equivalent to _cantor_. See lib. i. cap. 22, where,

speaking of an ancient (perhaps fabulous) British king, he says: "Hic

omnes cantores quos præcedens ætas habuerat & in modulis & in omnibus

musicisinstrumentis excedebat; ita ut Deus Joculatorum videretur."

Whatever credit is due to Geoffrey as a relater of facts, he is

certainly as good authority as any for the signification of words.

[L] [_Two remarkable facts._] Both these facts are recorded by William

of Malmesbury; and the first of them, relating to Alfred, by Ingulphus

also. Now Ingulphus (afterwards abbot of Croyland) was near forty

years of age at the time of the Conquest,[1118] and consequently was

as proper a judge of the Saxon manners, as if he had actually written

his history before that event: he is therefore to be considered as

an Anti-Norman writer; so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be

true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the _joculator_

or minstrel was a common character among the Anglo-Saxons. The same

also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who

outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years.[1119] Both these writers

had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials

of the Anglo-Saxon times, which never descended down to us; their

testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the

mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes, that are

now remaining (vid. note [G]).

As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a somewhat more particular

detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following

story; it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we

consider that he was a rigid monk, and that the minstrels, however

acceptable to the laity, were never much respected by men of the more

strict monastic profession, especially before the Norman Conquest,

when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan scalds.[1120]

Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in minstrelsy in a very

favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circumstance related

below, as reflecting in his opinion no great honour on his patron.

The learned editor of Alfred's life in Latin, after having examined the

scene of action in person, and weighed all the circumstances of the

event, determines from the whole collective evidence, that Alfred could

never have gained the victory he did, if he had not with his own eyes

previously seen the disposition of the enemy by such a stratagem as is

here described. Vid. _Annot. in Ælfr. Mag. Vitam_, p. 33, Oxon. 1678.

fol.

[M] [_Alfred ... assumed the dress and character of a minstrel].

Fingens se_ joculatorem, _assumpta cithara, &c. Ingulphi Hist._ p.

869.--_Sub specie mimi ... ut_ joculatoriæ _professor artis. Gul.

Malmesb._ l. 2, c. 4, p. 43. That both _joculator_ and _mimus_ signify

literally a minstrel, see proved in notes [B], [K], [N], [Q], &c. See

also note [Gg].

Malmesbury adds, _Unius tantum fidelissimi fruebatur conscietitiâ_.

As this confidant does not appear to have assumed the disguise of a

minstrel himself, I conclude that he only appeared as the minstrel's

attendant. Now that the minstrel had sometimes his servant or attendant

to carry his harp, and even to sing to his music, we have many

instances in the old metrical romances, and even some in this present

collection. See vol. i. song vi., vol. iii. song vii., &c. Among the

French and Provençal bards, the _trouverre_, or inventor, was generally

attended with his singer, who sometimes also played on the harp, or

other musical instrument. "Quelque fois durant le repas d'un prince on

voyoit arriver un trouverre inconnu avec ses menestrels ou jongleours,

et il leur faisoit chanter sur leurs harpes ou vielles les vers qu'il

avoit composés. Ceux qui faisoient les sons _aussi_ bien qui les _mots_

etoient les plus estimés." _Fontenelle, Hist, du Theatr._

That Alfred excelled in music is positively asserted by Bale, who

doubtless had it from some ancient MS. many of which subsisted in

his time, that are now lost; as also by Sir J. Spelman, who we may

conclude had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to

have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected

by his learned father; this writer informs us that Alfred "provided

himself of musitians, not common, or such as knew but the practick

part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he

yet further improved with his own instruction." p. 199. This proves

Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how

could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument?

Which, we have seen above, note [H], was so extremely common with the

Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly

tells us, it was _shameful_ to be ignorant of it. And this commonness

might be one reason, why Asser did not think it of consequence enough

to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch.

This rigid monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous

accomplishment savouring only of worldly vanity. He has however

particularly recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-Saxon poems

and songs. (_Saxonica poemata die nocteque ... audiens ... memoriter_

_retinebat_, p. 16. _Carmina Saxonica memoriter discere_, &c. p. 43,

and _ib._) Now the poems learnt by rote, among all ancient unpolished

nations, are ever songs chanted by the reciter, and accompanied with

instrumental melody.[1121]

[N] _With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a minstrel._ Assumptâ

manu citharâ ... professus _mimum_, qui hujusmodi arte stipem

quotidianam mercaretur ... Jussus abire pretium cantus accepit.

_Malmesb._ l. 2, c. 6. We see here that which was rewarded was (not

any mimicry or tricks, but) his _singing (cantus)_; this proves beyond

dispute, what was the nature of the entertainment Aulaff afforded

them. Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove to the reader,

that _mimus_ in middle latinity signifies a minstrel, and _mimia_,

minstrelsy, or the minstrel-art. Should he doubt it, let him cast his

eye over the two following extracts from Du Cange.

