[461] II, 6. “Potentia autem ad terram magnopere eorum pertinens.”
[462] II, 6.
[463] XVIII, 5, 57, 69.
[464] XVIII, 68. Other authorities tell the story of Thales; see
Cicero, _De divinatione_, II, 201; Aristotle, _Polit._ I, 7; and
Diogenes Laertius.
[465] XVIII, 78.
[466] II, 81.
[467] XXXVII, 28.
[468] XXXVII, 59.
[469] XXIX, 5.
[470] XXX, 29.
[471] II, 40.
[472] II, 102.
[473] II, 41.
[474] XXXII, 19.
[475] _L. Annaei Senecae Naturalium Quaestionum Libri Septem_, VI, 4,
“Aliquando de motu terrarum volumen iuvenis ediderim.” The edition
by G. D. Koeler, Göttingen, 1819, devotes several hundred pages to a
_Disquisitio_ and _Animadversiones_ upon Seneca’s work. I have also
used the more recent Teubner edition, ed. Haase, 1881, and the English
translation in Clark and Geikie, _Physical Science in the Time of
Nero_, 1910. In Panckoucke’s _Library_, vol. 147, a French translation
accompanies the text.
[476] VII, 25.
[477] VII, 31.
[478] III, 26.
[479] V, 6, for animals generated in flames; II, 31, for snakes struck
by lightning; III, _passim_ for marvelous fountains.
[480] III, 25.
[481] IV, 7.
[482] II, 32.
[483] II, 46.
[484] I, 1.
[485] VII, 30.
[486] II, 10.
[487] VII, 28.
[488] That is to say, five in addition to the sun and the moon.
[489] II, 32.
[490] III, 29.
[491] II, 31-50.
[492] II, 32.
[493] A complete edition of Ptolemy’s works has been in process of
publication since 1898 in the Teubner library by J. L. Heiberg and
Franz Boll. They are also the authors of the most important recent
researches concerning Ptolemy. See Heiberg’s discussion of the MSS
in the volumes of the above edition which have thus far appeared;
his articles on the Latin translations of Ptolemy in _Hermes_ XLV
(1910) 57ff, and XLVI (1911) 206ff; but especially Boll, _Studien
über Claudius Ptolemäus. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der griechischen
Philosophie und Astrologie_, 1894, in _Jahrb. f. Philol. u. Pädagogik_,
Neue Folge, Suppl. Bd. 21. A recent summary of investigation and
bibliography concerning Ptolemy is W. Schmid, _Die Nachklassische
Periode der Griechischen Litteratur_, 1913, pp. 717-24, in the fifth
edition of Christ, _Gesch. d. Griech. Litt._
[494] Some strictures upon Ptolemy as a geographer are made by Sir W.
M. Ramsay, _The Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, 1890, pp. 69-73.
[495] Schmid would appear to be mistaken in saying that the _Geography_
was already known in Latin and Arabic translation in the time of
Frederick II (p. 718, “Seine in erster Linie die Astronomie, dann auch
die Geographie und Harmonik betreffenden Schriften haben sich nicht
bloss im Originaltext erhalten; sie wurden auch frühzeitig von den
Arabern übersetzt und sind dann, ähnlich wie die Werke des Aristoteles,
schon zur Zeit des Kaisers Friedrich II, noch ehe man sie im Urtext
kennen lernte, durch lateinische, nach dem Arabischen gemachte
Übersetzungen ins Abendland gelangt”), for in his own bibliography (p.
723) we read, “_Geographie_ ... Frühste latein. Übersetzung des Jacobus
Angelus gedruckt Bologna, 1462.” Apparently Schmid did not know the
date of Angelus’ translation.
However, Duhem, III (1915) 417, also speaks as if the _Geography_ were
known in the thirteenth century: “les considérations empruntées à la
Géographie de Ptolémée fournissent à Robert de Lincoln une objection
contre le mouvement de précession des équinoxes tel qu’il est définé
dans l’Almageste.” See also C. A. Nallino, _Al-Huwarizmi e il suo
rifacimento della geografia di Tolomeo_, 1894, cited by Suter (1914)
viii-ix, for a geography in Arabic preserved at Strasburg which is
based on Ptolemy’s _Geography_.
[496] In this Latin translation it is often entitled _Cosmographia_.
Some MSS are: CLM 14583, 15th century, fols. 81-215, Cosmographia
Ptolomei a Jacobo Angelo translata. Also BN 4801, 4802, 4803, 4804,
4838. Arsenal 981, in an Italian hand, is presumably incorrectly dated
as of the 14th century.
This Jacobus Angelus was chancellor of the faculty of Montpellier
in 1433 and is censured by Gerson in a letter for his superstitious
observance of days.
[497] The several editions printed before 1500 seem to have consisted
simply of this Latin translation, such as that of Bologna, 1462, and
Vincentiae, 1475, and the Greek text to have been first published in
1507. See Justin Winsor, _A Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, 1884,
in _Library of Harvard University, Bibliographical Contributions_, No.
18:—a bibliography which deals only with printed editions and not with
the MSS. According to Schmid, however, the _editio princeps_ of the
Greek text was that of Basel, 1533. C. Müller’s modern edition (Didot,
1883 and 1901) gives an unsatisfactory bare list of 38 MSS. See also
G. M. Raidel, _Commentatio critico-literaria de Claudii Ptolemaei
Geographia eiusque codicibus_, 1737.
[498] _L’ottica di Claudio Tolomeo da Eugenio ammiraglio di Sicilia
ridotta in latino_, ed. Gilberto Govi, Turin, 1885.
[499] Schmid (1913) still cites it without qualification. Hammer-Jensen
has an article, _Ptolemaios und Heron_, in _Hermes_, XLVIII (1913) 224,
_et seq._
[500] Haskins and Lockwood, _The Sicilian Translators of the Twelfth
Century_, in _Harvard Studies in Classical Philology_, XXI (1910), 89.
[501] _Ibid._, 89-94.
[502] A. Heller, _Geschichte der Physik von Aristoteles bis auf die
neueste Zeit_, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1882-1884. The statement sounds a
trifle improbable in view of the number of MSS still in existence.
[503] _Opus Maius_, II, 7.
[504] The _Dioptra_ of Hero is really geodetical.
[505] Govi (1885), p. 151.
[506] _Ptolemy_ in Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography_.
[507] It was also so printed in _Sphera cum commentis_, 1518: “Explicit
secundus et ultimus liber Ptolomei de Speculis. Completa fuit eius
translatio ultimo Decembris anno Christi 1269.”
[508] C. H. Haskins and D. P. Lockwood, _The Sicilian Translators of
the Twelfth Century and the First Latin Version of Ptolemy’s Almagest_,
in _Harvard Studies in Classical Philology_, XXI (1910) 75-102.
C. H. Haskins, _Further Notes on Sicilian Translations of the Twelfth
Century_, _Ibid._, XXIII, 155-66.
J. L. Heiberg, _Eine mittelalterliche Uebersetzung der Syntaxis des
Ptolemaios_, in _Hermes_ XLV (1910) 57-66; and _Noch einmal die
mittelalterliche Ptolemaios-Uebersetzung_, _Ibid._, XLVI, 207-16.
[509] Digby 51, 13th Century, fols. 79-114, “Liber iiii tractatuum
Batolomei Alfalisobi in sciencia judiciorum astrorum.... Et perfectus
est eius translatio de Arabico in Latinum a Tiburtino Platone cui Deus
parcat die Veneris hora tertia XXa die mensis Octobris anno Domini
MCXXVIII (_sic_) XV die mensis Saphar anno Arabum DXXXIII (_sic_) in
civitate Barchinona....” The date of translation is given as October 2,
1138, in CUL 1767, 1276 A. D., fols. 240-76, “Liber 4 Partium Ptholomei
Auburtino Palatone.”
[510] It is found in an edition printed at Venice in 1493, “per Bonetum
locatellum impensis nobilis viri Octaviani scoti civis Modoetiensis.”
[511] In the British Museum are editions of Venice, 1484, 1493, 1519;
Paris, 1519; Basel, 1533; Louvain, 1548; it was also printed in 1551,
1555, 1578.
[512] In the British Museum are but three editions of the Greek text,
all with an accompanying Latin translation: Nürnberg, 1535; Basel,
1553; and 1583.
[513] _Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus_, 1894.
[514] “C’était la capitulation de la science.” Bouché-Leclercq in _Rev.
Hist._, LXV, 257, note 3.
[515] In the medieval Latin translation the Slavs replace the Scythians
of Ptolemy’s text.
[516] Indeed, Hephaestion’s first two books are nothing but Ptolemy
repeated. About contemporary with Ptolemy seems to have been
Vettius Valens whose astrological work is extant: Vettius Valens,
_Anthologiarum libri primum edidit_ Guilelmus Kroll, Berlin, 1908. See
also CCAG _passim_ concerning both Hephaestion and Vettius Valens,
and Engelbrecht, _Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches
Compendium_, Vienna, 1887.
[517] James Finlayson, _Galen: Two Bibliographical Demonstrations in
the Library of the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow_,
1895. Since then I believe that the only work of Galen to be translated
into English is _On the Natural Faculties_, ed. A. J. Brock, 1916 (Loeb
Library).
[518] J. F. Payne, _The Relation of Harvey to his Predecessors and
especially to Galen_: Harveian Oration of 1896, in _The Lancet_, Oct.
24, 1896, p. 1136.
[519] In the Teubner texts: _Scriptora minora_, 1-3, ed. I. Marquardt,
I. Mueller, G. Helmreich, 1884-1893; _De victu_, ed. Helmreich,
1898; _De temperamentis_, ed. Helmreich, 1904; _De usu partium_, ed.
Helmreich, 1907, 1909.
In _Corpus Medicorum Graecorum_, V, 9, 1-2, 1914-1915, _The Hippocratic
Commentaries_, ed. Mewaldt, Helmreich, Westenberger, Diels, Hieg.
[520] Carolus Gottlob Kühn, _Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia_, Leipzig,
1821-1833, 21 vols. My citations will be to this edition, unless
otherwise specified. An older edition which is often cited is that of
Renatus Charterius, Paris, 1679, 13 vols.
