and shipment of Chinese coolies, and none in Cuba regulating their
transportation, landing, or treatment while here. The trade has grown up
and been permitted and recognized, but not regulated. It is yet to be
determined how far the contract is enforceable against either party.
Those coolies that are taken from the British East Indies to British
islands are taken under contracts, with regulations, as to their
exportation and return, understood and enforced. Not so the Chinese
coolies. Their importers are _lege soluti_. Some say the government will
insist on their being returned. But the prevailing impression is that
they will be brought in debt, and bound over again for their debts, or
in some other way secured to a life-long servitude.
Mr.----, a very wealthy and intelligent planter, tells me he is to go
over to Regla, to-morrow morning, to see a lot of slaves offered for
sale to him, and asks me if I have ever seen a sale of slaves. I never
have seen that sight, and accept his invitation. We are to leave here at
half-past six, or seven, at the latest. All work is early here; I
believe I have mentioned that the hour of 'Change for merchants is 7.30
A.M.
XX.
HAVANA: Slaves, Lotteries, Cockfights and Filibusters
Rise early, and walk to the sea-baths, and take a delightful float and
swim. And refreshing it is, after a feverish night in my hot room, where
I did not sleep an hour all night, but heard every quarter-hour struck,
and the boatswain's whistle of the watchmen and their full cry of the
hour and the weather, at every clock-strike. From the bath, I look out
over the wall, far to the northeast, in the hope of catching a glimpse
of the "Cahawba's" smoke. This is the day of her expected arrival. My
New York friends and myself feel that we have seen Havana to our
satisfaction, and the heat is becoming intense. We are beginning to
receive advice against eating fruit after _café au lait_, or bananas
with wine, and in favor of high-crowned hats at noon to prevent
congestion from heat, and to avoid fogs in the morning. But there is no
"Cahawba" in sight, and I hear only the bray of trumpets and roll of
drums from the Morro and Cabaña and Punta, and the clanking march of the
chain-gang down the Paseo, and the march of the guard to trumpet and
drum.
Mr.---- is punctual at seven, his son with him, and a man in a suit of
white linen, who is the broker employed by Mr.----. We take a ferry-boat
and cross to the Regla; and a few minutes' walk brings us to a small
nail factory, where all the workmen are coolies. In the back-yard of
this factory is a line of low buildings, from which the slaves are
brought out, to be shown. We had taken up, at the ferry-boat, a small,
thin, sharp-faced man, who was the dealer. The slaves are formed in a
semicircle, by the dealer and broker. The broker pushed and pulled them
about in a coarse, careless manner, worse than the manner of the dealer.
I am glad he is not to be their master. Mr.---- spoke kindly to them.
They were fully dressed; and no examination was made except by the eye;
and no exhibitions of strength or agility were required, and none of
those offensive examinations of which we read so much. What examination
had been made or was to be made by the broker, out of my presence, I do
not know. The "lot" consisted of about fifty, of both sexes and of all
ages, some being old, and some very young. They were not a valuable lot,
and Mr.---- refused to purchase them all. The dealer offered to separate
them. Mr.---- selected about half of them, and they were set apart. I
watched the countenances of all--the taken and the left. It was hard to
decipher the character of their emotions. A kind of fixed hopelessness
marked the faces of some, listlessness that of others, and others seemed
anxious or disappointed, but whether because taken or rejected, it was
hard to say. When the separation was made, and they knew its purpose,
still no complaint was made and no suggestion ventured by the slaves
that a tie of nature or affection was broken. I asked Mr.---- if some of
them might not be related. He said he should attend to that, as he never
separated families. He spoke to each of those he had chosen, separately,
and asked if they had parent or child, husband or wife, or brother or
sister among those who were rejected. A few pointed out their relations,
and Mr.---- took them into his lot. One was an aged mother, one a wife,
and another a little daughter. I am satisfied that no separations were
made in this case, and equally satisfied that neither the dealer nor the
broker would have asked the question.