"_Mimus_: Musicus qui instrumentis musicis canit. Leges Palatinæ Jacobi

II. Reg. Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit antiquitas _mimi_ seu

joculatores licitè possunt esse. Nam illorum officiam tribuit

lutitiam ... Quapropter volumus et ordinamus, quod in nostra curia

mimi debeant esse quinque, quorum duo sint tubicinatores, et tertius

sit tabelerius (i. e. a player on the tabor.)[1122] Lit. remiss. ann.

1374. Ad mimos cornicitantes, seu bucinantes accesserunt."

Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum (potius, Ars Joculatoria). Ann.

1482.... "Mimia & cantu victum acquiro."

Du Cange, _Gloss._ tom. iv. 1762. Supp. c. 1225.

[O] [_To have been a Dane._] The northern historians produce such

instances of the great respect shewn to the Danish scalds in the courts

of our Anglo-Saxon kings, on account of their musical and poetic

talents (notwithstanding they were of so hateful a nation), that, if a

similar order of men had not existed here before, we cannot doubt but

the profession would have been taken up by such of the natives as had a

genius for poetry and music.

"Extant Rhythmi hoc ipso (Islandico) idiomate Angliæ, Hyberniæque

Regibus oblati & liberaliter compensati, &c. Itaque hinc colligi potest

linguam Danicam in aulis vicinorum regum, principumque familiarem

fuisse, non secus ac hodie in aulis principum peregrina idiomata in

deliciis haberi cernimus. Imprimis Vita Egilli Skallagrimii id invicto

argumento adstruit. Quippe qui interrogatus ab Adalsteino, Angliæ rege,

quomodo manus Eirici Blodoxii, Northumbriæ regis, postquam in ejus

potestatem venerat, evasisset, cujus filium propinquosque

occiderat, ... rei statim ordinem metro, nunc satis obscuro, exposuit,

nequaquam ita narraturus non intelligenti."--Vid. _plura apud Torfæi

Præfat. ad_ _Orcad. Hist._ fol.

This same Egill was no less distinguished for his valour and skill

as a soldier, than for his poetic and singing talents as a scald;

and he was such a favourite with our king Athelstan that he at one

time presented him with "duobus annulis & scriniis duobus bene magnis

argento repletis.... Quinetiam hoc addidit, ut Egillus quidvis præterea

a se petens, obtineret; bona mobilia, sive immobilia, præbendam vel

præfecturas. Egillus porro regiam munificentiam gratus excipiens,

Carmen Encomiasticon, à se, linguâ Norvegicâ, (quæ tum his regnis

communis), compostum, regi dicat; ac pro eo, duas Marcas auri puri

(pondus Marcæ ... 8 uncias æquabat) honorarii loco retulit."--_Arngr.

Jon. Rer. Islandic._ lib. 2, p. 129.

See more of Egill, in _The Five Pieces of Runic Poetry_, p. 45, whose

poem, there translated, is the most ancient piece all in rhime, that

is, I conceive, now to be found in any European language, except Latin.

See Egill's Islandic original, printed at the end of the English

version in the said _Five Pieces_, &c.

[P] [_If the Saxons had not been accustomed to have minstrels of_

_their own ... and to shew favour and respect to the Danish scalds._]

If this had not been the case, we may be assured, at least, that the

stories given in the text could never have been recorded by writers

who lived so near the Anglo-Saxon times as Malmesbury and Ingulphus,

who, though they might be deceived as to particular facts, could not be

so as to the general manners and customs, which prevailed so near their

own times among their ancestors.

[Q] [_"In Doomesday Book" &c.] Extract. ex Libro Domesday_: et vid.

Anstis, _Ord. Gart._ ii. 304.

"GLOWECESTERSCIRE.

Fol. 162. col. 1. _Berdic Jocu lator Regis habet_ iii. _villas, et

ibi_ v. _car. nil redd._"

That _joculator_ is properly a minstrel might be inferred from the

two foregoing passages of Geoffery of Monmouth (v. Note [K]), where

the word is used as equivalent to _citharista_ in one place, and

to _cantor_ in the other: this union forms the precise idea of the

character.

But more positive proofs have already offered, _vid. supra_, pp.

385, 399. See also p. 409 _note_ Du Cange's _Gloss._, vol. iii. c.

1543: "Jogulator pro Joculator.--_Consilium Masil._ an. 1381. Nullus

Ministreys, seu Jogulator, audeat pinsare vel sonare instrumentum

cujuscumque generis," &c. &c.

As the minstrel was termed in French _jongleur_ and _jugleur_; so he

was called in Spanish _jutglar_ and _juglar_. "Tenemos canciones y

versos para recitar muy antiguos y memorias ciertas de los Juglares,

que assistian en los banquetes, como los que pinta Homero."--_Prolog. a

las Comed. de Cervantes_, 1749, 4to.