[521] The article on Galen in PW regards some of the treatises as
printed in Kühn as almost unreadable.
[522] Although Kühn’s Index fills a volume, it is far from dependable.
[523] Liddell and Scott often fail to allude to germane passages in
Galen’s works, even when they include, with citation of some other
author, the word he uses.
[524] Perhaps at this point a similarly candid confession by the
present writer is in order. I have tried to do a little more than Dr.
Payne in his modesty seems ready to admit of himself, and to look over
carefully enough not to miss anything of importance those works which
seemed at all likely to bear upon my particular interest, the history
of science and magic. In consequence I have examined long stretches
of text from which I have got nothing. For the most part, I thought
it better not to take time to read the Hippocratic commentaries. At
first I was inclined to depend upon others for Galen’s treatises on
anatomy and physiology, but finally I read most of them in order to
learn at first hand of his argument from design and his attitude
towards dissection. Further than this the reader can probably judge for
himself from my citations as to the extent and depth of my reading. My
first draft was completed before I discovered that Puschmann had made
considerable use of Galen for medical conditions in the Roman Empire in
his _History of Medical Education_, English translation, London, 1891,
pp. 93-113. For the sake of a complete and well-rounded survey I have
thought it best to retain those passages where I cover about the same
ground. I have been unable to procure T. Meyer-Steineg, _Ein Tag im
Leben des Galen_, Jena, 1913. 63 pp.
[525] For an account of the MSS see H. Diels, _Berl. Akad. Abh._
(1905), 58ff. Some fragments of Galen’s work on medicinal simples exist
in a fifth century MS of Dioscorides at Constantinople and have been
reproduced by M. Wellmann in _Hermes_, XXXVIII (1903), 292ff. The first
two books of his περὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς δυνάμεων were discovered in a
Wolfenbüttel palimpsest of the fifth or sixth century by K. Koch; see
_Berl. Akad. Sitzb._ (1907), 103ff.
[526] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1135.
[527] For these see V. Rose, _Analecta Graeca et Latina_, Berlin, 1864.
As a specimen of these medieval Latin translations may be mentioned
a collection of some twenty-six treatises in one huge volume which I
have seen in the library of Balliol College, Oxford: Balliol 231, a
large folio, early 14th century (a note of ownership was added in 1334
at Canterbury) fols. 437, double columned pages. For the titles and
_incipits_ of the individual treatises see Coxe (1852).
[528] A. Merx, “Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift
über die einfachen Heilmittel,” _Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morgendl.
Gesell._ XXXIX (1885), 237-305.
[529] Payne, _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1136.
[530] Ch. V. Daremberg, _Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur
l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux_,
Paris, 1841.
[531] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1140.
[532] Brock (1916), p. xvi, says in 131 A. D. Clinton, _Fasti Romani_,
placed it in 130.
[533] These details are from the _De cognoscendis curandisque animi
morbis_, cap. 8, Kühn, V, 40-44.
[534] _De naturalibus facultatibus_, III, 10, Kühn, II, 179.
[535] Kühn, X, 609 (_De methodo medendi_); also XVI, 223; and XIX, 59.
[536] _De anatom. administ._, Kühn, II, 217, 224-25, 660. See also XV,
136; XIX, 57.
[537] His recorded astronomical observations extend from 127 to 151 A. D.
[538] Kühn, X, 16.
[539] _Fragments du commentaire de Galien sur le Timée de Platon_, were
published for the first time, both in Greek and a French translation,
together with an _Essai sur Galien considéré comme philosophe_, by Ch.
Daremberg, Paris, 1848.
[540] Kühn, XIII, 599-600.
[541] Clinton, _Fasti Romani_, I, 151 and 155, speaks of a first visit
of Galen to Rome in 162 and a second in 164, but he has misinterpreted
Galen’s statements. When Galen speaks of his second visit to Rome, he
means his return after the plague.
[542] Kühn, XIX, 15.
[543] Kühn, XIV, 622, 625, 648; see also I, 54-57. and XII, 263.
[544] Kühn, XIV, 649-50.
[545] R. M. Briau, _L’Archiatrie Romaine_, Paris, 1877, however, held
that Galen never received the official title, _archiater_; see p. 24,
“il est difficile de comprendre pourquoi le médecin de Pergame qui
donnait des soins à l’empereur Marc Aurèle, ne fut jamais honoré de ce
titre.” But he is given the title in at least one medieval MS—Merton
219, early 14th century, fol. 36_v_—“Incipit liber Galieni archistratos
medicorum de malitia complexionis diversae.”
[546] _De venae sectione_, Kühn, XIX, 524.
[547] Kühn, XIII, 362-63; for another allusion to this fire see XIV,
66. Also II, 216; XIX, 19 and 41.
[548] For the statements of this paragraph see Kühn, XIV, 603-5, 620-23.
[549] Kühn, X, 114.
[550] Kühn, XIV, 599-600.
[551] Kühn, X, 1, 76.
[552] Kühn, X, 609.
[553] Kühn, X, 4-5.
[554] Kühn, X, 10.
[555] Kühn, XII, 909, 916, and in vol. XIV the entire treatise _De
remediis parabilibus_.
[556] Kühn, X, 560.
[557] Kühn, X, 1010-11.
[558] Kühn, XIII, 571-72.
[559] Kühn, XIV, 62, and see Puschmann, _History of Medical Education_
(1891), p. 108.
[560] Kühn, XIV, 10, 30, 79; and see Puschmann (1891), 109-11, where
there is bibliography of the subject.
[561] Kühn, X, 792.
[562] Kühn, XIV, 26.
[563] The meaning of the word “apothecary” is explained as follows in
a fourteenth century manuscript at Chartres which is a miscellany of
religious treatises with a bestiary and lapidary and bears the title,
“Apothecarius moralis monasterii S. Petri Carnotensis.”
“Apothecarius est, secundum Hugucium, qui nonnullas diversarum rerum
species in apothecis suis aggregat.. .. Apothecarius dicitur is
qui species aromaticas et res quacunque arti medicine et cirurgie
necessarias habet penes se et venales exponit,” fol. 3. “According
to Hugutius an apothecary is one who collects samples of various
commodities in his stores. An apothecary is called one who has at hand
and exposes for sale aromatic species and all sorts of things needful
in medicine and surgery.”
[564] The nest of the fabled cinnamon bird was supposed to contain
supplies of the spice, which Herodotus (III, 111) tells us the Arabian
merchants procured by leaving heavy pieces of flesh for the birds to
carry to their nests, which then broke down under the excessive weight.
In Aristotle’s _History of Animals_ (IX, 13) the nests are shot down
with arrows tipped with lead. For other allusions to the cinnamon bird
in classical literature see D’Arcy W. Thompson, _A Glossary of Greek
Birds_, Oxford, 1895, p. 82.
[565] Kühn, XIV, 64-66.
[566] _Ad Pisonem de theriaca_, Kühn, XIV, 217.
[567] Kühn, XIII, 704.
[568] Kühn, XII, 168-78.
[569] M. Berthelot, “Sur les voyages de Galien et de Zosime dans
l’Archipel et en Asie, et sur la matière médicale dans l’antiquité,” in
_Journal des Savants_ (1895), pp. 382-7. The article is chiefly devoted
to showing that an alchemistic treatise attributed to Zosimus copies
Galen’s account of his trips to Lemnos and Cyprus. Of such future
copying of Galen we shall encounter many more instances.
As for the _terra sigillata_, C. J. S. Thompson, in a paper on “Terra
Sigillata, a famous medicament of ancient times,” published in the
_Proceedings of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medical
Sciences_, London, 1913, Section XXIII, pp. 433-44, tells of various
medieval substitutes for the Lemnian earth from other places, and of
the interesting religious ceremony, performed in the presence of the
Turkish officials on only one day in the year by Greek monks who had
replaced the priestess of Diana. Pierre Belon witnessed it on August
6th, 1533. By that time there were many varieties of the tablets,
“because each lord of Lemnos had a distinct seal.” When Tozer visited
Lemnos in 1890 the ceremony was still performed annually on August
sixth and must be completed before sunrise or the earth would lose its
efficacy. Mohammedan khodjas now shared in the religious ceremony,
sacrificing a lamb. But in the twentieth century the entire ceremony
was abandoned. Through the early modern centuries the _terra sigillata_
continued to be held in high esteem in western Europe also, and was
included in pharmacopeias as late as 1833 and 1848. Thompson gives a
chemical analysis of a sixteenth century tablet of the Lemnian earth
and finds no evidence therein of its possessing any medicinal property.
Agricola in the sixteenth century wrote in his work on mining (_De re
metal._, ed. Hoover, 1912, II, 31), “It is, however, very little to
be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated,
for the whole is of a reddish-yellow color which furnishes for the
inhabitants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind.”
[570] Kühn, XIV, 72.
[571] Kühn, XII, 226-9. See the article of Berthelot just cited
in a preceding note for an explanation of the three names and of
Galen’s experience. Mr. Hoover, in his translation of Agricola’s
work on metallurgy (1912), pp. 573-4, says, “It is desirable here to
enquire into the nature of the substances given by all of the old
mineralogists under the Latinized Greek terms, chalcitis, misy, sory,
and melanteria.” He cites Dioscorides (V, 75-77) and Pliny (NH, XXXIV,
29-31) on the subject, but not Galen. Yule (1903) I, 126, notes that
Marco Polo’s account of _Tutia_ and _Spodium_ “reads almost like a
condensed translation of Galen’s account of _Pompholyx_ and _Spodos_.”
[572] Kühn, XIV, 7-8; XIII, 411-2; XII, 215-6.
[573] Kühn, XIV, 22-23, 77-78; XIII, 119.
[574] Kühn, XIV, 255-56. The beasts of course were also in demand for
the arena.
[575] Kühn, X, 456-57, opening passage of the seventh book.
[576] περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, Kühn, XIX, 8ff.; and περὶ τῆς τάξεως τῶν
ἰδίων βιβλίων, XIX, 49 ff.
