and, as I wrote in great pain, I think it was scarce legible;—such, as
it was, shall be glad to hear it reached you safe: in a few days after I
dispatched it to you, my fever abated, and I was judged to be out of
danger; for some time, however, it was apprehended I should lose my arm;
as all my baggage remained here since last winter, I obtained leave to
remove to this place, knowing I could be better accommodated here, than
in my confined situation at Fort Edward: in my last, I promised you a
particular account of our unhappy storm of the 8th instant; it is a
mortifying talk, but you shall be indulged, as I know you are curious
after every occurrence. It will be needless to have retrospect to any
events preceding the 4th of this month, as there was not any thing
remarkable, except preparing for the expedition, and embarking our
provisions, stores, and artillery; the latter were mounted on floats or
rafts, for the protection of our armament upon the lake, and to cover us
at our landing. On the 5th, the whole army, amounting to about sixteen
thousand men, embarked likewise; our transports were bateaux and
whaleboats, and in such numbers as to cover the lake for a considerable
length of way, as may well be supposed; we proceeded soon after in great
order, and, as I was in one of the foremost divisions, as soon as we
were put in motion, I think I never beheld so delightful a prospect. On
the 6th, we arrived early in the morning at the cove, where we were to
land: here we expected some opposition; but a party of light troops
having got on shore, and finding all clear, the whole army landed
without loss of time, formed into columns and marched immediately; upon
our approach, an advanced guard of the enemy, consisting of several
hundred regulars and savages, who were posted in a strong intrenched
camp, retired very precipitately, after setting fire to their camp, and
destroying almost every thing they had with them; we continued our march
through dark woods and swamps that were almost impassable, till at
length, having lost our way, the army being obliged to break their order
of march, we were perplexed, thrown into confusion, and fell in upon one
another, in a most disorderly manner: it was at this time that Brigadier
Lord Howe, being advanced a considerable way ahead of us, with all the
light infantry, and one of our columns, came up with the
before-mentioned advanced guard of the enemy, who we also suppose to
have lost themselves in their retreat, when a smart skirmish ensued, in
which we were victors, though with some loss; trifling, however, in
comparison to that which the army sustained by his Lordship’s fall, who
was killed at the first charge, and is universally regretted both by
officers and soldiers; the enemy suffered much in this encounter, being
very roughly handled; and we made many men and several officers
prisoners. On the morning of the 7th we marched back to the
landing-place, in order to give the troops time to rest and refresh
themselves, being by this time not a little harrassed, as may well be
conceived: here we incamped, got a fresh supply of provisions, and
boiled our kettles; we had not been there many hours, when a detachment
of the army (to which I belonged) were sent off under Colonel
Bradstreet, to dispossess the enemy of a post they had at a saw-mill,
about two miles from Ticonderoga; but they did not wait for us; for,
upon receiving intelligence, by their scouts of our approach, they
destroyed the mill, and a bridge that lay across the river; the latter
we soon replaced, and lay, upon our arms until the evening, when we were
joined by the remainder of the army. I wish I could throw a veil over
what is to follow; for I confess I am at a loss how to proceed:—our army
was numerous, we were in good spirits, and, if I may give you my own
private opinion, I believe we were one and all infatuated with a notion
of carrying every obstacle, with so great a force we had, by a mere Coup
de Musqueterie; to such chimerical and romantic ideas I entirely
attribute our great disaster on the 8th, in which we were confirmed by
the report of our chief engineer, who had reconnoitred the enemy’s
works, and determined our fate, by declaring it as his opinion, that it
was very practical to carry them by a general storm; accordingly, the
army being formed, and every thing in readiness, we proceeded to the
attack, which was as well conducted and supported as any bold
undertaking ever was;—but alas! we soon found ourselves grossly
deceived;—the intrenchments were different from what we had expected,
and were made to believe, their breast-works were uncommonly high, and
the ground in their front, for a great length of way, was covered with
an Abatis de Bois, laid so close and thick, that their works were really
rendered impregnable. The troops, by the cool and spirited example of
the General, made many eager efforts to no purpose; for we were so
intangled in the branches of the felled trees, that we could not
possibly advance; the enemy were sensible of this, and remained steady
at their breast-works, repeating their fire, which, from their numbers,
was very weighty, and, from a conviction of their own safety, was served
with great composure. Such was our situation for almost five hours,
when, at length, finding our loss considerable, and no prospect of
carrying our point, we were ordered to desist, and retire;—the army
retreated to the ground we had occupied on the preceding night at the
sawmill, and the wounded were sent off to the bateaux without delay,
where the remains of our shattered forces joined us early on the ninth,
and the whole re-embarked, and continued our retreat to Lake George;
there we arrived the same evening and encamped. That place is computed
to be about thirty miles from Ticonderoga (though I believe it is more)
and fourteen from Fort Edward, whither, as also to this town (from which
I now write) all the wounded were sent the next day. Our loss is indeed
very considerable, as you will see by the inclosed return. The valiant
Colonels Donaldson, Bever, and Major Proby, with many other of our
friends, I am heartily sorry to acquaint you, are among the slain. So
that what we find so feelingly expressed by the poet is here fatally
verified,
‘For, How many mothers shall bewail their sons!