"El anno 1328, en las siestas de la Coronacion del Rey, Don Alonso el

IV. de Aragon, ...[1123] el Juglar Ramaset cantò una Villanesca de

la Composicion del ... infante (Don Pedro): y otro Juglar, llamado

Novellet, recitò y representò en voz y sin cantar mas de 600 versos,

que hizo el Infante en el metro, que llamaban Rima vulgar."--_Ibid._

"Los Trobadores inventaron la Gaya Ciencia ... estos Trobadores, eran

casi todos de la primera Nobleza. Es verdad, que ya entonces se havian

entrometido entre las diversiones Cortesanos, los Contadores, los

Cantores, los Juglares, los Truanes, y los Bufones."--_Ibid._

In England the king's juglar continued to have an establishment in the

royal household down to the reign of Henry VIII. (vid. Note [Cc]).

But in what sense the title was there applied does not appear. In

Barklay's _Egloges_, written circ. 1514, jugglers and pipers are

mentioned together. _Egl._ iv. (vid. T. Warton's Hist. ii. 254).

[R] [_A valliant warrior, named Taillefer, &c._] See Du Cange, who

produces this as an instance, "Quod Ministellorum munus interdum

præstabant milites probatissimi. Le Roman De Vacce, _MS._

"'Quant il virent Normanz venir

Mout veissiez Engleiz fremir....

Taillefer qui mout bien chantoit,

Sur un cheval, qui tost alloit,

Devant euls aloit chantant

De Kallemaigne & de Roullant,

Et d'Olivier de Vassaux,

Qui mourruent en Rainschevaux.'

"Qui quidem Taillefer a Gulielmo obtinuit ut primus in hostes irrueret,

inter quos fortiter dimicando occubuit."--_Gloss._ tom. iv. 769, 770,

771.

"Les anciennes chroniques nous apprennent, qu'en premier rang de l'

Armée Normande, un ecuyer nommé Taillefer, monté sur un cheval armé,

chanta la Chanson De Roland, qui fut si long tems dans les bouches

des François, sans qu'il soit resté le moindre fragment. Le Taillefer

après avoir entonné le chanson que les soldats repetoient, se jetta le

premier parmi les Anglois, et fut tué."--Voltaire, _Add. Hist. Univ._

p. 69.

The reader will see an attempt to restore the _Chanson de Roland_, with

musical notes, in Dr. Burney's _Hist._ ii. p. 276. See more concerning

the Song of Roland, vol. iii. appendix, sect. ii. note M.

[S] [_An eminent French writer, &c._] "M. l'Eveque de la Ravaliere, qui

avoit fait beaucoup de recherches sur nos anciennes Chansons, pretend

que c'est à la Normandie que nous devons nos premiers Chansonniers,

non à la Provence, et qu'il y avoit parmi nous des Chansons en langue

vulgaire avant celles des Provençaus, mais posterieurement au Regne de

Philippe I. ou à l'an 1100."--v. _Revolutions de la Langue Françoise, à

la suite des Poesies du Roi de Navarre._ "Ce seroit une antériorité

de plus d'un demi siécle à l'époque des premiers Troubadours, que

leur historien Jean de Nostredame fixe à l'an 1162, &c."--_Pref. a

l'Anthologie Franç._ 8vo. 1765.

This subject hath been since taken up and prosecuted at length in the

Prefaces, &c. to M. Le Grand's _Fabliaux ou Contes du XII. & du XIII.

Siécle_, Paris, 1788, 5 tom. 12mo. who seems pretty clearly to have

established the priority and superior excellence of the old rimeurs of

the north of France, over the troubadours of Provence, &c.

[S2] [_Their own native gleemen or minstrels must be allowed to

exist._] Of this we have proof positive in the old metrical romance

of _Horn-Child_, (vol. iii. appendix), which, although from the

mention of Sarazens, &c. it must have been written at least after the

first Crusade in 1096, yet from its Anglo-Saxon language or idiom,

can scarce be dated later than within a century after the Conquest.

This, as appears from its very exordium, was intended to be sung to a

popular audience, whether it was composed by, or for, a gleeman, or

minstrel. But it carries all the internal marks of being the production

of such a composer. It appears of genuine English growth, for after

a careful examination, I cannot discover any allusion to French or

Norman customs, manners, composition or phraseology: no quotation "As

the Romance sayth:" not a name or local reference which was likely

to occur to a French rimeur. The proper names are all of northern

extraction. Child Horn is the son of Allof (_i.e._ Olaf or Olave), king

of Sudenne (I suppose Sweden), by his queen Godylde, or Godylt. Athulf

and Fykenyld are the names of subjects. Eylmer or Aylmere is king of

Westnesse (a part of Ireland), Rymenyld is his daughter; as Erminyld is

of another king Thurstan; whose sons are Athyld and Beryld. Athelbrus

is steward of K. Aylmer, &c. &c. All these savour only of a northern

origin, and the whole piece is exactly such a performance as one would

expect from a gleeman or minstrel of the north of England, who had

derived his art and his ideas from his scaldic predecessors there.

