I. Origin

The problem presented by the origin of the sequence is perhaps the most

difficult of all those connected with the evolution of medieval

hymnology. So far the available information on the subject has never

been brought together in one place. To do so is a baffling task which

has by no means been completed here nor is that which follows either

exhaustive or conclusive. It is merely an attempt to trace the origin

and early development as far as the evidence at hand makes it possible,

at the same time referring the reader to those scholars who have

investigated special topics in detail.

The _alleluia_ of the mass is the starting-point of the sequence.

Inherited from the synagogue and incorporated in the Byzantine rite, it

was nevertheless brought independently to Rome. The extension of the

final _a_ constituted a musical phrase, called a _iubilus_ or

_iubilatio_. This elaborated _alleluia_ with _iubilus_ is Gregorian.[1]

It became necessary for the sake of breathing, to divide the extended

_iubilus_ into musical phrases, each a _sequentia_ and the whole

_sequentiae_. Some _iubili_ however, remained single while others were

sung by two choirs with a repetition of phrases. The next step was the

composition of a text for some of the _iubili_, which text was written

below the musical notation. Finally a text was supplied for every such

melody, which resulted in the _sequentia cum prosa_.[2]

It is one thing to note the preceding succession of steps as objective

phenomena. It is quite another to explain the origin of the idea which

transformed the _alleluia_ into the larger _iubilus_. This is the most

obscure point in the musical development of the sequence, which, for

lack of manuscript evidence cannot at present be clarified. At least

three hypotheses have been offered. Arguing from the appearance of the

trope, some have suggested that the _iubilus_ is a musical interpolation

just as the trope is a textual interpolation. This is quite possible but

perhaps too simple for an adequate solution. A much more tempting

hypothesis has appealed to a variety of scholars,—that of the

introduction of Greek melodies.[3] To these students it has seemed more

than probable that the intercourse between western Europe and the

Byzantine realms in the reign of Charlemagne constitutes a sufficient

explanation for the appearance of fresh musical themes. Again, a

possibility only has been suggested. So far manuscript evidence for the

Greek melodies from which the Gregorian _alleluiae_ and their _iubili_

are derived, has not appeared. Blume, whose treatment of the subject

forms the basis of this chapter, not only questions the hypothesis of

Greek melodies but he offers a third suggestion and that tentatively;

Gregory, he thinks, shortened the _alleluia_ brought over by the Greeks.

When, later, a tendency was felt to elaborate the forms of worship, the

longer melodies were once more revived in the sequence. This very

interesting suggestion, if one day capable of proof, would harmonize the

Byzantine and Gregorian influences which produced the initial extension

of the final _a_ of the _alleluia_.

For purposes of clearness a differentiation should be made between the

musical and poetical development of the sequence as soon as the

_sequentia cum prosa_ is reached. Manifestly it is impossible to do so,

in any complete fashion, where words and music are so inextricably

interwoven in a common development. It is better, however, to attempt

the impossible and for the present, to ignore overlappings.[4]

The origin of the word _sequentia_ itself, in the phrase _sequentia cum

prosa_ has often been discussed because of its significance in tracing

the musical development of the forms in question. To some scholars

_sequentia_ means merely _sequela_, _i.e._ notes following the _a_ of

the _alleluia_, a simple and tenable theory. To the great majority,

however, _sequentia_ is a translation of the Greek _akoulouthia_. In

fact it has been generally accepted as such, although _sequentia_

conveys the idea of continuation in the Greek word rather than its

technical meaning of a continuation specifically of songs, etc. If this

is valid, Greek influence upon the origin of the sequence is

inferred.[5] Another form of the theory of Greek influence is evident in

the suggestion that _sequentia_ means _hirmos_, that is, a regular

continuation of tones. _Hirmos_ may refer to poetry also.[6] A

derivation of _sequentia_ from Greek terms, if proven, would of course,

buttress the theory of Byzantine influence upon the whole development;

but the weakness of the derivation from _akoulouthia_, for example, is

its dependence upon a misunderstanding of the Greek form of worship to

which the word applies.[7] An entirely different suggestion as to origin

arises from the formula used in the liturgy to announce the Gospel,

_Sequentia Sancti Evangelii secundum_ _etc._[8] Often some practical

consideration, extraneous condition or unrelated incidental circumstance

has affected liturgical change or development. Consequently, even a

slight suggestion like this provokes thought.