How many widows weep their husbands slain!’
[Illustration: Replica of the Cross Erected by General Montcalm,
Commemorating the French Victory at Carillon]
What loss the enemy sustained, or if any, it is impossible for us to be
able to give the least account of; they did not attempt to pursue us in
our retreat.—Let me hear from you upon receipt of this packet, and, if
anything should occur in the farther course of this campaign, you shall
hear from me again; but, I presume the French general will cut out such
work for us, as will oblige our forces to act on the defensive.’”
In August of this year Israel Putnam, while scouting near Fort Miller,
was captured by some French and Indians, and, after being stripped of
his coat, vest, stockings and shoes, was loaded with the packs of the
wounded and marched toward Ticonderoga. During this trip he was stripped
naked, tied to a tree, and preparations were made for burning him when a
French officer interposed. Reaching Ticonderoga, he was examined by the
Marquis de Montcalm and sent to Montreal as a prisoner. Afterwards
exchanged, he lived to have a distinguished career in the Revolution.
[Illustration: Montcalm Congratulating His Victorious Troops After
the Battle of July 8, 1758
(Painting by Harry A. Ogden in the Fort Ticonderoga Museum)]
[Illustration: Major Robert Rogers’ Battle on Snowshoes in 1757
(From a Painting in the Glens Falls Insurance Co. Building)]
CHAPTER FIVE
The Amherst Campaign
The next year, 1759, General Jeffrey Amherst, who had succeeded General
Abercromby, again advanced down Lake George to attack the Fort. On July
21st with 5743 British regulars and about the same number of provincials
he left Fort William Henry. In the meantime, the French garrison at
Ticonderoga had been much reduced. Montcalm had gone to the defense of
Quebec, leaving General Bourlamaque, who had been slightly wounded the
year before, in command. Amherst’s army followed Abercromby’s route but
instead of attacking proceeded to invest the Fort. Bourlamaque soon
realized that he would be starved out and captured within a reasonable
time, so, after a few days defense decided to evacuate. He left Captain
Hebecourt with 400 of the garrison and with the balance retreated to
Crown Point and eventually to Isle aux Noix. Hebecourt kept up a heavy
artillery fire as the British advanced through the French lines and
threw up counter defenses. Amherst was then within 600 yards of the
Fort. He did not know that Bourlamaque had retreated with most of the
French Army. On the 3rd night Hebecourt embarked the balance of his
force, set fire to the Fort and left a lighted match headed for the
powder magazine, which was located in the South East Bastion. The Fort
was soon in flames and the magazine blew up with a tremendous explosion.
Hebecourt made good his retreat to Isle aux Noix where he joined
Bourlamaque.
An excellent description of the taking of the Fort by Amherst is
contained in a letter from a Massachusetts soldier, Eli Forbush, in the
Museum collection. It follows herewith:
[Illustration: Sir Jeffrey Amherst]
Camp at Ticonderoga or Fort Carillon
Aug. 4, 1759.
“Very Rev’d & Hon’d Sr.