So that this probably is the original, from which was translated the

old French fragment of _Dan Horn_, in the Harleyan MS. 527, mentioned

by Tyrwhitt (Chaucer iv. 68), and by T. Warton (Hist. i. 38), whose

extract from _Horn-Child_ is extremely incorrect.

Compare the stile of Child-Horn with the Anglo-Saxon specimens in short

verses and rhime, which are assigned to the century succeeding the

Conquest, in Hickes's _Thesaurus_, tom. i. cap. 24, pp. 224 and 231.

[T] [_The different production of the sedentary composer and the_

_rambling minstrel._] Among the old metrical romances, a very few are

addressed to readers, or mention reading: these appear to have been

composed by writers at their desk, and exhibit marks of more elaborate

structure and invention. Such is _Eglamour of Artas_ (No. 20, vol. iii.

appendix), of which I find in a MS. copy in the Cotton Library, A. 2,

folio 3, the II. Fitte thus concludes:

"... thus ferr have I red."

Such is _Ipomydon_ (No. 23, iii. appendix), of which one of the

divisions (Sign. E. ii. b. in pr. copy) ends thus:

"Let hym go, God him spede

Tyll efte-soone we of him reed (_i.e._ read)"

So in _Amys and Amylion_[1124] (No. 31. iii. appendix) in sta. 3d. we

have

"In Geste as we rede,"

and similar phrases occur in stanzas 34, 125, 140, 196, &c.

These are all studied compositions, in which the story is invented with

more skill and ingenuity, and the style and colouring are of superior

cast, to such as can with sufficient probability be attributed to the

minstrels themselves.

Of this class I conceive the romance of _Horn Child_ (mentioned in the

last note, [S2], and in No. 1, vol. iii. appendix), which, from the

naked unadorned simplicity of the story, I would attribute to such an

origin.

But more evidently is such the _Squire of Lowe Degree_ (No. 24, iii.

appendix), in which is no reference to any French original, nothing

like the phrase which so frequently occurs in others, "As the Romance

sayth,"[1125] or the like. And it is just such a rambling performance,

as one would expect from an itinerant bard. And

Such also is _A lytell Geste of Robyn Hode, &c._ in eight fyttes, of

which are extant two editions, 4to. in black letter, described more

fully in this volume, book i. No. 8. This is not only of undoubted

English growth, but, from the constant satire aimed at abbots and their

convents, &c. could not possibly have been composed by any monk in his

cell.

Other instances might be produced; but especially of the former kind is

_Syr Launfal_ (No. 11, iii. appendix), the 121st st. of which has

"In Romances as we rede."

This is one of the best invented stories of that kind, and I believe

the only one in which is inserted the name of the author.

[T2] _Royer or Raherus, the king's minstrel._ He is recorded by Leland

under both these names, in his _Collectanea_, scil. vol. i. p. 61.

"Hospitale S. Bartholomæi in West-Smithfelde in London." Royer Mimus

Regis fundator."

"Hosp. Sti. Barthol. Londini. Raherus Mimus Regis H. 1. primus

fundator, an. 1102, 3. H. 1. qui fundavit etiam Priorat. Sti.

Barthol."--_Ibid._ p. 99.

That _mimus_ is properly a minstrel in the sense affixed to the word

in this essay, one extract from the accounts (Lat. _computis_) of the

priory of Maxtock near Coventry, in 1441, will sufficiently show,

scil.: "Dat. Sex. Mimis Dni. Clynton cantantibus, citharisantibus,

ludentibus, &c. iiii. s." (T. Warton, ii. 106, note q.) The same year

the prior gave to a _doctor prædicans_ for a sermon preached to them

only 6_d._

In the _Monasticon_, tom. ii. p. 166, 167, is a curious history of the

founder of this priory, and the cause of its erection: which seems

exactly such a composition as one of those which were manufactured by

Dr. Stone, the famous legend-maker, in 1380; (see T. Warton's curious

account of him, in vol. ii. p. 190, note), who required no materials to

assist him in composing his narratives, &c. For in this legend are no

particulars given of the founder, but a recital of miraculous visions

exciting him to this pious work, of its having been before revealed

to K. Edward the Confessor, and predicted by three Grecians, &c. Even

his minstrel profession is not mentioned, whether from ignorance or

design, as the profession was perhaps falling into discredit when this

legend was written. There is only a general indistinct account that

he frequented royal and noble houses, where he ingratiated himself

_suavitate joculari_. (This last is the only word that seems to have

any appropriated meaning.) This will account for the indistinct,

incoherent account given by Stow: "Rahere, a pleasant-witted gentleman,

and therefore in his time called the King's Minstrel."--_Survey of

Lond._ ed. 1598, p. 308.