I asked Mr.---- on what principle he made his selection, as he did not
seem to me always to take the strongest. "On the principle of race,"
said he. He told me that these Negroes were probably natives of Africa,
bozales, except the youngest, and that the signs of the races were known
to all planters. A certain race he named as having always more
intelligence and ambition than any other; as more difficult to manage,
but far superior when well managed. All of this race in the company, he
took at once, whatever their age or strength. I think the preferred
tribe was the Lucumí, but am not certain.
From this place, I made a short visit to the almacén de azúcar, in the
Regla, the great storehouses of sugar. These are a range of one-story,
stone warehouses, so large that a great part of the sugar crop of the
island, as I am told, could be stored in them. Here the vessels go to
load, and the merchants store their sugar here, as wine is stored in the
London docks.
The Cubans are careful of the diet of foreigners, even in winter. I
bought a couple of oranges, and young Mr.---- bought a sapote, a kind
of sweet-sour apple, when the broker said "Take care! Did you not have
milk with your coffee?" I inquired, and they told me it was not well to
eat fresh fruit soon after taking milk, or to take bananas with wine, or
to drink spirits. "But is this in winter, also?" "Yes; and it is already
very hot, and there is danger of fever among strangers."
Went to La Dominica, the great restaurant and depot of preserves and
sweetmeats for Havana, and made out my order for preserves to take home
with me. After consultation, I am advised to make up my list as follows:
guava of Peru, limes, mamey apples, soursop, coconut, oranges, guava
jelly, guava marmalade, and almonds.
The ladies tell me there is a kind of fine linen sold here, called
bolan, which it is difficult to obtain in the United States, and which
would be very proper to take home for a present. On this advice, I
bought a quantity of it, of blue and white, at La Diana, a shop on the
corner of Calle de Obispo and San Ignacio.
Breakfasted with a wealthy and intelligent gentleman, a large planter,
who is a native of Cuba, but of European descent. A very nice breakfast,
of Spanish mixed dishes, rice cooked to perfection, fruits, claret, and
the only cup of good black tea I have tasted in Cuba. At Le Grand's, we
have no tea but the green.
At breakfast, we talked freely on the subject of the condition and
prospects of Cuba; and I obtained from my host his views of the
economic and industrial situation of the island. He was confident that
the number of slaves does not exceed 500,000, to 200,000 free blacks,
and 600,000 or 700,000 whites. His argument led him to put the number of
slaves as low as he could, yet he estimated it far above that of the
census of 1857, which makes it 375,000. But no one regards the census of
slaves as correct. There is a tax on slaves, and the government has
little chance of getting them stated at the full number. One planter
said to a friend of mine, a year or two ago, that his two hundred slaves
were returned as one hundred. I find the best opinions put the slaves at
650,000, the free blacks at 200,000, and the whites at 700,000.
Havana is flooded with lottery-ticket vendors. They infest every
eating-house and public way, and vex you at dinner, in your walks and
rides. They sell for one grand lottery, established and guaranteed by
the government, always in operation, and yielding to the state a net
revenue of nearly two millions a year. The Cubans are infatuated with
this lottery. All classes seem to embark in it. Its effect is especially
bad on the slaves, who invest in it all they can earn, beg, or steal,
allured by the glorious vision of possibly purchasing their freedom, and
elevating themselves into the class of proprietors.
Some gentlemen at Le Grand's have been to a cock-fight. I shall be
obliged to leave the island without seeing this national sport for which
every town, and every village has a pit, a Valle de Gallos. They tell me
it was a very exciting scene among the spectators. Negroes, free and
slave, low whites, coolies, and men of high condition were all
frantically betting. Most of the bets were made by holding up the
fingers and by other signs, between boxes and galleries. They say I
should hardly credit the large sums which the most ordinary looking men
staked and paid.