“Tis an old saying better late than never, therefore I presume (tho too
unseasonably) to wait upon you with a line, to tell you what God has
done for us the army and his Chh [Church] and people in gen’l. On ye 21
of July ye army imbarked for this place, which consisted of 11756, the
Invincible rydau sail’d in ye rear of grenadiers, light infantry and
rangers, and in ye front of remaining army and ye sloop Halifax brought
up ye rear of ye whole. The fleet reached Sabbath Day Point by day
light, then the Invincible came to anchor, and ye whole Fleet lay upon
ye ores, till break of day, when ye signal was given for sailing, and
the whole landed without opposition, between ye hours of nine and
eleven, 22d, the light infantry, rangers, and grenad’rs marched
immediately for the mill, where they found the enemy posted, in three
advantageous places, but as soon as they saw the dexterity and
resolution of our advancing parties, they fled and left ye grounds in
our possession and as our people got ye first fire and received only a
running fire from them, little execution was done on either side, we
obtain 3 prisoners and kild 3 on ye spot, and received only a slight
wound or two from them. The whole army marched forward, beside what was
necessary to guard the landing place, with ye vessels and stores, some
were imployed in persuing the enemy, some in clearing the roads, and ye
water course from ye mill, others in taking possession of all ye most
advantageous ground near ye Fort—the whole was performed with ye
greatest regularity, ye least noise, a noble calmness and intrepid
resolution, ye whole army seemed to pertake of ye very soul of ye
commander. As ye enemy had not force nor courage to man ye lines yt
provd so fatal to our brave troops last year, we took possession of them
without much opposition, and before day of ye 23d began to intrench and
ye body of ye army incamped behind ye breastwork, which covered them
from ye enemies fire, as soon as it was light and ye enemy perceived our
disposition, they raised a smart canonade upon us, but without effect,
those that were intrenching, between ye Breastwork and ye Fort had by
this time covered ymselves, and ye breastwork was a defence to ye camp,
they continued to canonade and to throw yr shells, and we continued to
intrench, advancing nearer and nearer, the Gen’l ordered yt no fire shd
be returned upon ye enemy (except in case of necessary defence) till he
had all ye batteries ready to open at once, and as ye trenches were long
ye digging bad, the whole could not be compleated till Thursday night ye
26 or rather Fryday morning ye 27. When ye batteries were to be opened
at once, the enemy seemed fully sensible of ye fatal consequences of
such heavy batteries for a little after midnight between ye 26 & 27.
they blew up ye magazine and made off, some by land on ye east side of
ye lake and some by water with all yt they could carry (which could be
but a little), nineteen of those that went off by land got lost and came
into our camp next morning, some of ye light infantry yt were posted on
ye left by ye lake side hearing ye enemies boats fire several cannon
loaded with grape in among ym which greatly dismad and destresd them,—we
found 3 of ye boats adrift loaded with powder and other stores, others
broke and sunk.
[Illustration: General Amherst and the Burning Fort
From a painting in the Museum Collection]
“Six o’Clock 27. the French flagg was struck and ye English hoisted on
ye same staff, but as ye Fort was in flames and cannon loaded and a
large number of small armes, which kept a continual fire as ye wood
burnt, the Gen’l gave orders yt ye greatest caution shd usd in taking
possession, About 8 o’Clock they began to attempt to extinguish ye fire,
and to draw ye charges from those cannon yt ye fire had not reached,—We
found 13 pieces of cannon mounted, 4 Mortars two 13 Inch, two 9. Other
artillery is found since sunk in ye waters, the strength of ye Fort
exceeds ye most sanguine imagination, nature and art are Joind to render
it impregnable, and had not ye enemy behaved like cowards and traitors
they might have held out a long siege. Our loss is very inconsiderable
(except Col. Townsend) who was killed with a cannon ball on ye 25th
besides him we have lost none of note, the whole according to ye returns
yt have been made is 96 killd and wounded, 20 only of which was kild on
ye spot—We have had one killed as he stood centry and one Stockbridge
Indian, an Ensign, which is all ye loss that we have sustained by ye
savages since the Fort was abandoned. It came out in Gen’l Orders that
publick thanks shd be given at ye head of every core for ye conquest
obtained, ever since we got possession ye whole army has been imploy’d
in extinguishing ye fire of ye Fort, repairing ye breeches made by ye
explosion, gitting over ye beteaus and boats, provisions, and artilery
stores, in rebuilding ye mills and in erecting two more rydaus all whch
are near accomplished. August 3. A scout in from Crown-Point and brot
certain intelligence that the enemy have destroyed and abandoned that
also, upon which ye Gen’l sent a party immediately to take possession,
and this morning saild himself with his artilery and ye main body of ye
army leaving only such numbers as are necessary to defend ye several
posts which he has established and to carry on the works at ye mills and
ye Fort, tis supposd yt ye whole army will be ready to cross the Lake
Champlain in about ten days. We have two rydaus that carry Six 12
pounders in yr sides and one 24 in ye bowes. four roe galleys yt carry
one 18 in each of yr bowes one flat boat and one six pounder and four
bay-boats with swivals and a brig in great forwardness, all which we
hope will be sufficient against the 3 schooners which ye enemy having
cruzing in ye Lake, so yet our success is not only great but ye prospect
still clear yt we shl by ye divine aide do ye business we came upon—The
health of ye army is very extraordinary in ye two battalions where I am
concerned, yr has died but two with sickness and one kild by ye enemy,
(ye sentery above mentioned) when I visited the fort which was about 9
o’Clock Friday morning 27th I found many monuments of superstition which
would furnish a curious mind with aboundant matter for speculation—one
thing I cant omit, near ye breast-work where so many spilt yr blood last
year, was a cross erected of 30 feet high, painted red with this
inscription in lead on yt side next to ye breastwork ‘Sone Principes
eorum Sicut oneb et heb et Zebee et ...’ and under this at ye foot of ye
cross was an open grave—on ye opposite side of ye cross next to ye Fort
was this inscribed in lead viz ‘Hoc Signum Vincit’—These are the most
remarkable, yt has feel within my notice since I wrote last. I hope you
will pardon my prolixity and overlook ye many imperfections of my
relation, tis a good story tho it is not well told, if you please let
Mr. Breek see the contents as I have not time to write particularly to
him nor anything new besides to communicate.