[577] See, for instance, in the _De methodo medendi_ itself, X, 895-96
and 955.
[578] Kühn, XIV, 651: henceforth this text will generally be cited
without name.
[579] XIX, 8.
[580] II, 217.
[581] XIX, 9.
[582] XIX, 41.
[583] II, 283.
[584] XIV, 630.
[585] XIX, 34.
[586] XV, 109.
[587] XIII, 995-96; XIV, 31-32.
[588] X, 633. Duruy refers to the passage in his _History of Rome_
(ed. J. P. Mahaffy, Boston, 1886, V, i, 273), but says, “Extensive
sanitary works were undertaken throughout all Italy, and the celebrated
Galen, who was almost a contemporary, extols their happy effects upon
the public health.” But Galen does not have sanitary considerations
especially in mind, since he mentions Trajan’s road-building only by
way of illustration, comparing his own systematic treatment of medicine
to the emperor’s great work in repairing and improving the roads,
straightening them by cut-offs that saved distance, but sometimes
abandoning an old road that went straight over hills for an easier
route that avoided them, filling in wet and marshy spots with stone or
crossing them by causeways, bridging impassable rivers, and altering
routes that led through places now deserted and beset by wild beasts so
that they would pass through populous towns and more frequented areas.
The passage thus bears witness to a shifting of population.
[589] V, 49.
[590] V, 17-19.
[591] Mentioned in _Acts_, xviii, 18, “ ... having shorn his head in
Cenchrea: for he had a vow.”
[592] V, 46-47.
[593] X, 3-4.
[594] X, 831-36; XIII, 513; XIV, 27-29, and 14-19 on the heating and
storage of wine.
[595] IV, 777-79.
[596] Similarly Milward (1733), p. 102, wrote of Alexander of Tralles,
“He has in most distempers a separate article concerning wine and I
much doubt whether there be in all nature a more excellent medicine
than this in the hands of a skillful and judicious practitioner.”
[597] IV, 821.
[598] Kühn, VIII, 579, ὡς εἰς Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ διατριβὴν ἀφιγμένος
νόμων ἀναποδεἍκίτων ἀκούη
[599] _Ibid._, p. 657, θᾶττον γὰρ ἄν τις τοὺς ἀπὸ Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ
μεταδιδάξειεν I have been unable to find a passage in which, according
to Moses Maimonides of the twelfth century in his _Aphorisms_ from
Galen, Galen said that the wealthy physicians and philosophers of
his time were not prepared for discipline as were the followers of
Moses and Christ. Perhaps it is a mistranslation of one of the above
passages. Particula 24 (56), “medici et philosophi cum aere augmentati
non sunt preparati ad disciplinam sicut parati fuerunt ad disciplinam
moysis et christi socii predictorum. decimotercio megapulsus.”
[600] Kühn, III, 905-7.
[601] Kühn, XI, 690-4; XII, 372-5.
[602] Finlayson (1895); pp. 8-9; Harnack, _Medicinisches aus der
ältesten Kirchengeschichte_, Leipzig, 1892.
[603] Wellmann (1914), p. 16 note.
[604] Kühn, IV, 816.
[605] Kühn, IV, 815.
[606] Quoted by Eusebius, V, 28, and reproduced by Harnack,
_Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte_, 1892, p. 41, and by
Finlayson (1895), pp. 9-10.
[607] Kühn, X, 16-17. J. Leminne, _Les quatre éléments_, in _Mémoires
couronnés par l’Académie de Belgique_, vol. 65, Brussels, 1903, traces
the influence of the theory in medieval thought.
[608] Kuhn, XIII, 763-4.
[609] Kühn, I, 428.
[610] Kühn, X, 111.
[611] Kühn, XII, 166.
[612] I, 417.
[613] XIV, 250-53.
[614] XIII, 948.
[615] X, 657.
[616] X, 872.
[617] XIX, 344-45.
[618] More recently Galen’s _Materia medica_ has been treated of in a
German doctoral dissertation by L. Israelson, _Die materia medica des
Klaudios Galenos_, 1894, 204 pp.
[619] X, 624.
[620] XIV, 253-54.
[621] V, 911.
[622] X, 817-19.
[623] X, 843.
[624] XIV, 281.
[625] XII, 270-71.
[626] X, 368-71.
[627] Kühn, VIII, 363. Finlayson (1895), pp. 39-40, gives an English
translation of Galen’s full account of the case.
[628] Puschmann (1891), pp. 105-6. Vitruvius, too, however (V, iii),
states that sound spreads in waves like eddies in a pond.
[629] XIII, 435, 893, are two instances.
[630] V, 80; XIV, 670.
[631] Various treatises on the pulse by Galen will be found in vols. V,
IX, and X of Kühn’s edition.
[632] Galen’s contributions to the arts of clock-making and
time-keeping have been dealt with in an article which I have not had
access to and of which I cannot now find even the author and title.
[633] XIV, 631-34.
[634] C. V. Daremberg, _Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur
l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux_,
Paris, 1841. J. S. Milne discussed “Galen’s Knowledge of Muscular
Anatomy” at the International Congress of Medical Sciences held at
London in 1913; see pp. 389-400 of the volume devoted to the history of
medicine, Section XXIII.
[635] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1139.
[636] I have failed to obtain K. F. H. Mark, _Herophilus, ein Beitrag
zur Geschichte der Medizin_, Carlsruhe, 1838.
[637] D’Arcy W. Thompson (1913), 22-23, thinks that the precedence of
the heart over all other organs in appearing in the embryo of the chick
led Aristotle to locate in it the central seat of the soul.
[638] XIV, 626-30.
[639] II, 683, 696. This and the other quotations in this paragraph are
from Dr. Payne’s Harveian Oration as printed in _The Lancet_ (1896),
pp. 1137-39.
[640] Kühn, V, 216, cited by Payne.
[641] Kühn, II, 642-49; IV, 703-36, “An in arteriis natura sanguis
contineatur.” J. Kidd, _A Cursory Analysis of the Works of Galen so
far as they relate to Anatomy and Physiology_, in _Transactions of the
Provincial Medical and Surgical Association_, VI (1837), 299-336.
[642] _Lancet_ (1896), p. 1137, where Payne states that Colombo (_De re
anatomica_, Venet. 1559, XIV, 261) was the first to prove by experiment
on the living heart that these veins conveyed blood from the lungs.
[643] II, 146-47.
[644] II, 384-86.
[645] II, 220-21.
[646] Augustine testifies in two passages of his _De anima et eius
origine_ (Migne PL 44, 475-548), that vivisection of human beings was
practiced as late as his time, the early fifth century: IV, 3, “Medici
tamen qui appellantur anatomici per membra per venas per nervos per
ossa per medullas per interiora vitalia etiam vivos homines quamdiu
inter manus rimantium vivere potuerunt dissiciendo scrutati sunt ut
naturam corporis nossent”; and IV, 6 (Migne, PL 44, 528-9).
[647] II, 537.
[648] II, 619-20.
[649] II, 701.
[650] II, 631 ff.
[651] XIII, 599-600. Galen states that the pontifex’s term of office
was seven months, a fact which perhaps had some astrological bearing.
[652] X, 454-55.
[653] II, 682.
[654] II, 291.
[655] IV, 360, _et passim_.
[656] IV, 687.
[657] IV, 694, 696.
[658] IV, 688.
[659] IV, 700.
[660] IV, 692; II, 537. Others contend, he says (IV, 693), that one
soul constructs the parts and another soul incites them to voluntary
motion.
[661] IV, 701.
[662] II, 28.
[663] XVIII B, 17ff.
[664] _De usu partium_, XI, 14 (Kühn, III, 905-7). The passage seems to
me an integral part of the work and not a later interpolation. Moses
Maimonides in the twelfth century took exception at some length, in the
25th _Particula_ of his _Aphorisms_ from Galen, to this criticism of
his national law-giver.
[665] IV, 513; see also II, 55, ὡς ἔγωγε πρῶτον μὲν ἀκούσας τὸ
γινόμενον, ἐθαύμασα καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβουλήθην αὐτόπτης αὐτοῦ καταστῆναι.
[666] X, 608; XIII, 887-88.
[667] XIII, 964.
[668] II, 136; X, 385; XII, 311; he credited Plato with the same
attitude, see II, 581.
[669] II, 659-60.
[670] XII, 446.
[671] II, 141, 179.
[672] II, 179; X, 609.
[673] II, 621.
[674] XIII, 891.
[675] XIII, 430-31.
[676] XIII, 717.
[677] XI, 794; also XIII, 658; XIV, 61-62, and many other passages of
the _Antidotes_.
[678] XII, 203. Pliny, NH XXXVI, 34, makes the same statement as
Dioscorides.
[679] XII, 272.
[680] Pliny, NH XXVIII, 35, however, both tells how butter is made and
of its use as food among the barbarians.
[681] X, 40-41.
[682] X, 127, 962.
[683] X, 31.
[684] X, 29.
[685] X, 668.
[686] X, 123.
[687] X, 915-16.
[688] I, 75-76; XIV, 367.
[689] I, 145; II, 41-43; X, 30-31, 782-83; XIII, 188, 366, 375, 463,
579, 594, 892; XIV, 245, 679.
[690] X, 159.
[691] XIV, 675-76.
[692] I, 144-55.
[693] XVI, 82.
[694] I, 135.
[695] XIV, 680.
[696] I, 131.
[697] I, 134.
[698] XVI, 82.
[699] II, 288.
[700] IX, 842; XIII, 887.
[701] XIII, 116-17.
[702] X, 28-29.
[703] X, 684.
[704] X, 454-55.
[705] XI, 420.
[706] XI, 434-35.
[707] XI, 456.
[708] XII, 246.
[709] XII, 336.
[710] XII, 365.
[711] XII, 258, 262, 269, 331.
[712] XII, 334.
[713] VI, 453-55.
[714] XIII, 463.
[715] XII, 895.
[716] XIV, 222.
[717] XIII, 700-701.
[718] XIII, 706-707.
[719] XIII, 467.
[720] XIII, 867.