I am surprised to find what an impression the López expedition made in
Cuba--a far greater impression than is commonly supposed in the United
States. The fears of the government and hopes of sympathizers
exaggerated the force, and the whole military power of the government
was stirred against them. Their little force of a few hundred
broken-down men and lads, deceived and deserted, fought a body of eight
times their number, and kept them at bay, causing great slaughter. The
railroad trains brought the wounded into Havana, car after car; rumors
of defeat filled the city; artillery was sent out; and the actual loss
of the Spaniards, in killed and wounded, was surprisingly large. On the
front wall of the Cabaña, plainly seen from the deck of every vessel
that leaves or enters the port, is a monument to the honor of those who
fell in the battle with the filibusteros. The spot where López was
garroted, in front of the Punta, is pointed out, as well as the slope of
the hill from the castle of Atares, where his surviving followers were
shot.
XXI.
A SUMMING-UP: Society, Politics, Religion, Slavery, Resources and
Reflections
To an American, from the free states, Cuba presents an object of
singular interest. His mind is occupied and almost oppressed by the
thought of the strange problems that are in process of solution around
him. He is constantly a critic, and a philosophizer, if not a
philosopher. A despotic civil government, compulsory religious
uniformity, and slavery are in full possession of the field. He is
always seeking information as to causes, processes and effects, and
almost as constantly baffled. There are three classes of persons in
Cuba, from whom he receives contradictory and irreconcilable statements:
the Cubans, the Spaniards, and foreigners of other nations. By Cubans, I
mean the Criollos (Creoles), or natives of Cuba. By Spaniards, I mean
the Peninsulares, or natives of Old Spain. In the third class are
comprised the Americans, English, French, Germans, and all other
foreigners, except Spaniards, who are residents on the island, but not
natives. This last class is large, possesses a great deal of wealth, and
includes a great number of merchants, bankers and other traders.
The Spaniards, or Peninsulares, constitute the army and navy, the
officers of the government in all departments, judicial, educational,
fiscal and postal, the revenue and the police, the upper clergy, and a
large and wealthy class of merchants, bankers, shopkeepers, and
mechanics. The higher military and civil officers are from all parts of
Spain; but the Catalans furnish the great body of the mechanics and
small traders. The Spaniards may be counted on as opponents of the
independence of Cuba, and especially of her annexation to the United
States. In their political opinions, they vary. Some belong to the
liberal, or Progresista party, and others are advocates of, or at least
apologists for, the present order of things. Their force and influence
is increased by the fact that the government encourages its military and
civil officers, at the expiration of their terms of service, to remain
in the island, still holding some nominal office, or on the pay of a
retired list.
The foreign residents, not Spaniards, are chiefly engaged in commerce,
banking, or trade, or are in scientific or mechanic employments. These
do not intend to become citizens of Cuba. They strike no root into the
soil, but feel that they are only sojourners, for purposes of their own.
Of all classes of persons, I know of none whose situation is more
unfavorable to the growth and development of sentiments of patriotism
and philanthropy, and of interest in the future of a race, than
foreigners, temporarily resident, for purposes of money-making only, in
a country with which they have nothing in common, in the future or the
past. This class is often called impartial. I do not agree to that use
of the term. They are, indeed, free from the bias of feeling or
sentiment; and from the bias generated by the combined action of men
thinking and feeling alike, which we call political party. But they are
subject to the attractions of interest; and interest will magnetize the
mind as effectually as feeling. Planted in a soil where the more tender
and delicate fibers can take no hold, they stand by the strong tap-root
of interest. It is for their immediate advantage to preserve peace and
the existing order of things; and even if it may be fairly argued that
their ultimate interests would be benefited by a change, yet the process
is hazardous, and the result not sure; and, at most, they would do no
more than take advantage of the change, if it occurred. I should say, as
a general thing, that this class is content with the present order of
things. The island is rich, production is large, commerce flourishes,
life and property are well protected, and if a man does not concern
himself with political or religious questions, he has nothing to fear.
Of the Americans in this class, many, doubtless, may be favorably
inclined toward annexation, but they are careful talkers, if they are
so; and the foreigners, not Americans, are of course earnestly opposed
to it, and the pendency of the question tends to draw them towards the
present government.