[U] [_In the early times every harper was expected to sing._] See on

this subject K. Alfred's version of Cædman, above in note [H] p. 391.

So in _Horn-Child_, K. Allof orders his steward Athelbrus to

"--teche him of harpe and of song."

In the _Squire of Lowe Degree_ the king offers to his daughter,

"Ye shall have harpe, sautry,[1126] and song."

And Chaucer, in his description of the limitour or mendicant friar,

speaks of harping as inseparable from singing (i. p. 11, ver. 268):--

"--in his harping, whan that he hadde songe."

[U2] [_At the most accomplished, &c._] See Hoveden, p. 103, in the

following passage, which had erroneously been applied to K. Richard

himself, till Mr. Tyrwhitt ("Chaucer," iv. p. 62) shewed it to belong

to his Chancellor: "Hic ad augmentum et famam sui nominis, emendicata

carmina, et rhythmos adulatorios comparabat; et de regno Francorum

Cantores et Joculatores muneribus allexerat, ut de illo canerent in

plateis: et jam dicebatur ubique, quod non erat talis in orbe." For

other particulars relating to this chancellor, see T. Warton's _Hist._

vol. ii. addit. to p. 113 of vol. i.

[U3] [_Both the Norman and English languages would be heard at the

houses of the great._] A remarkable proof of this is that the most

diligent inquirers after ancient English rhimes find the earliest

they can discover in the mouths of the Norman nobles, such as that of

Robert, Earl of Leicester, and his Flemings in 1173, temp. Hen. II.

(little more than a century after the Conquest), recorded by Lambarde

in his _Dictionary of England_, p. 36:

"Hoppe Wyliken, hoppe Wyliken

Ingland is thine and myne," &c.

and that noted boast of Hugh Bigot, Earl of Norfolk, in the same reign

of K. Henry II. vid. _Camdeni Britannia_ (art. Suffolk), 1607, folio

"Were I in my castle of Bungey

Vpon the riuer of Waueney

I would ne care for the king of Cockeney."

Indeed, many of our old metrical romances, whether originally English,

or translated from the French to be sung to an English audience, are

addressed to persons of high rank, as appears from their beginning

thus: "Listen, Lordings," and the like. These were prior to the time

of Chaucer, as appears from vol. iii. appendix (sect. ii.). And yet to

his time our Norman nobles are supposed to have adhered to their French

language.

[V] [_That intercommunity, &c. between the French and English_

_Minstrels, &c._] This might, perhaps, in a great measure be

re-referred even to the Norman Conquest, when the victors brought with

them all their original opinions and fables; which could not fail to be

adopted by the English minstrels and others who solicited their favour.

This interchange, &c. between the minstrels of the two nations would

be afterwards promoted by the great intercourse produced among all the

nations of Christendom in the general crusades, and by that spirit

of chivalry which led knights, and their attendants the heralds, and

minstrels, &c. to ramble about continually from one court to another in

order to be present at solemn turnaments, and other feats of arms.

[V2] [_Is not the only instance, &c._] The constant admission

granted to minstrels was so established a privilege, that it became

a ready expedient to writers of fiction. Thus, in the old romance of

_Horn-Child_, the Princess Rymenyld being confined in an inaccessible

castle, the prince, her lover, and some assistant knights with

concealed arms assume the minstrel character, and approaching the

castle with their "gleyinge" or minstrelsy, are heard by the

lord of it, who being informed they were "harpeirs, jogelers, and

fythelers,"[1127] has them admitted, when

"Horn sette him abenche (_i.e._ on a bench).

Is (_i.e._ his) harpe he gan clenche

He made Rymenild a lay."

This sets the princess a weeping and leads to the catastrophe, for he

immediately advances to "the Borde" or table, kills the ravisher, and

releases the lady.

[V3] [... _Assumed the dress and character of a harper, &c._] We

have this curious _historiette_ in the records of Lacock Nunnery in

Wiltshire, which had been founded by this Countess of Salisbury. See

Vincent's _Discovery of Errors in Brookes Catalogue of Nobility_, &c.

folio, pp. 445-6, &c. Take the following extract, and see Dugdale's

_Baron_, i. p. 175.

"Ela uxor Gullielmi Longespee primi, nata fuit apud Ambresbiriam, patre

et matre Normannis.

"Pater itaque ejus defectus senio migravit ad Christum, A.D. 1196.