[721] XII, 392-93, 884; XIII, 116-17, 123, 125, 128-29, 354, 485,
502-503, 582, 656.
[722] XII, 968, 988.
[723] See XII, 988; XIII, 960-61; XIV, 12, 60, 341.
[724] XIV, 82.
[725] XIII, 570.
[726] XII, 350.
[727] XVI, 86-87; XI, 518.
[728] XI, 485.
[729] XVI, 85.
[730] IX, 842.
[731] II, 206.
[732] I, 138.
[733] XVI, 80.
[734] There would seem to be something wrong, at least with its
arrangement as it now stands, for the first book ends (XIV, 389) with
the words, “This my fourth book, O Glaucon, ends thus. If it has been
useful to you, you will readily follow what I’ve written to Salomon
the archiater.” But then the present second book opens with the words
(XIV, 390), “Since you’ve asked me to write you about easily procurable
remedies, O dearest Solon,” and goes on to say that the author will
state what he has learned from experience beginning with the hair and
closing with the feet.
[735] XIV, 378.
[736] XIV, 462.
[737] XIV, 534.
[738] XI, 205.
[739] John of St. Amand, _Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai_, fol. 231,
in _Mesuae medici clarissimi opera_, Venice, 1568. Pietro d’Abano,
_Conciliator_, Venice, 1526, Diff. X, fol. 15; Diff. LX, fol. 83.
Arnald of Villanova, _Repetitio super Canon “Vita brevis,”_ fol. 276,
in his _Opera_, Lyons, 1532.
[740] Gilbertus Anglicus, _Compendium medicinae_, Lyons, 1510, fol.
328v., “Experimenta ex libro experimentorum Gal. experta.”
[741] In his _Expositio in Antidotarium Nicolai_, as cited above (note
5).
[742] J. L. Pagel, _Die Concordanciae des Johannes de Sancto Amando_,
Berlin, 1894, pp. 102-104. John also wrote commentaries on Galen,
(_Histoire Littéraire de la France_, XXI, 263-65).
[743] ed. Lyons, 1515, fols. 19v-2Ov.
[744] Berlin, 902, 14th century, fol. 175; Berlin 903, 1342 A. D., fol.
2.
[745] Boncompagni (1851), pp. 3-4.
[746] Moses ben Maimon, _Aphorisms_, 1489. “Incipiunt aphorismi
excellentissimi Raby Moyses secundum doctrinam Galieni medicorum
principis ... collegi eos ex verbis Galieni de omnibus libris suis....
Et ego protuli super his afforismis quedam dicta que circumspexi et ea
meo nomine nominavi et similiter protuli aliquos aphorismos aliquorum
modernorum quos denominavi eorum nomine.”
[747] Ed. C. V. Daremberg, _Notices et Extraits des manuscrits
médicaux_, 1853, pp. 44-47, Greek text; pp. 229-33, French translation.
[748] Garrison, _History of Medicine_, 2nd edition, 1917, p. 141. But
at p. 151 Garrison would seem mistaken in stating that Gentile died in
1348, for in the MS of which I shall speak in the next footnote his
treatise on critical days is dated back in the year 1362: “Tractatus
de enumeratione dierum creticorum m’i Gentilis anni 1362,” at fol.
125; while at fol. 162 we read, “Explicit questio ... m’i Zentilis
anno Domini 1359 de mense marcii, et scripta Pisis de mense octobris
1359.” It is possible but rather unlikely that the dates later than
1348 refer to the labors of copyists. Venetian MSS contain not only a
_De reductione medicinarum ad actum_ by Gentile, written at Perugia in
April, 1342 (S. Marco, XIV, 7, 14th century, fols. 44-48); but also
“Suggestions concerning the pestilence which was at Genoa in 1348,” by
him (S. Marco, XIV, 26, 15th century, fols. 99-100, consilia de peste
quae fuit Ianuae anno 1348). Valentinelli’s catalogue of the MSS in the
Library of St. Mark’s does not help, however, to clear up the question
when Gentile died, since in one place (IV, 235) Valentinelli assures us
that he died at Bologna in 1310, and in another place (V, 19) says that
he died at Perugia in 1348.
[749] Cortona 110, early years of 15th century, fol. 128, Rationes
Gentilis contra Galenum in quinto aphorismi. This MS contains several
other works by Gentile da Foligno.
[750] XIV, 601.
[751] XIV, 605.
[752] XIV, 615.
[753] XIV, 625.
[754] XIV, 655.
[755] I, 54-55.
[756] XII, 263.
[757] XII, 306.
[758] XII, 307.
[759] XI, 792-93.
[760] XII, 283.
[761] XII, 251-53.
[762] IV, 688.
[763] _Natural History_, XXVIII, 2.
[764] XII, 248, 284-85, 290.
[765] XII, 293.
[766] XIV, 255. (_To Piso on theriac._)
[767] XII, 291-92.
[768] XII, 298.
[769] XII, 304.
[770] XII, 342.
[771] XII, 276-77.
[772] XII, 367-69.
[773] XIII, 949-50, 954-55.
[774] XII, 343. These form the titles of four successive chapters, _De
simplic._, XI, i, caps. 19-22.
[775] XII, 359, 942-43, 977.
[776] XII, 856.
[777] XII, 860.
[778] XII, 360.
[779] XII, 366-67.
[780] XII, 335.
[781] A fact which—one cannot help remarking—considering the character
of most ancient remedies for hydrophobia, only tends to make their
recovery seem the more marvelous.
[782] XIV, 233.
[783] XII, 250-51.
[784] XIV, 224-25.
[785] II, 45-48.
[786] XII, 358-59. Concerning the virtue of river crabs we may also
quote from a story told in Nias Island, west of Sumatra: “for had he
only eaten river crabs, men would have cast their skin like crabs, and
so, renewing their youth perpetually, would never have died.”—From J.
G. Frazer (1918), I, 67. The belief that the serpent annually changes
its skin and renews its youth may account for the virtues ascribed to
the flesh of vipers and to theriac in the following paragraphs.
[787] περὶ τῶν ἰδιότητι τῆς ὅλης οὐσίας ἐνεργοῦντων.
[788] IV, 760-61, ἐνεργεῖν τὰς οὐσίας κατ’ ἰδίαν ἑκάστην φύσιν.
[789] XII, 311-15.
[790] _Ad Pisonem de theriaca_; _De theriaca ad Pamphilianum_.
[791] XIV, 2-3.
[792] XIV, 217.
[793] XIV, 271-80.
[794] XIV, 283.
[795] XIV, 294.
[796] XII, 317-18; XIV, 45-46, 238.
[797] XIV, 238-39.
[798] XIII, 371, 374.
[799] XIII, 134.
[800] XIII, 242.
[801] XI, 859.
[802] XII, 573; see also XIII, 256.
[803] XI, 860.
[804] XII, 295-96.
[805] XII, 207.
[806] A representation of the Agathodaemon; see C. W. King, _The
Gnostics and their Remains_, London, 1887, p. 220.
[807] XII, 288-89. At II, 163, Galen again accepts the notion that
human saliva is fatal to scorpions.
[808] XIV, 321.
[809] XIV, 349.
[810] XIV, 386-87.
[811] XIV, 343.
[812] XIV, 413.
[813] XIV, 427.
[814] XIV, 430.
[815] XIV, 471.
[816] XIV, 472.
[817] XIV, 476. And others, “Ut ne cui penis arrigi possit,” and “Ad
arrectionem pudendi.”
[818] “The _Psoranthea bituminosa_ of Linnaeus. It is found on
declivities near the sea-coast in the south of Europe,” says a note in
Bostock and Riley’s _The Natural History of Pliny_ (Bohn Library), IV,
330. Pliny, too (XXI, 88), states that trefoil is poisonous itself and
to be used only as a counter-poison.
[819] XIV, 491; a good example of the power of suggestion.
[820] XIV, 498.
[821] XIV, 502.
[822] XIV, 505.
[823] XIV, 517.
[824] XIV, 567ff.
[825] I, 305-412.
[826] _Galen_ in PW.
[827] I, 325-6.
[828] XVII B, 212 and 834.
[829] Partic. 6, Kühn, XIV, 253.
[830] Kühn, XIV, 255.
[831] These passages all come from the 24th _Particula_ of Maimonides’
_Aphorisms_, which is devoted especially to marvels:—“Incipit particula
xxiiii continens aphorismos dependentes a miraculis repertis in libris
medicorum,” from an edition of the _Aphorisms_ dated 1489 and numbered
IA.28878 in the British Museum. The same section contains still other
marvels from the works of Galen.
[832] Kühn, VI, 832-5.
[833] VI, 833.
[834] XVI, 222-23.
[835] I, 53.
[836] _Coeli status_, or ἡ κατάστασις. X, 593-96, 625, 634, 645,
647-48, 658, 662, 685, 737, 759-60, 778, 829, etc.
[837] X, 688; XIII, 544; XIV, 285.
[838] XII, 356.
[839] XIV, 298.
[840] XI, 798.
[841] II, 26-28.
[842] XIX, 529-30.
[843] XIX, 534-73.
[844] IX, 794.
[845] IX, 901-2.
[846] IX, 904.
[847] IX, 908-10.
[848] IX, 913.
[849] IX, 922.
[850] IX, 935.
[851] Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch, _Opera_, ed. Didot, _De placitis
philosophorum_, pp. 1065-1114; in _Plutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays_,
English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions
differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37
chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and
many more chapters.
[852] XIX, 320-21; _De plac. philos._, V, 1-2.
[853] XIX, 253; _De plac. philos._, I, 8.
[854] Kühn, XIX, 261-62; _De placitis philosophorum_, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ
εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“
[855] XIX, 333.
[856] XIX, 274; _De plac. philos._, II, 19.
[857] XIX, 265; _De plac. philos._, II, 5.
[858] As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose
fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high
buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no
other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one
forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.
[859] _De architectura_, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII,
iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan,
Harvard University Press, 1914.
[860] VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.
[861] III, i.
[862] V, Introduction, 3-4.
[863] V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.
[864] VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.
[865] IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.