It remains only to speak of the Cubans. They are commonly styled
Creoles. But as that word includes natives of all Spanish America, it is
not quite definite. Of the Cubans, a few are advocates of the present
government--but very few. The far greater part are disaffected. They
desire something approximating to self-government. If that can be had
from Spain, they would prefer it. If not, there is nothing for them but
independence, or annexation to some other power. Not one of them thinks
of independence; and if it be annexation, I believe their present
impulse is toward the United States. Yet on this point, among even the
most disaffected of the Cubans, there is a difference of opinion. Many
of them are sincere emancipationists, and fear that if they come in at
the southern end of our Union, that question is closed for ever. Others
fear that the Anglo-Saxon race would swallow up the power and property
of the island, as they have done in California and Texas, and that the
Creoles would go to the wall.
It has been my fortune to see persons of influence and intelligence from
each of these chief divisions, and from the subdivisions, and to talk
with them freely. From the sum of their conflicting opinions and
conflicting statements, I have endeavored to settle upon some things as
certain; and, as to other things, to ascertain how far the debatable
ground extends, and the principles which govern the debate. From all
these sources, and from my own observations, I will endeavor to set down
what I think to be the present state of Cuba, in its various interesting
features, trusting to do it as becomes one whose acquaintance with the
island has been so recent and so short.
POLITICAL CONDITION
When the liberal constitutions were in force in Spain, in the early part
of this century, the benefits of them extended to Cuba. Something like
a provincial legislature was established; juntas, or advisory boards and
committees, discussed public questions, and made recommendations; a
militia was organized; the right to bear arms was recognized; tribunals,
with something of the nature of juries, passed upon certain questions;
the press was free, and Cuba sent delegates to the Spanish Cortes. This
state of things continued, with but few interruptions or variations, to
1825.
Then was issued the celebrated Royal Order of May 29, 1825, under which
Cuba has been governed to the present hour. This Royal Order is the only
constitution of Cuba. It was probably intended merely as a temporary
order to the then Captain-General; but it has been found convenient to
adhere to it. It clothes the Captain-General with the fullest powers,
the tests and limit of which are as follows: " ... fully investing you
with the whole extent of power which, by the royal ordinances, is
granted to the governors of besieged towns. In consequence thereof, His
Majesty most amply and unrestrictedly authorizes your Excellency not
only to remove from the island such persons, holding offices from
government or not, whatever their occupation, rank, class, or situation
in life may be, whose residence there you may believe prejudicial, or
whose public or private conduct may appear suspicious to you...." Since
1825, Cuba has been not only under martial law, but in a state of siege.
As to the more or less of justice or injustice, of honesty or
peculation, of fidelity or corruption, of liberality or severity, with
which these powers may have been exercised, a residence of a few days,
the reading of a few books, and conversations with a few men, though on
both sides, give me no right to pronounce. Of the probabilities, all can
judge, especially when we remember that these powers are wielded by
natives of one country over natives of another country.
Since 1825, there has been no legislative assembly in Cuba, either
provincial or municipal. The municipal corporations (ayuntamientos)
were formerly hereditary, the dignity was purchasable, and no doubt the
bodies were corrupt. But they exercised some control, at least in the
levying and expending of taxes; and, being hereditary, were somewhat
independent, and might have served, like those of Europe in the middle
ages, as nuclei of popular liberties. These have lost the few powers
they possessed, and the members are now mere appointees of the
Captain-General. Since 1836, Cuba has been deprived of its right to a
delegation in the Cortes. Since 1825, vestiges of anything approaching
to popular assemblies, juntas, a jury, independent tribunals, a right of
voting, or a right to bear arms, have vanished from the island. The
press is under censorship; and so are the theaters and operas. When "I
Puritani" is played, the singers are required to substitute Lealtad for
Libertad, and one singer was fined and imprisoned for recusancy; and
Facciolo, the printer of a secretly circulated newspaper, advocating the
cause of Cuban independence, was garroted. The power of banishing,
without a charge made, or a trial, or even a record, but on the mere
will of the Captain-General, persons whose presence he thinks, or
professes to think, prejudicial to the government, whatever their
condition, rank, or office, has been frequently exercised, and hangs at
all hours over the head of every Cuban. Besides, that terrible power
which is restrained only by the analogy of a state of siege, may be at
any time called into action. Cubans may be, and I suppose usually are,
regularly charged and tried before judges, on political accusations; but
this is not their right; and the judges themselves, even of the highest
court, the Real Audiencia, may be deposed and banished, at the will of
the military chief.