Mater ejus ante biennium obiit.... Interea Domina charissima clam

per cognatos adducta fuit in Normanniam, & ibidem sub tutâ et arctâ

custodiâ nutrita. Eodem tempore in Anglia fuit quidam miles nomine

Gulielmus Talbot, qui induit se habitum Peregrini (_Anglicè_, a

Pilgrim) in Normanniam transfretavit & moratus per duos annos, huc

atque illuc vagans, ad explorandam dominam Elam Sarum. Et illâ inventâ,

exuit habitum Peregrini, & induit se quasi Cytharisator & curiam ubi

morabatur intravit. Et ut erat homo Jocosus, in Gestis Antiquorum

valde peritus, ibidem gratanter fuit acceptus quasi familiaris. Et

quando tempus aptum invenit, in Angliam repatriavit, habens secum istam

venerabilem dominam Elam & hæredem Comitatus Sarum; & eam Regi Richardo

præsentavit. Ac ille lætissime eam suscepit, & Fratri suo Guillelmo

Longespee maritavit....

A.D. 1226 Dominus Guill. Longespee primus nonas Martii obiit. Ela vero

uxor ejus et 7 annis supervixit.... Una die Duo monasteria fundavit

primo mane xvi Kal. Maii. A.D. 1232. apud Lacock, in quo sanctæ degunt

Canonissæ.... Et Henton post nonam, anno vero ætatis suæ, xlv. &c."

[W] For the preceding account Dugdale refers to _Monast. Angl._ i.

(r. ii.) p. 185, but gives it as enlarged by D. Powel, in his _Hist._

_of Cambria_, p. 196, who is known to have followed ancient Welsh

MSS. The words in the Monasticon are: "Qui accersitis Sutoribus

Cestriæ et Histrionibus, festinanter cum exercitu suo venit domino

suo facere succursum. Walenses vero videntes multitudinem magnam

venientem, relictâ obsidione fugerunt.... Et propter hoc dedit comes

antedictus.... Constabulario dominationem Sutorum et Histrionum.

Constabularius vero retinuit sibi et hæredibus suis dominationem

Sutorum: et Histrionum dedit vero Seneschallo." So the passage should

apparently be pointed; but either _et_ or _vero_ seems redundant.

We shall see below in note [Z] the proper import of the word

_histriones_; but it is very remarkable that this is not the word used

in the grant of the constable De Lacy to Dutton, but "magisterium

omnium _leccatorum_ et _meretricium_ totius Cestreshire, sicut liberius

illum (_sic_) magisterium teneo de comite" (_vid._ Blount's _Ancient

Tenures_, p. 156). Now, as under this grant the heirs of Dutton

confessedly held for many ages a _magisterial_ jurisdiction over all

the minstrels and musicians of that county, and as it could not be

conveyed by the word _meretrices_, the natural inference is, that the

minstrels were expressed by the term _leccatores_. It is true, Du Cange

compiling his Glossary could only find in the writers he consulted

this word used in the abusive sense, often applied to every synonyme

of the sportive and dissolute minstrel, viz. _Scurra_, _vaniloquus_,

_parasitus_, _epulo_, &c. (This I conceive to be the proper arrangement

of these explanations, which only express the character given to the

minstrel elsewhere: see Du Cange, _passim_, and notes, [C], [E], [F],

[I], iii. 2, &c.) But he quotes an ancient MS. in French metre, wherein

the leccour (Lat. _leccator_) and the minstrel are joined together, as

receiving from Charlemagne a grant of the territory of Provence, and

from whom the Provençal troubadours were derived, &c. See the passage

above in note [C] p. 387.

The exception in favour of the family of Dutton is thus expressed in

the statute, Anno 39, Eliz. chap. iv. entitled, "An Act for punishment

of Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars."

"§ II.... All fencers, bearwards, common players of enterludes, and

minstrels, wandering abroad (other than players of enterludes belonging

to any baron of this realm, or any other honourable personage of

greater degree, to be authorised to play under the hand and seal of

arms of such baron or personage): all juglers, tinkers, pedlers, &c....

shall be adjudged and deemed rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars, &c.

"§ X. Provided always that this act, or any thing therein contained,

or any authority thereby given, shall not in any wise extend to

disinherit, prejudice, or hinder John Dutton of Dutton, in the county

of Chester, Esquire, his heirs or assigns, for, touching or concerning

any liberty, preheminence, authority, jurisdiction, or inheritance,

which the said John Dutton now lawfully useth, or hath, or lawfully may

or ought to use within the county-palatine of Chester, and the county

of the city of Chester, or either of them, by reason of any ancient

charters of any kings of this land, or by reason of any prescription,

usage, or title whatsoever."

The same clauses are renewed in the last act on this subject, passed in

the present reign of George III.

[X] [_Edward I ... at the knighting of his son, &c._] See _Nic. Triveti

Annales_, Oxon. 1719, 8vo. p. 342.