“Please to give all proper salutations to all friends on ye river and
give me leave to subscribe your most obd’t and affectionate son
Eli Forbush
“Last night I was hon’d with the reception of yr fav’r of ye 16 ulto for
which I thank you.”
To the Reverend Mr. Steven Williams
in Springfield, Lon Meadow Precinct. [Mass.]
CHAPTER SIX
The Calm Before The Storm
From 1759 to 1775 it was peaceful and tranquil at Ticonderoga. There are
but few records, though the British maintained a garrison at the Fort
and also one at Crown Point. The Fort was used as a storehouse for
military supplies, and presumably the garrison did its best to entertain
itself in what was then a wilderness. Major Gavin Cochrane commanded for
four years, and in 1765 Major Thomas James went down from Ticonderoga to
New York to aid in enforcing the Stamp Act. On February 15th, 1767,
Lieutenant-Governor Carleton wrote from Montreal to Major General Gage:
“The forts of Crown Point and Ticonderoga are in a very declining
condition ... should you approve of keeping up these posts, it will be
best to repair them as soon as possible.”
Crown Point caught on fire in April, 1773, and a large part of the
barracks was destroyed by an explosion in the magazine. Detachments of
the 60th Regiment, the Royal American Regiment of Foot, was stationed
here for many years, and Major General Haldimand spent a short time at
the Fort. Early in 1775 Major Philip Skene of Skenesborough was
appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. However,
as he was captured on his return from England the same year and confined
as a Loyalist, (though afterwards exchanged and was with Burgoyne in
1777) he could not have done very much Lieutenant-Governoring.
[Illustration: Ethan Allen]
CHAPTER SEVEN
Ethan Allen
In 1775, while the trouble in Boston was brewing, Samuel Holden Parsons,
Colonel Samuel Wyllys and Silas Deane, all of Connecticut, and probably
at the suggestion of Colonel John Brown of Pittsfield, Massachusetts,
conceived the idea of seizing Ticonderoga and capturing the great
quantities of military supplies known to be stored in the Fort.
The Colony of Massachusetts voted a considerable sum and Colonel
Benedict Arnold was authorized to raise a force and seize the fort.
About the same time, however, Ethan Allen, leader of a body of irregular
troops known as the Green Mountain Boys, also conceived the idea. Allen
and Arnold met in Castleton, Vermont, and both claimed the command. The
Green Mountain Boys absolutely refused to serve under anyone but Allen.
Eventually a compromise was made and a joint command agreed on. A
rendezvous was agreed on in Hand’s Cove on the east side of Lake
Champlain about two miles north of the Fort and on the night of May 9th
about 350 men had gathered. There was a scarcity of boats, however, and
the few obtainable were rowed back and forth all night, landing just
north of the present Fort Ticonderoga Ferry. Shortly before daylight
only 83 men and a number of officers had reached the west shore. Not
daring to postpone the attack, Allen proceeded by the wood road then
running across the swamp which formerly existed in what is now the North
Field. His own account of the capture is as follows:
“I landed eighty-three men near the garrison, and sent the boats back
for the rear guard commanded by Col. Seth Warner; but the day began to
dawn, and I found myself under a necessity to attack the fort, before
the rear could cross the lake; and, as it was viewed hazardous, I
harangued the officers and soldiers in the manner following:
‘Friends and fellow soldiers, you have, for a number of years past, been
a scourge and terror to arbitrary power. Your valour has been famed
abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me
(from the general assembly of Connecticut) to surprise and take the
garrison now before us. I now propose to advance before you, and in
person conduct you through the wicket-gate; for we must this morning
either quit our pretensions to valour, or possess ourselves of this
fortress in a few minutes; and, in as much as it is a desperate attempt,
(which none but the bravest of men dare undertake) I do not urge it on
any contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily poise your
firelocks.’