[866] III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest
indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of
social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”
[867] _Idem._
[868] VI, Introduction, 5.
[869] II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor,
nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my
strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages
fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my
knowledge and my writings.”
[870] III, Introduction, 2.
[871] VII, Introduction, 1-10.
[872] VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are
declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian,
Isthmian, and Nemean games.
[873] VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.
[874] IX, Introd., 17.
[875] VII, Introd., 10.
[876] VIII, iii, 27.
[877] IX, vii, 7.
[878] IX, Introd.
[879] VII, v.
[880] VII, Introd., 18.
[881] V, i, 6-10.
[882] X, i, 4.
[883] X, vii.
[884] IX, viii.
[885] IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.
[886] NH, VII, 38.
[887] The work of Martin, _Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages
d’Héron d’Alexandrie_, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in
histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and
Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and
Wissowa, _Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_,
(1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is
the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also
Hammer-Jensen, _Ptolemaios und Heron_, in _Hermes_, XLVIII (1913), p.
224, _et seq._
The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various
for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in
a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899,
1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, the _Pneumatics_ and
_Automatic Theater_, the _Mechanics_ and _Mirrors_, the _Metrics_ and
_Dioptra_, the _Definitions_ and geometrical remains, _Stereometrica_
and _De mensuris_ and _De geodaesia_. For the _Belopoiika_ or work on
military engines see C. Wescher, _Poliorcétique des Grecs_, Paris,
1867. In English we have _The Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria_,
translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A
number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and
others will be found in _Bibliotheca Mathematica_ and Sudhoff’s _Archiv
f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik_.
[888] παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.
[889] Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.
[890] PW, _Heron_.
[891] Baur (1912), p. 417.
[892] In the first chapter of the _Automatic Theater_ he says, “The
ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because
of the astounding character of the spectacle.”
[893] PW, 1045.
[894] But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of
a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of
the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the
universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a
hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by
the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came
the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K.
Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” in _Bibl. Math._ (1907-1908), pp.
113-7.
[895] Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek
alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works, _Les Origines de
l’Alchimie_, 1885; _Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs_, 3 vols.,
1887-1888; _Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie_, 1889. Berthelot
made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground
repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but
still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann,
_Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie_, 1919, is still based
largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The
Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical
Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” in _The
Scientific Monthly_, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.
[896] The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of
Heraclius, about 620 A. D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an
Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century
removed from the event.
[897] Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about
Diocletian far too seriously.
[898] Berthelot (1885), 192-3.
[899] But the _Labyrinth of Solomon_, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16,
had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had
been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy
among the Jews (_ibid._, p. 54), although he granted (_ibid._, p. 171)
that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third
century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888),
I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the
eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing
of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages
which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”
[900] Berthelot (1885), p. 59.
[901] _Ibid._, p. 53.
[902] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.
[903] Berthelot (1885), p. 56.
[904] Berthelot (1888), III, 23.
[905] Berthelot (1888), III, 251.
[906] Berthelot (1885), p. 164.
[907] _Ibid._, pp. 179-80.
[908] _Ibid._, p. 60.
[909] Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.
[910] Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.
[911] Berthelot (1889), p. vi.
[912] _De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum_, a treatise
extant only in Latin form.
[913] IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult
Christ, _Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur_, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II,
2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.
[914] See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in
politics,” cap. 16.
[915] See R. Schmertosch, in _Philol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren
Wachsmuths_, 1897, pp. 28ff.
[916] Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied
by B. Weissenberger, _Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die
pseudoplutarchischen Schriften_, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff.
In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth
century English translation of the _Morals_, declared that no critical
translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been
undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of
the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not
escaped criticism.
[917] The English translation of Plutarch’s _Morals_ “by several
hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and
revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage
in the seventh chapter of _De defectu oraculorum_, in which complaint
is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to
the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry
astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.”
But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς
σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for
taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The
passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar
astrologers.
[918] _De defectu oraculorum_, 13.
[919] Cap. 12.
[920] Cap. 7.
[921] Cap. 8.
[922] Cap. 9.
[923] Cap. 10.
[924] _De genio Socratis_, 21-22.
[925] _Ibid._, 24.
[926] _De defectu oraculorum_, 40.
[927] _De genio Socratis_, 12.
[928] _Sympos._, VIII. 10.
[929] _De defectu oraculorum_, 44.
[930] _Ibid._, 48.
[931] _Ibid._, 13.
[932] _Ibid._, 10.
[933] _Ibid._, 13.
[934] _De genio Socratis_, 22.
[935] Cap. 26.
[936] Cap. 29.
[937] Cap. 30.
[938] Cap. 24.
[939] Cap. 22.
[940] _De defectu oraculorum_, 10.
[941] _Ibid._, 18.
[942] _Ibid._, 13-14.
[943] _De defectu oraculorum_, 21.
[944] _De genio Socratis_, 11.
[945] _Ibid._, 20.
[946] _Romulus_, cap. 12.
[947] Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ
προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.
[948] Cap. 2.
[949] Cap. 22.
[950] Cap. 3.
[951] Caps. 5-8.
[952] Cap. 9.
[953] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 28.
[954] VIII, 9.
[955] _De defectu oraculorum_, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s
tale to the vision of Er in Plato’s _Republic_ is also evident.
[956] _Ibid._, 34.
[957] _Ibid._, 37.
[958] _Ibid._, 36; and see 11-12.
[959] Caps. 8-16.
[960] Cap. 17.
[961] Cap. 31.
[962] Cap. 33.
[963] _Symposiacs_, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of
Aristotle’s _History of Animals_ comments on II, 14, “The myth of the
‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead
Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania,
1904.”
[964] See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny
(NH, XXIII, 64).
[965] _Symposiacs_, V, 10.
[966] _De sera numinis vindicta_, 14.
[967] _De defectu oraculorum_, 43.
[968] X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations
and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the
article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.
[969] Article on “Asbestos” in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th
edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a
tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and
that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society
a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” or _linum asbesti_ (asbestos
linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903),
I, 216.
[970] XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44
states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle
ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were
said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also
Pausanias, I, 26, 7.
[971] “In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome
a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other
ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is
still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).
[972] “On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity
of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley,
note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly
assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however,
Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley
(note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing
nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of the
_magi_,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis
resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical
list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and
found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus
nascitur coloris ferrei.”
[973] Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller in _Geograph.
Graeci Minores_, II, 637ff.
[974] In Christ’s _Gesch. d. Griech. Litt._, not only is the _On Rivers
and Mountains_ itself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are
rejected as fraudulent.
[975] Cap. 5.
[976] Cap. 18.
[977] Cap. 21.
[978] Cap. 6.
[979] Cap. 1.
[980] Cap. 7.
[981] Caps. 9, 10, 12.
[982] Caps. 16, 18, 24.
[983] Cap. 17.
[984] V, 7.
[985] _Bruta animalia ratione uti_, cap. 9; also _Quaest. Nat._, cap.
26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”
[986] _De solertia animalium._
[987] _Ibid._, 36-37; also the closing chapters of _The Banquet of the
Seven Sages_.
[988] Cap. 31.
[989] Cap. 25.
[990] Cap. 12.
[991] Cap. 10.
[992] Cap. 29.
[993] _Isis and Osiris_, 10.
[994] VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.
[995] _Nat. Quaest._, caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.
[996] _Symposiacs_, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.
[997] _De facie in orbe lunae_, 9-10; also the opening chapters of _De
defectu oraculorum_.
[998] Cap. 7.
[999] Cap. 18.
[1000] “Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili
studio.”
[1001] _Florida_, cap. 9.
[1002] _Apologia_, cap. 4.
[1003] Caps. 73 and 55.
[1004] Caps. 55-56.
[1005] Cap. 17.
[1006] _Apologia_, cap. 70.
[1007] Cap. 89.
[1008] To Professor Butler (_Apulei Apologia_, ed. H. E. Butler and A.
S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he
places the _Apology_ earlier. But for the reasons already given I agree
with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations
that the _Metamorphoses_ is Apuleius’s first work.
[1009] The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch
together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we
begin with a Grecian story.”
[1010] I, 3.
[1011] II, 1.
[1012] I, 8.
[1013] II, 5.
[1014] III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this
chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English
translations.
[1015] III, 16.
[1016] I, 8.
[1017] I, 9-10.
[1018] I, 11-13.
[1019] II, 22 and 25.
[1020] II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.
[1021] I, 11; II, 11.
[1022] II, 20, 22; III, 18.
[1023] Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt, _Native
Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of
hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a
peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred
yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the
kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into
the wound.”
[1024] VI, 26.
[1025] II, 22.
[1026] I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.
[1027] II, 28.
[1028] II, 6; III, 19.
[1029] III, 29.
[1030] III, 17.
[1031] III, 21.
[1032] I, 10; II, 20-21.
[1033] III, 16.
[1034] II, 23-30.
[1035] I, 13.
[1036] II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”
[1037] III, 18.
[1038] III, 21.
[1039] III, 23.
[1040] III, 25.
[1041] II, 28.
[1042] Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae
nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur;
II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc
decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta
collocuta.
[1043] I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.
[1044] I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini
potens.
[1045] III, 19.
[1046] II, 12-14.
[1047] VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.
[1048] I, 4.
[1049] X, 11, 25.
[1050] VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.
[1051] I, 5.
[1052] II, 26.
[1053] IX, 33-34.
[1054] II, 11-12.
[1055] X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I,
377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”
[1056] VIII, 21.
[1057] XI, 1.
[1058] Macdonald (1909), p. 128.
[1059] VIII, 9.
[1060] Cap. 1.
[1061] _Florida_, caps. 24-26.
[1062] Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge,
_Egyptian Magic_ (1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true
purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under
the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the
so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood;
it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let
into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.”
To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p.
85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief
characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a
rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin
or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the
figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....”
Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as
the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.
[1063] Cap. 31.
[1064] Cap. 42.
[1065] Cap. 43.
[1066] Caps. 1-3.
[1067] Cap. 2.