"In festo Pentecostes Rex filium suum armis militaribus cinxit, & cum

eo Comites Warenniæ & Arundeliæ, aliosque, quorum numerus ducentos &

quadraginta dicitur excessisse. Eodem die cum sedisset Rex in mensa,

novis militibus circumdatus, ingressa Ministrellorum Multitudo,

portantium multiplici ornatu amictum, ut milites præcipue novos

invitarent, & inducerent, ad vovendum factum armorum aliquod coram

signo."

[Y] [_By an express regulation, &c._] See in Hearne's _Append. ad

Lelandi Collectan._ vol. vi. p. 36. "A Dietarie, Writtes published

after the Ordinance of Earles and Barons, Anno Dom. 1315."

"Edward by the grace of God, &c. to sheriffes, &c., greetyng. Forasmuch

as ... many idle persons, under colour of mynstrelsie, and going in

messages, and other faigned busines, have ben and yet be receaved in

other mens houses to meate and drynke, and be not therwith contented

yf they be not largely consydered with gyftes of the Lordes of the

houses, &c.... We wyllyng to restrayne such outrageous enterprises and

idlenes, &c. have ordeyned ... that to the houses of prelates, earles,

and barons, none resort to meate and drynke, unless he be a mynstrel,

and of these minstrels that there come none except it be three or four

minstrels of honour at the most in one day, unlesse he be desired of

the Lorde of the house. And to the houses of meaner men that none come

unlesse he be desired, and that such as shall come so, holde themselves

contented with meate and drynke, and with such curtesie as the maister

of the house wyl shewe unto them of his owne good wyll, without their

askyng of any thyng. And yf any one do agaynst this ordinaunce, at

the firste tyme he to lose his minstrelsie, and at the second tyme to

forsweare his craft, and never to be receaved for a minstrell in any

house.... Yeven at Langley the vi. day of August, in the ix yere of our

reigne."

These abuses arose again to as great a height as ever in little more

than a century after; in consequence, I suppose, of the licentiousness

that crept in during the civil wars of York and Lancaster. This

appears from the charter, 9 E. IV. referred to in p. xlv. "Ex

querulosâ insinuatione ... Ministrallorum nostrorum accepimus qualiter

nonnulli rudes agricolæ & artifices diversarum misterarum regni nostri

Angliæ, finxerunt se fore ministrallos, quorum aliqui liberatam

nostram eis minime datam portarent, seipsos etiam fingentes esse

minstrallos nostros proprios, cujus quidem liberatæ ac dictæ artis sive

occupationis ministrallorum colore, in diversis partibus regni nostri

prædicti grandes pecuniarum exactiones de ligeis nostris deceptive

colligunt, &c."

Abuses of this kind prevailed much later in Wales, as appears from

the famous commission issued out in 9 Eliz. (1567) for bestowing the

silver harp on the best minstrel, rythmer, or bard, in the principality

of North Wales: of which a fuller account will be given below in note

[Bb3].

[Z] [_It is thus related by Stow._] See his Survey of London, &c.

fol. 1633, p. 521 (Acc. of Westm. Hall). Stow had this passage

from Walsingham's _Hist. Ang._ ... "Intravit quædam mulier ornata

histrionali habitu, equum bonum insidens histrionaliter phaleratum,

quæ mensas more histrionum circuivit; & tandem ad Regis mensam per

gradus ascendit, & quandam literam coram rege posuit, & retracto fræno

(salutatis ubique discumbentibus) prout venerat ita recessit," &c.

_Anglic. Norm. Script._ &c. Franc. 1603, fol. p. 109.

It may be observed here, that minstrels and others often rode on

horseback up to the royal table, when the kings were feasting in their

great halls. See in this vol. book I, No. 6.

The answer of the porters (when they were afterwards blamed for

admitting her) also deserves attention. "Non esse moris domus regiæ

histriones ab ingressu quomodolibet prohibere, &c." Walsingh.

That Stow rightly translated the Latin word _histrio_ here by

_minstrel_, meaning a musician that sung, and whose subjects were

stories of chivalry, admits of easy proof; for in the _Gesta

Romanorum_, chap. cxi. Mercury is represented as coming to Argus in

the character of a minstrel; when he "incepit, more _histrionico_

fabulas dicere, et plerumque cantare." (T. Warton, iii. p. li.)

And Muratori cites a passage, in an old Italian chronicle, wherein

mention is made of a stage erected at Milan: "Super quo _histriones_

_cantibant_, sicut modo cantatur de Rolando et Oliverio." _Antich._

_Ital._ ii. p. 6. (_Observ. on the Statutes_, 4th edit. p. 362.)

See also [E] p. 388. [F] p. 389.

[Aa] [_There should seem to have been women of this profession._]

This may be inferred from the variety of names appropriated to them

in the Middle Ages, viz. Anglo-Sax. +Glip-meden+ (Glee-maiden),

&c. +glypiendemaden, glypbydenestra+. (vid. supra, p. 393.) Fr.