“The men being (at this time) drawn up in three ranks, each poised his
firelock. I ordered them to face to the right; and, at the head of the
centre-file, marched them immediately to the wicket-gate aforesaid,
where I found a centry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me; I
ran immediately toward him, and he retreated through the covered way
into the parade within the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a
bomb-proof. My party who followed me into the fort, I formed on the
parade in such a manner as to face the two barracks which faced each
other. The garrison being asleep, (except the centries) we gave three
huzzas which greatly surprised them. One of the centries made a pass at
one of my officers with charged bayonet and slightly wounded him: My
first thought was to kill him with my sword; but, in an instant, altered
the design and fury of the blow to a slight cut on the side of the head;
upon which he dropped his gun, and asked quarter, which I readily
granted him, and demanded of him the place where the commanding officer
slept; he showed me a pair of stairs in the front of a barrack, on the
west part of the garrison, which led up to a second story in said
barrack, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered the commander
(Capt. Delaplace) to come forth instantly, or I would sacrifice the
whole garrison; at which the capt. came immediately to the door with his
breeches in his hand, when I ordered him to deliver to me the fort
instantly, who asked me by what authority I demanded it; I answered, ‘In
the name of the great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress.’ (The
authority of the Congress being very little known at that time) he began
to speak again; but I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword over his
head, again demanded an immediate surrender of the garrison; to which he
then complied, and ordered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms,
as he had given up the garrison; in the meantime some of my officers had
given orders, and in consequence thereof, sundry of the barrack doors
were beat down, and about one-third of the garrison imprisoned, which
consisted of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a conductor of
artillery, a gunner, two serjeants, and forty-four rank and file; about
one hundred pieces of cannon, one 13 inch mortar, and a number of
swivels. This surprise was carried into execution in the gray of the
morning of the 10th day of May, 1775. The sun seemed to rise that
morning with a superior lustre; and Ticonderoga and its dependencies
smiled on its conquerors, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and wished
success to Congress, and liberty and freedom of America.” The flowing
bowl evidently had its effect as Allen’s first account of the capture of
the Fort reads as follows:
[Illustration: Catamount Tavern in Bennington Where Ethan Allen And
the Others Laid Plans To Capture The Fortress of Ticonderoga]
To the Massachusetts Council,
“Gentlemen: I have to inform you, with pleasure unfelt before, that on
the break of day of the tenth of May, 1775, by the order of the General
Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut, I took the fortress of
Ticonderoga by storm. The soldiery was composed of about one hundred
Green Mountain Boys and nearly fifty veteran soldiers from the Province
of Massachusetts Bay. The latter was under command of Colonel James
Easton, who behaved with great zeal and fortitude,—not only in council;
but in the assault. The soldiery behaved with such resistless fury, that
they so terrified the Kings troops, that they durst not fire on their
assailants, and our soldiery was agreeably disappointed. The soldiery
behaved with uncommon rancour when they leaped into the Fort; and it
must be confessed, that the Colonel has greatly contributed to the
taking of that fortress, as well as John Brown, Esq., attorney at law,
who was also an able counsellor, and was personally in the attack. I
expect the Colonies will maintain this fort. As to the cannon and
war-like stores, I hope they may serve the cause of liberty instead of
tyranny, and I humbly implore your assistance in immediately assisting
the Government of Connecticut in establishing a garrison in the reduced
premises. Colonel Easton will inform you at large. From, gentlemen, your
most obedient, humble servant.
Ethan Allen”
On the 12th, however, he sent a more temperate account to the Governor
of Connecticut, the original manuscript of which is now in the Fort
Library and reads as follows:
“Hon’ble Sir: I make you a present of a Major, a Captain, and two
Lieutenants in the regular Establishment of George the Third. I hope
they may serve as ransoms for some of our friends at Boston, and
particularly for Captain Brown of Rhode Island. A party of men, under
the command of Capt. Herrick, has took possession of Skenesborough,
imprisoned Major Skene, and seized a schooner of his. I expect, in ten
days time, to have it rigged, manned and armed, with six or eight pieces
of cannon, which, with the boats in our possession, I purpose to make an
attack on the armed sloop of George the Third, which is now cruising on
Lake Champlain, and is about twice as big as the schooner. I hope in a
short time to be authorized to acquaint your Honour, that Lake
Champlain, and the fortifications thereon, are subject to the Colonies.