Whatever may be the correct origin of the word _sequentia_ the place of

origin of the sequence is generally conceded to have been France

sometime in the eighth century. The part played by other lands in the

origin of the _sequentia cum prosa_ cannot be wholly determined at

present. It must suffice to study the evidence available. It has been

demonstrated how the early French sequences have a closer tie with the

_alleluia_ and how the word is sometimes retained to introduce the

_prosae_ which accompany the music. There is considerable evidence

supporting French priority over the Germans in the creation of these new

musical forms, the chief centers of composition being St. Martial,

Luxeuil, Fleury-sur-Loire, and Moissac, the outstanding rival of St.

Martial. An origin for the sequence in France is independently probable

due to the interest in liturgical music stimulated by Charlemagne, who,

as shown in the preceding chapter, favored Gregorian and Byzantine

innovations at the expense of Gallican forms.

One of the suggestions mentioned to account for the original lengthening

of the _alleluia_ in the _iubilus_ is connected with the trope. The word

has long been defined as a textual interpolation.[9] Gastoué, however,

contends that it was originally and primarily musical, a vocalization in

the existing chant and that it was created in the music school. The

ancient form of trope is a _neuma triplex_ added to the response _In

medio_ _etc._ for the Feast of St. John the Apostle, or to _Descendit de

caelis_ for Christmas. This vocalism is described by Amalarius of Metz

and indeed Metz may be its place of origin. Alcuin has been named as the

possible originator, a theory strengthened by the fact that Amalarius

was one of his pupils.[10] At any rate Amalarius seems to have been the

first to call the melody following the _alleluia_, a _sequentia_,[11]

from which it is evident that the _iubili_ must have been regarded in

some other light prior to his writing. The _sequentia_ in connection

with the _alleluia_ may very reasonably have been considered a trope,

since vocalisms like these had already appeared elsewhere in rites of

worship, and sequences in addition to those which belong to the

_alleluia_ of the mass have been found in antiphonaries. To repeat,

Gastoué describes a musical interpolation or trope originating in the

music schools of the Franks and appearing in various liturgical

settings. He likens the _iubilus_ to a trope which Amalarius called a

_sequentia_. The original divisions created by the musical phrases in

the _iubilus_ now appear in a series, each repeated a certain number of

times with introduction and conclusion and thus the completed sequence

structure comes into being. The germ of its formal construction, Gastoué

finds in certain Gregorian sources. The ancient _alleluia_, _Justus ut

palma florebit_, shows such characteristics and reveals the liturgical

Latin origin of the sequence, its melody going back to the _versus

alleluiaticus_.

In spite of the evidence which would make the sequence a native musical

product of western Europe, the theory of Greek origin is still

persistently held by certain scholars. For that reason it must be

considered in greater detail. Gregory’s adoption of Greek novelties

forms the starting point of this theory, while Charlemagne’s well-known

enthusiasm for Greek innovations carries its proponents still further.

The fact that the original Greek melodies which are assumed to have been

used in the west, have never been produced in evidence, is not a proof

of their non-existence. An extensive study of certain sequence melodies

has been made in order to determine whether they are modeled upon Greek

originals, since the Greek names for these melodies and features of

notation point to such an origin.[12] But such names are secondary, the

original and natural name being the first phrase of the Latin words

accompanying the melodies and the Greek word a suggested title. A Greek

melody, called _Organa_, for instance, might be assumed to retain its

name in Latin. The opposite is the case for the name _Filia matris_ is

original and _Organa_ the suggested title.