According to the strictness of the written law, no native Cuban can hold
any office of honor, trust, or emolument in Cuba. The army and navy are
composed of Spaniards, even to the soldiers in the ranks, and to the
sailors at the guns. It is said by the supporters of the government that
this order is not adhered to; and they point to a capitán-general, an
intendente, and a chief of the customs, who were Cubans. Still, such is
the written law; and if a few Cubans are put into office against the
law, those who are so favored are likely to be the most servile of
officers, and the situation of the rest is only the more degraded.
Notwithstanding the exceptions, it may be said with substantial truth
that an independent Cuban has open to him no career, civil or military.
There is a force of volunteers, to which some Cubans are admitted, but
they hold their places at the will of the government; and none are
allowed to join or remain with them unless they are acceptable to the
government.
There are vexatious and mortifying regulations, too numerous and minute
to be complied with or even remembered, and which put the people in
danger of fines or extortion at every turn. Take, for instance, the
regulation that no man shall entertain a stranger over night at his
house, without previous notice to the magistrate. As to the absolute
prohibition of concealed weapons, and of all weapons but the regulation
sword and pistols--it was no doubt introduced and enforced by Tacón as a
means of suppressing assassinations, broils and open violence; and it
has made life safer in Havana than it is in New York; yet it cannot be
denied that it created a serious disability. In fine, what is the
Spanish government in Cuba but an armed monarchy, encamped in the midst
of a disarmed and disfranchised people?
The taxes paid by the Cubans on their property, and the duties levied on
their commerce, are enormous, making a net income of not less than
$16,000,000 a year. Cuba pays all the expenses of its own government,
the salaries of all officers, the entire cost of the army and navy
quartered upon it, the maintenance of the Roman Catholic religion, and
of all the charitable and benevolent institutions, and sends an annual
remittance to Spain.
The number of Spanish men-of-war stationed on the coast, varies from
twenty-five to thirty. Of the number of soldiers of the regular army in
Cuba, it is difficult to form an opinion. The official journal puts
them at 30,000. The lowest estimate I heard, was 25,000; and the highest
was 40,000. Judging from the number of sick I saw at the Hospital
Militar, I should not be surprised if the larger estimate was nearer the
truth.
But details are of little importance. The actual administration may be a
little more or less rigid or lax. In its legal character, the government
is an unmixed despotism of one nation over another.
RELIGION
No religion is tolerated but the Roman Catholic. Formerly the church was
wealthy, authoritative and independent, and checked the civil and
military power by an ecclesiastical power wielded also by the dominant
nation. But the property of the church has been sequestrated and
confiscated, and the government now owns all the property once
ecclesiastical, including the church edifices, and appoints all the
clergy, from the bishop to the humblest country curate. All are salaried
officers. And so powerless is the church, that, however scandalous may
be the life of a parish priest, the bishop cannot remove him. He can
only institute proceedings against him before a tribunal over which the
government has large control, with a certainty of long delays and entire
uncertainty as to the result. The bishopric of Havana was formerly one
of the wealthiest sees in Christendom. Now the salary is hardly
sufficient to meet the demands which custom makes in respect of charity,
hospitality and style of living. It may be said, I think with truth,
that the Roman Catholic Church has now neither civil nor political power
in Cuba.