[1068] Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case
of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé, _Apologie pour tous les grands
personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie_, Paris, 1625.
[1069] Cap. 25.
[1070] Cap. 47.
[1071] Cap. 25.
[1072] Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.
[1073] Cap. 28.
[1074] Cap. 48.
[1075] Cap. 25.
[1076] Cap. 26.
[1077] Cap. 31.
[1078] Cap. 6.
[1079] Cap. 13.
[1080] Caps. 30, 33.
[1081] Cap. 61.
[1082] Cap. 53.
[1083] Cap. 58.
[1084] Cap. 41.
[1085] Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III
of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant the _Theriaca_ in 958
hexameters and another poem, the _Alexipharmaca_, of 630 lines; ed.
J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an
illuminated eleventh century manuscript of the _Theriaca_ in the
Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (_Byzantine Art and
Archaeology_, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very
early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”
[1086] Cap. 40.
[1087] Caps. 49-51.
[1088] Caps. 15-16.
[1089] Cap. 40.
[1090] Cap. 36.
[1091] Cap. 8.
[1092] Cap. 85.
[1093] Cap. 38.
[1094] Cap. 45.
[1095] Cap. 51.
[1096] Caps. 30, 42.
[1097] Cap. 40.
[1098] P. 98.
[1099] Cap. 35.
[1100] So Abt has pointed out: _Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura
und die antike Zauberei_, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.
[1101] Caps. 42-43.
[1102] Cap. 38.
[1103] Cap. 90.
[1104] Cap. 97.
[1105] Cap. 84.
[1106] _De mundo_, cap. 1; _De deo Socratis_, cap. 4.
[1107] _De mens._, IV., 7, 73; _De ostent._, 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.
[1108] Cap. 43.
[1109] Cap. 6.
[1110] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 8.
[1111] _Hist. Anim._, V, 19.
[1112] _De deo Socratis_, cap. 13.
[1113] _Ibid._, caps. 9-10.
[1114] XVIII, 18.
[1115] VIII, 14-22.
[1116] Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.
[1117] _Divin. Instit._, V, 3.
[1118] Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains the
_Histories_ and _Annals_ (XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to
the ninth book of the _Metamorphoses_ indicates that the original
manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395
A. D. and 397 A. D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen
âge,” _Le Moyen Age_ (1917), 44-52, holds that the _Metamorphoses_
was not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also
B. Stumfall, _Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben_,
Leipzig, 1907.
[1119] CLM 621.
[1120] Harleian 3969.
[1121] VII, 5.
[1122] Ep. 136.
[1123] _Divin. Instit._, V, 2-3.
[1124] Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works
should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.
[1125] See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx,
_The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana_, London, 1873, p. 62, found
the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came
to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if
he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal
Philostratus speaks of.”
[1126] Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India
as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for
Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from
earlier authors.
[1127] III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.
[1128] See the treatise of Eusebius _Against Apollonius_. Lactantius
(_Divin. Inst._, V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in
speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against
Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as
those of Christ.
[1129] So Origen says (_Against Celsus_, VI, 41) and Philostratus
implies (I, 3).
[1130] See the _Against Apollonius_, caps. 31, 35.
[1131] Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have
used Fowler’s translation.
[1132] In other respects, however, I have usually found this
translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb
Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it
in a number of the quotations which follow.
[1133] I, 32.
[1134] I, 29.
[1135] I, 26.
[1136] I, 40.
[1137] V, 12.
[1138] VII, 39.
[1139] V, 12.
[1140] IV, 18.
[1141] VIII, 19.
[1142] VIII, 30.
[1143] VIII, 7.
[1144] VII, 20.
[1145] VII, 34.
[1146] VII, 39.
[1147] VI, 11; III, 43.
[1148] VI, 41.
[1149] I, 2.
[1150] V, 12.
[1151] VI, 11.
[1152] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha
himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices,
including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and
witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the
symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:”
E. B. Havell, _A Handbook of Indian Art_, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for
the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.
[1153] VI, 10.
[1154] III, 12.
[1155] III, 16.
[1156] III, 13.
[1157] III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are
exceedingly wise.”
[1158] III, 15.
[1159] III, 46-47.
[1160] III, 17.
[1161] III, 27.
[1162] III, 38-40.
[1163] III, 44.
[1164] III, 41.
[1165] III, 21.
[1166] III, 41.
[1167] V, 37.
[1168] V, 37.
[1169] III, 34.
[1170] III, 37.
[1171] VI, 38.
[1172] III, 34.
[1173] V, 17.
[1174] I, 22.
[1175] NH, VIII, 17; _Hist. Anim._, VI, 31.
[1176] VI, 37.
[1177] The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in
D. W. Thompson, _Glossary of Greek Birds_, 106-107. He adds: “Modern
naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that
though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan
does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists
state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at
the very best, _dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni_. This
concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the
swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical
allusion.”
[1178] II, 14.
[1179] I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular
notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear
but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the
lioness bears five times, as described above.
[1180] III, 2.
[1181] III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who
traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant
under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius, _Periplus
Scylacis Caryandensis_, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth
century B.C.
[1182] II, 11-16.
[1183] II, 2; III, 4.
[1184] II, 28.
[1185] III, 1. Greek fire?
[1186] III, 48-9.
[1187] III, 6; II, 17.
[1188] III, 7.
[1189] NH, VIII, 11.
[1190] III, 8.
[1191] III, 9.
[1192] III, 7.
[1193] III, 8.
[1194] II, 14.
[1195] II, 40.
[1196] III, 27.
[1197] III, 21.
[1198] III, 1.
[1199] VIII, 7.
[1200] III, 30.
[1201] III, 42.
[1202] VIII, 7.
[1203] IV, 44.
[1204] VIII, 7.
[1205] VIII, 7.
[1206] VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of
Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination
of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day
that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from
that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with
the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there
should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)
[1207] III, 42.
[1208] VI, 11.
[1209] I, 23.
[1210] IV, 34.
[1211] VIII, 7.
[1212] IV, 37.
[1213] I, 22.
[1214] V, 13.
[1215] VIII, 7.
[1216] I, 20.
[1217] I, 31.
[1218] V, 25.
[1219] IV, 4.
[1220] IV, 24.
[1221] IV, 43.
[1222] V, 18.
[1223] VII, 18.
[1224] IV, 10.
[1225] VIII, 7.
[1226] IV, 44.
[1227] II, 4.
[1228] VI, 27.
[1229] IV, 20.
[1230] IV, 25.
[1231] I, 4.
[1232] I, 19.
[1233] Epist. 50.
[1234] VII, 32.
[1235] VI, 27.
[1236] IV, 11, 15-16.
[1237] VI, 43.
[1238] IV, 45.
[1239] IV, 44.
[1240] VIII, 8.
[1241] VII, 38.
[1242] VIII, 30.
[1243] The passages are not listed in Liddell and Scott, nor mentioned
by Professor Bury in his note on “The ἴυγξ in Greek Magic,” _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_ (1886), pp. 157-60. Hubert’s article on “Magia” in
Daremberg-Saglio cites only one passage and seems to regard the _iunx_
solely as a magic wheel. D’Arcy W. Thompson, _A Glossary of Greek
Birds_, Oxford, 1895, also cites but one passage from Philostratus. A.
B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, I, 253-65, notes both main passages
but tries to interpret the _iunges_ as solar wheels rather than birds.
But the _iunx_ is found as a bird on several Greek vases of the latest
period; see _British Museum Catalogue of Vases_, vol. IV, figs. 94, 98,
342, 163, 331b; magic wheels are also represented on the vases, but are
not described as _iunges_ in the catalogue; see vol. IV, figs. 331a,
373, 385, 399, 409, 436, 450, 458, and vol. III, E 774, F 223, F 279.
[1244] VI, 10; see also VIII, 7.
[1245] I, 25.
[1246] VI, 11.
[1247] Cited by Cook, _Zeus_, I, 266, who, however, fails to connect it
with the _iunx_.
[1248] Newton’s _Dictionary of Birds_; a reference supplied me by the
kindness of my colleague, Professor F. H. Herrick.
[1249] Professor Bury’s theory that “the bird was called ἴυγξ from its
call which sounded like ἰώ ἰώ; and it was used in lunar enchantments
because it was supposed to be calling on Io, the moon”: and that “ἴυγξ
originally meant a moon-song independently of the wryneck,” which came
to be employed in magic moon-worship on account of its cry, has already
been refuted by Professor Thompson, who pointed out that “the bird does
not cry ἰώ,, ἰώ, and the suggested derivation of its name and sanctity
from such a cry cannot hold.”
[1250] See Chapter 49 for a fuller account of it.
[1251] See Chapter 71.
[1252] Math. 54, Liber Appollonii magi vel philosophi qui dicitur
Elizinus.
[1253] BN 13951, 12th century, Liber Apollonii de principalibus
rerum causis. Vienna 3124, 15th century, fols. 57v-58v, “Verba de
proprietatibus rerum quomodo virtus unius frangitur per alium. Adamas
nec ferro nec igne domatur .../ ... cito medetur.”
[1254] Royal 12-C-XVIII, Baleni de imaginibus; Sloane 3826, fols.
100v-101, Beleemus de imaginibus; Sloane 3848, fols. 52-8, Liber
Balamini sapientis de sigillis planetarum, fols. 59-62, liber sapientis
Baleym de ymaginibus septem planetarum. But these forms might suggest
Balaam. We also hear of Flacius Affricus, a disciple of Belenus.
[1255] M. Steinschneider, “Apollonius von Thyana (oder Balinas) bei den
Arabern,” in _Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft_,
XLV (1891), 439-46.
[1256] T. Schiche, _De fontibus librorum Ciceronis qui sunt de
divinatione_, Jena, 1875; K. Hartfelder, _Die Quellen von Ciceros zwei
Büchern de Divinatione_, Freiburg, 1878.
[1257] Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, XIV, I.
[1258] _Adv. astrol._, in _Opera_, ed. Johannes Albertus Fabricius,
Leipzig, 1718.
[1259] _De divinatione_, I, 39.
[1260] _Ibid._, I, 58.