Regarding the argument from notation it is a matter of common knowledge

that the _neume_ is native to Greek-speaking lands and may have existed

as early as the sixth century.[13] _Neumes_ took firm root at St. Gall,

the great German center for the propagation of the sequence, so much so,

that they persisted until the twelfth century even after the invention

of the staff and in the interval were spread by teaching. Moreover,

_neumes_ were written in the manner of the eastern church, _i.e._ in a

straight line, not at different levels to indicate pitch.[14] It is

unfortunate that the dearth of manuscripts showing _neumes_ makes a gap

in the evidence just where support is most needed, for the earliest

musical manuscripts with this notation date from the ninth century;[15]

but the assumption in favor of Greek originals is at least strong enough

to forbid its being ignored.

An additional circumstance which supports the theory of Greek origin is

the fact of musical parallelism in the structure of the sequence. This

is an important point of contact between the sequence and Byzantine

musical forms, although it has not been universally convincing. On the

contrary, some have traced this phenomenon of musical parallelism to one

of those extraneous conditions, affecting liturgical practice, namely,

the use of antiphonal choirs.[16]

Nothing can be more unsatisfactory to the student who is trying to force

the sequence into any particular theory of musical origin than the

contemplation of what is actually known on this subject, for the

question seems destined to remain undecided. A better perspective may be

reached by examining the poetical development of the sequence which

began with the _sequentia cum prosa_ and ended in a new form of Latin

hymn for which melodies were in turn composed.

The text written below the _alleluia_ melody is generally accepted as of

French origin and likewise the naming of that text. As the text became

important the melody too was named so that the melody and text were

differentiated from each other, the latter as a _prosa_. It is unknown

whether the name _sequentia_ instead of _prosa_ was chosen deliberately

as differing from the French usage. Amalarius was apparently the first

to use the word _sequentia_ in connection with the music. Later the term

was destined to supersede the name _prosa_ for the poetical text.

We owe to Notker, whose part in creating the sequence will be considered

in greater detail below, an account of his invention of words as an aid

to memorizing the elaborate melody of the _alleluia_ trope. Whether

Notker was the first to see the value of this device and to employ it,

is unknown.[17] As a theory of origin it has always been popular, being

held by Frere and many others. For the present it may be acknowledged

that it is a reasonable theory for, of course, only the choir leader had

a musical codex to refer to and the musical ability of the average monk

was unequal to the difficulties of memorization by ear alone. Moreover,

this theory can always be accepted with others, although it seems

inadequate by itself.

A second explanation of origin arises from the possibility that sequence

poetry originated in the imitation of Greek hymn models. The statement

has been made definitely that sequence poetry shows the transference of

the Byzantine structure of hymnody to Latin church poetry, especially

Notker’s.[18] With every circumstance favoring such a transfer it is

amazing that the Franks who heard so much of Greek hymns and could have

translated them into Latin and sung them to the same tunes, evidently

did nothing of the kind. Some other explanation of similarity must be

found. Metrical parallelism, which is characteristic of the Latin

sequence and contemporary Greek hymns, in Gastoué’s opinion, can be

accounted for only by reference to Hebrew poetry as the ultimate

inspiration of liturgical poetry.[19] Thus a Byzantine theory of origin

breaks down when metrical sources are subjected to closer scrutiny.

After all, the sequence is unknown in the Byzantine ritual and therefore

the Byzantine influence could never have been direct.

A third theory emphasizes the metrical form of the _alleluia_ melody as

the determining factor in creating a new poetical rhythm.[20] Here, the

desire to create fitting expressions of praise is not explained so much

as the form in which the praises are cast. Von Winterfeld thought that

rhythmical prose was inseparable from the liturgical music which had

already been composed, just as the Greek chorus and the Wagnerian music

drama found their complement in a dignified and sonorous prose

rhythm.[21] This theory may well be called the liturgical. It is most

significant for the lyrical movement in general since a new metrical

form is created differing from the Ambrosian meter or the revived

classical meters popular among Carolingian poets. The lyric is born

again, as Meyer expresses it, in the music of the church.[22] A poem

arises consisting of a series of parallel strophes with introduction and

conclusion, a lyric counterpart to the musical phrases of the

_sequentia_.

The Medieval Latin Hymn · 第 15 / 94 题