_jengleresse_, Med. Lat. _joculatrix_, _ministralissa_, _foemina

ministerialis_, &c. (vid. Du Cange, _Gloss. & Suppl._)

See what is said in p. 371 concerning the "sisters of the fraternity

of minstrels;" see also a passage quoted by Dr. Burney (ii. 315) from

Muratori, of the chorus of women singing thro' the streets accompanied

with musical instruments in 1268.

Had the female described by Walsingham been a _tombestere_, or

dancing-woman (see Tyrwhitt's _Chaucer_, iv. 307, and v. Gloss.) that

historian would probably have used the word _saltatrix_ (see T. Warton,

i. 240, note M.)

These _saltatrices_ were prohibited from exhibiting in churches and

church-yards along with _joculatores_, _histriones_, with whom they

were sometimes classed, especially by the rigid ecclesiastics, who

censured, in the severest terms, all these sportive characters (vid. T.

Warton _in loco citato_, and vide _supra_ not. E, F, &c.).

And here I would observe, that although Fauchet and other

subsequent writers affect to arrange the several members of the

minstrel profession under the different classes of _troverres_ (or

_troubadours_), _chanterres_, _conteours_, and _jugleurs_, &c. (vid.

p. 385) as if they were distinct and separate orders of men, clearly

distinguished from each other by these appropriate terms, we find no

sufficient grounds for this in the oldest writers; but the general

names in Latin, _histrio_, _mimus_, _joculator_, _ministrallus_, &c. in

French, _menestrier_, _menestrel_, _jongleur_, _jugleur_, &c. and in

English, _jogeleur_, _jugler_, _minstrels_, and the like, seem to be

given them indiscriminately. And one or other of these names seem to

have been sometimes applied to every species of men, whose business it

was to entertain or divert (_joculari_) whether with poesy, singing,

music, or gesticulation, singly, or with a mixture of all these. Yet as

all men of this sort were considered as belonging to one class, order

or community (many of the above arts being sometimes exercised by the

same person), they had all of them doubtless the same privileges, and

it equally throws light upon the general history of the profession to

shew what favour or encouragement was given, at any particular period

of time, to any one branch of it. I have not therefore thought it

needful to inquire whether, in the various passages quoted in these

pages, the word minstrel, &c. is always to be understood in its exact

and proper meaning of a singer to the harp, &c.

That men of very different arts and talents were included under the

common name of minstrels, &c. appears from a variety of authorities.

Thus we have _menestrels de trompes_ and _menestrels de bouche_ in

the suppl. to Du Cange, c. 1227, and it appears still more evident from

an old French rhymer, whom I shall quote at large:

"Le Quens[1128] manda les _Menestrels_;

Et si a fet[1129] crier entre els,

Qui la meillor truffe[1130] sauroit

Dire, ne faire, qu'il auroit

Sa robe d'escarlate nueve.

L'uns Menestrels à l'autre reuve

Fere son mestier, tel qu'il sot,

Li uns fet l'yvre, l'autre sot;

Li uns chante, li autre note;

Et li autres dit la riote;

Et li autres la jenglerie;[1131]

Cil qui sevent de jonglerie

Vielent par devant le Conte;

Aucuns ja qui fabliaus conte

Il i ot dit mainte risée," &c.

_Fabliaux et Contes_, 12mo. tom. ii. p. 161.

And what species of entertainment was afforded by the ancient

_juggleurs_ we learn from the following citation from an old romance,

written in 1230:

"Quand les tables ostees furent

C'il _juggleurs_ in pies esturent

S'ont vielles, et harpes prisees

Chansons, sons, vers, et reprises

Et _gestes_ chantè nos ont."

Sir J. Hawkins, ii. 44, from _Andr. du Chene_. See also Tyrwhitt's

_Chaucer_, iv. p. 299.

All the before mentioned sports went by the general name of

_ministralcia ministellorum ludicra_, &c.--_Charta an._ 1377, _apud_

Rymer, vii. p. 160. "Peracto autem prandio, ascendebat D. Rex in

cameram suam cum Prælatis Magnatibus & Proceribus prædictis: & deinceps

Magnates, Milites & Domini, aliique Generosi diem illum, usque ad

tempus coenæ, in tripudiis, coreis & solempnibus Ministralciis, præ

gaudio solempnitatis illius continuarunt." (Du Cange, _Gloss._ 773.)

This was at the coronation of K. Richard II.

It was common for the minstrels to dance, as well as to harp and sing

(see above, note [E], p. 389); thus in the old Romance of _Tirante el

Blanco_, Val. 1511, the 14th cap. lib. 2, begins thus: "Despues qui las

Mesas fueron alçadas vinieron los Ministriles; y delante del rey, y de

la Reyna dançaron un rato: y despues truxeron colacion."