[1261] _Ibid._, II, 11.
[1262] _Ibid._, II, 33.
[1263] _Ibid._, II, 36.
[1264] I, 50.
[1265] II, 3-4.
[1266] II, 5. “Quae enim praesentiri aut arte aut ratione aut usu aut
coniectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda putas sed peritis.”
[1267] II, 30.
[1268] II, 12. An astrologer, however, would probably say that seeming
contradiction could be accounted for by the varying influence of the
constellations upon different regions.
[1269] II, 12.
[1270] II, 19. “Quid igitur minus a physicis dici debet quam quidquam
certi significari rebus incertis?”
[1271] II, 60-71.
[1272] II, 54.
[1273] II, 16.
[1274] II, 42-47.
[1275] NH, VII, 21.
[1276] _Republic_, II, 10.
[1277] _Ibid._, II, 15.
[1278] _Ibid._, II, 18.
[1279] _Apologia pro mercede conductis._ Most of Lucian’s Essays have
been translated into English by H. W. Fowler and F. G. Fowler, 1905, 4
vols.
[1280] _De defectu oraculorum_, 45.
[1281] Fowler’s translation.
[1282] Fowler omits it. It appears in the Teubner edition, _Luciani
Samosatensis opera_, ed. C. Jacobitz, II (1887), 187-95, but both
Jacobitz and Dindorf mark it as spurious. Croiset, _Essai sur la vie et
les œuvres de Lucien_, Paris, 1882, p. 43, also rejects it.
[1283] See the interesting paper of J. D. Rolleston, “Lucian and
Medicine,” 1915, 23 pp., reprinted from _Proceedings of the Royal
Society of Medicine_, VIII, 49-58, 72-84.
[1284] See the close of _Nigrinus_.
[1285] _Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt_, XXI, i, 14.
[1286] The wording of these excerpts is that of Fowler’s translation.
[1287] See Sackur, _Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen_, Halle, 1898;
Alexandre, _Oracula Sibyllina_, 2nd ed., Paris, 1869; Charles (1913)
II, 368 ff.
[1288] Besides the works to be cited later in this chapter, the reader
may consult: A. Dieterich, _Abraxas_ (_Studien z. relig. gesch. d.
spät. alt._), Leipzig, 1891, especially chapter II (pp. 136ff.),
“Jüdisch-orphisch-gnostiche Kulte und die Zauberbücher”; and G. A.
Lobeck, _Aglaophamus_, 1829, 2 vols.
[1289] Steinschneider (1906), 24. He mentions the dissertation of R.
Pietschmann, _Hermes Trismegistus_, Leipzig, 1875.
[1290] See Galen, citing Pamphilus, Kühn, XI, 798.
[1291] XXI, 14, 15.
[1292] VI, 4.
[1293] I, 1; VIII, 1-4.
[1294] VIII, 1.
[1295] VIII, 2.
[1296] VIII, 4.
[1297] I, 1.
[1298] R. Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_, Leipzig, 1904, p. 319. This work
is the fullest scientific treatment of the subject.
[1299] Citations supporting this and the preceding sentences may be
found in Kroll’s article on Hermes Trismegistus in Pauly-Wissowa,
809-820. The _Poimandres_ was translated into English by John Everard,
D.D., a mystic but also a popular preacher whose outspoken sermons
caused his frequent arrest and imprisonment during the reigns of James
I and Charles I. James is reported to have said of him, “What is this
Dr. Ever-out? His name shall be Dr. Never-out,” (_Dict. Nat. Biog._).
Dr. Everard’s translation was printed in 1650 and again in 1657 when
the “Asclepius” was added to it. In 1884 it appeared again in the
Bath Occult Reprint Series with an introduction by Hargrave Jennings,
and the second volume in the same series was Hermes’ _The Virgin of
the World_, published at London. Kroll mentions only the more recent
translation by Mead, _Thrice Greatest Hermes_. London, 1906.
[1300] Consult the bibliography in Kroll’s article in Pauly-Wissowa.
[1301] See the various volumes of _Catalogus codicum astrologorum
Graecorum_, _passim_.
[1302] Unprinted.
[1303] An English translation by John Harvey was printed in London,
1657, 12mo. It also exists in manuscript form in the British Museum;
Sloane 1734, fols. 283-98, “The learned work of Hermes Trismegistus
intituled hys Phisicke Mathematycke or Mathematicall Physickes, direct
to Hammon Kinge of Egypte.”
[1304] _Orphica_, ed. Abel (1885), p. 141.
[1305] It was to a work on this last subject that Pamphilus, cited by
Galen, referred in mentioning the herb ἀετοῦ, but this plant is not
named in the extant treatise on the decans. Such treatises are more or
less addressed to Asclepius: printed in J. B. Pitra, _Analecta Sacra_,
V, ii, 279-90; _Cat. cod. astrol. Graec._, IV, 134; VI, 83; VII, 231;
VIII, ii, 159; VIII, iii, 151; and by Ruelle, _Rev. Phil._, XXXII, 247.
[1306] Berthelot (1885), pp. 133-6, and his article on Hermes
Trismegistus in _La Grande Encyclopédie_; also Kroll on Hermes in
Pauly-Wissowa, 799.
[1307] Berthelot (1885), p. 134.
[1308] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 1899, pp. xi, 519-20,
563-4.
[1309] NH, II, 21; VII, 50.
[1310] Kühn, XII, 207.
[1311] They have been collected and edited by E. Riess, _Nechepsonis et
Petosiridis fragmenta magica_, in _Philologus_, Supplbd. VI, Göttingen
(1891-93), pp. 323-394. See also F. Boll, _Die Erforschung der antiken
Astrologie_, in _Neue Jahrb. für das klass. Altert._, XI (1908),
p. 106, and his dissertation of the same title published at Bonn,
1890. I have found that Riess, while including some of the passages
attributed to Nechepso by the sixth century medical writer, Aetius,
seems to have overlooked the “Emplastrum Nechepsonis e cupresso,”
Aetius, _Tetrabibl._, IV, Sermo III, cap. 19 (p. 771 in the edition of
Stephanus, 1567).
[1312] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, 1898, p. xiii. Axt and
Riegler, _Manethonis Apotelesmaticorum libri sex_, Cologne, 1832. Also
edited by Koechly.
[1313] E. Riess, On Ancient Superstition, in _Transactions American
Philological Association_ (1895), XXVI, 40-55. Grenfell (1921), p. 151,
announces that J. G. Smyly is about to publish “a remarkable fragment
of an Orphic ritual” among some thirty papyrus texts in the _Cunningham
Memoirs of the Royal Irish Academy_.
[1314] The Greek text of the Lithica is contained in _Orphica_, ed.
E. Abel, Lipsiae et Pragae, 1885. A rather too free English verse
translation, _Orpheus on Gems_, is given in C. W. King, _The Natural
History, Ancient and Modern, of Precious Stones and Gems and of
Precious Metals_, London, 1865.
[1315] Pp. 397-98.
[1316] Line 94, περίφρονι Θειοδάμαντι; line 165, δαιμόνιος φώς.
[1317] Lines 410-411.
[1318] _Confessio S. Cypriani_, in _Acta Sanctorum_, ed. Bollandists,
Sept., VII, 222; L. Preller, _Philologus_ (1846), I, 349ff.; cited by
A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, Cambridge, 1914, I, 110-111. The work is treated
more fully below in Chapter 18.
[1319] Franz Cumont, _op. cit._, Chicago, 1911, p. 189. See also
Windischmann, _Zoroastrische Studien_, Berlin, 1863.
[1320] See below, Chapter 26.
[1321] Cap. 16.
[1322] Edited by Kroll, _De oraculis Chaldaicis_, in _Breslau Philolog.
Abhandl._, VII (1894), 1-76. Cory, _Ancient Fragments_, London, 1832.
[1323] L. A. Gray in A. V. W. Jackson, _Zoroaster_, 1901, pp. 259-60.
[1324] G. Wolff, _Porphyrii de philosophia ex oraculis hauriendis_,
Berlin, 1886. Pitra, _Analecta Sacra_, V, 2, pp. 192-95, Πρόκλου ἐκ
τῆς Χαλδαικῆς φιλοσοφίας. Many quotations of oracles from Porphyry’s
_De philosophia ex oraculis hausta_ are made by Eusebius, _Praeparatio
evangelica_, in PG, XXI.
[1325] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_, p. 599.
[1326] Paul Allard, _La transformation du Paganisme romain au IVe
siècle_, pp. 113-33, in _Compte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique
International des Catholiques. Deuxième Section, Sciences religieuses_.
Paris, 1891.
[1327] _Plotini opera omnia, Porphyrii liber de vita Plotini, cum
Marsilii Ficini commentariis_ ... ed D. Wyttenbach, G. H. Moser, and
F. Creuzer, Oxford, 1835, 3 vols. Page references in my citations are
to this edition, but I have also employed: _Plotini Enneades_, ed. R.
Volkmann, Leipzig, 1883; _Select Works of Plotinus translated from
the Greek with an Introduction containing the substance of Porphyry’s
Life of Plotinus_, by Thomas Taylor, new edition with preface and
bibliography by G. R. S. Mead, London, 1909; K. S. Guthrie, _The
Philosophy of Plotinus_, Philadelphia, 1896, and _Plotinos, Complete
Works_, 4 vols., 1918, English Translation. Where my citations give the
number of the chapter in addition to the _Ennead_ and Book, these agree
with Volkmann’s text and Guthrie’s translation,—which, however, are not
quite identical in this respect. A noteworthy recent publication is W.
R. Inge, _The Philosophy of Plotinus_, 1918, 2 vols.
[1328] H. F. Müller, _Plotinische Studien II_, in _Hermes_, XLIX,
70-89, argues that the philosophy of Plotinus was genuinely Hellenic
and free from oriental influence, that all theurgy was hateful to
him, and that he opposed Gnosticism and astrology. Müller seems to me
to overstate his case and to be too ready to exculpate Plotinus, or
perhaps rather Hellenism, from concurrence in the superstition of the
time.
[1329] For Gnosticism see Chapter 15.
[1330] _Ennead_, II, 9, 14. Πλωτίνου πρὸς τοὺς Γνωστικούς, ed. G.
A. Heigl, 1832; and _Plotini De Virtutibus et Adversus Gnosticos
libellos_, ed. A. Kirchhoff, 1847; are simply extracts from the
_Enneads_. See also C. Schmidt, _Plotin’s Stellung zum Gnosticismus u.
kirchl. Christentum_, 1900; in TU, X, 90 pp.
[1331] _Ennead_, IV, 4, 40 (II, 805 or 434). Τὰς δὲ γοητείας πῶς; ἢ
τῇ συμπαθείᾳ, καὶ τῷ πεφυκέναι συμφωνίαν εἶναι ὁμοίων καὶ ἐναντίωσιν
ἀνομοίων, καί τῇ τῶν δυνάμεων τῶν πολλῶν ποικιλίᾳ εἰς ἓν ζῷον
συντελούντων. _Ibid._ 42 (II, 808 or 436) ... καὶ τέχναις καὶ ἰατρῶν
καὶ ἐπαοιδῶν ἄλλο ἄλλῳ ἠναγκάσθη παρασχεῖν τι τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς αὐτοῦ.
_Ennead_, IV, 9 (II, 891 or 479). Greek: εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐπωδαὶ καὶ ὅλως
μαγεῖαι συνάγουσι καὶ συμπαθεῖς πόῤῥωθεν ποιοῦσι, πάντως τοι διὰ ψυχῆς
μιᾶς.
[1332] _Ennead_, IV, 4 (II, 810 or 437).
[1333] _Ennead_, IV, 4, 43-44.
[1334] _Ennead_, IV, 4, 44.
[1335] See Chapter XII, pp. 323-4.
[1336] _Vita Plotini_, cap. 10.
[1337] _Vita_, cap. 10.
[1338] Cap. 10.
[1339] A748.
[1340] Shown in the article on “Jewelry” in the eleventh edition of
the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, Plate I, Figure 50. The article says
of the pendant, “Here we find the themes of archaic Greek art, such
as a figure holding up two water-birds, in immediate connexion with
Mycenaean gold patterns.” See further A. J. Evans in _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, 1893, p. 197.
[1341] J. E. Harrison, _Themis_, Cambridge, 1912. p. 114, Fig. 20.
[1342] _Vita_, cap. 15. It will be noted that like some of the church
fathers Plotinus attacked genethlialogy rather than astrology.
Προσεῖχε δὲ τοῖς μὲν περὶ τῶν ἀστέρων κανόσιν οὐ πάνυ τι μαθηματικῶς,
τοῖς δὲ τῶν γενεθλιαλόγων ἀποτελεστικοῖς ἀκριβέστερον. καὶ φωράσας
τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τὸ ἀνεχέγγυον ἐλέγχειν πολλαχοῦ καὶ (τῶν) ἐν τοῖς
συγγράμμασιν οὐκ ὤκνησε.
[1343] _Ennead_ II, 3, Περὶ τοῦ εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ ἄστρα. Porphyry arranged
his master’s treatises in the form of six enneads of nine each and
perhaps somewhat revised them at the same time.
[1344] _Matheseos libri VIII_, ed. Kroll et Skutsch, Lipsiae, 1897. I,
7, 14-22.
[1345] See below, pp. 353-4.
[1346] _Ennead_ II, 3 (p. 242), Ὅτι ἡ τῶν ἄστρων φορὰ σημαίνει
περὶ ἕκαστον τὰ ἐσόμενα ἀλλ’ οὐκ αὐτὴ πάντα ποιεῖ, ὡς τοῖς πολλοῖς
δοξάζεται, εἴρηται μὲν πρότερον ἐν ἅλλοις. See also _Ennead_ III, 1,
and IV, 3-4.
[1347] I, 18.
[1348] Cap. 19.
[1349] _Polycraticus_, II, 19, (ed. C. C. I. Webb, 1909, I, 112). Mr.
Webb (I, xxviii) holds that John of Salisbury “certainly did not have
Plotinus,” and derived some passages from his works through Macrobius
and Augustine; but he is unable to state in what intermediate source
John could have found the passage now in question. It does not seem to
reflect Plotinus’ doctrine very accurately.
[1350] _Ennead_ IV, iv, 6 and 8.
[1351] _Ibid._, 30. Guthrie’s translation, “We have shown that memory
is useless to the stars: we have agreed that they have senses, namely,
sight and hearing,” is quite misleading, as caps. 40-42 make evident.
[1352] _Ennead_ II, iii, 6 and 13 (249-50).
[1353] _Ennead_ IV, iv, 31. ὅτι μὲν οὗν ἡ φορὰ ποιεῖ ... ἀναμφισβητήτως
μὲν τὰ ἐπίγεια οὐ μόνον τοῑς σώμασιν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς τῆς ψυχῆς διαθέσεσι
καὶ τῶν μερῶν ἕκαστον εἰς τὰ ἐπίγεια καὶ ὅλως τὰ κάτω ποιεῖ, πολλαχῇ
δῆλον.
[1354] _Idem._ Guthrie heads the passage, “Absurdity of Ptolemean
Astrology.” See also _Ennead_, II, iii, 1-5.
[1355] _Ennead_ II, iii, 6.
[1356] _Ennead_ II, iii, 4.
[1357] Guthrie’s translation, _Ennead_ IV, iv, 35. εἰ δὴ δρᾷ τι ὁ ἥλιος
καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἄστρα εἰς τὰ τῇδε, χρὴ νομίζειν αὐτὸν μὲν ἄνω βλέποντα
εἶναι.
[1358] _Idem._ καὶ ἐν τοῖς παρ’ ἡμῖν εἰσι πολλαί, ἃς οὐ θερμὰ ἢ ψυχρὰ
παρέχεται, ἀλλὰ γενόμενα ποιότησι διαφόροις καὶ λόγοις εἰδοποιηθέντα
καὶ φύσεως δυνάμεως μεταλαβόντα, οἷον καὶ λίθων φύσεις καὶ βοτανῶν
ἐνέργειαι θαυμαστὰ πολλὰ παρέχονται.
[1359] _Ennead_ IV, iv, 34. καὶ ποιήσεις καὶ σημασίας ἐν πολλοῖς
ἀλλαχοῦ δὲ σημασίας μόνον.
[1360] _Ennead_ II, iii (p. 256).
[1361] _Ibid._ (pp. 250-1).
[1362] _Ibid._, II, iii (pp. 243-6, 254-5, 263-5).
[1363] _Ennead_, II, ix, 13. τῆς τραγῳδίας τῶν φοβερῶν, ὡς οἴονται, ἐν
ταῖς τοῦ κόσμου σφαίραις.
[1364] The references for the statements in this paragraph are in the
order of their occurrence: _Ennead_, II, iii (pp. 257, 251-2); III, iv
(p. 521); IV, iv (p. 813); II, iii (p. 260); III, iv (p. 520); IV, 3
(p. 711): in these cases the higher page-numbering is used.
[1365] Edited Venice, Aldine Press, 1497 and 1516; Oxford, 1678; by
G. Parthey, Berlin, 1857. In the following quotations from it I have
usually adhered to T. Taylor’s English translation, London, 1821.
[1366] Carl Rasche, _De Iamblicho libri qui inscribitur de mysteriis
auctore_, Aschendorff, 1911, 82 pp.
[1367] Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie grecque_ (1898), p. 599, citing
Kroll, _De oraculis Chaldaicis_.
[1368] _De mysteriis_, I, 5.
[1369] VIII, 2.
[1370] I, 9.
[1371] I, 17 (Taylor’s translation).
[1372] IV, 6.
[1373] I, 10.
[1374] V, 10-12.
[1375] I, 20.
[1376] II, 6.
[1377] II, 7.
[1378] IV, 1.
[1379] IV, 2.
[1380] IV, 10.
[1381] II, 11.
[1382] II, 3.
[1383] V, 20.
[1384] I, 9; VI, 6; II, 11.
[1385] I, 11.
[1386] V, 23.
[1387] IV, 2.
[1388] I, 12.
[1389] I, 15; III, 24 (Taylor’s translation).
[1390] VII, 4.
[1391] VII, 5.
[1392] III, 29.
[1393] II, 10.
[1394] IV, 10.
[1395] IV, 12.
[1396] IV, 3.
[1397] IV, 10; III, 31.
[1398] IV, 7.
[1399] II, 10.
[1400] VI, 5; III, 25; III, 13.
[1401] II, 10.
[1402] E. S. Bouchier, _Syria as a Roman Province_, Oxford, 1916, p.
231.
[1403] _De abstinentia_, II, 48.
[1404] III, 1, 10.
[1405] III, 2-3.
[1406] III, 11.
[1407] III, 24; III, 17.
[1408] III, 14.
[1409] III, 25. Although, as stated above, one may be divinely inspired
while diseased. But there is no causal connection between the two.
[1410] III, 26.
[1411] III, 15.
[1412] I, 17.
[1413] VIII, 4.
[1414] VIII, 6.
[1415] IX, 3-4.
[1416] I, 18.
[1417] Iamblichus, _In Nicomachi Geraseni arithmeticam introductionem
et De fato_, published by Tennulius, Deventer and Arnheim, 1668.
[1418] Zeller, _Philos. d. Gr._, III, 2, 2, p. 608. cites passages
to show Porphyry’s leanings towards astrology; but F. Boll, _Studien
über Claudius Ptolemaeus_, 115-17, and Bouché-Leclercq, _L’Astrologie
grecque_, 601-602, are inclined to the opposite view.
[1419] CCAG, _passim_.
[1420] Ed. Hieronymus Wolf, Basel, 1559, Greek and Latin.
[1421] III, 28.
[1422] III, 29.
[1423] Eusebius, _Praep. evang._, IV, 6-15, 23; V, 6, 11, 14-15; VI, 1,
4-5; etc., in Migne, PG, XXI.
[1424] Loeb Library edition of Julian’s works, I, 398, 412, 433.
[1425] I, 482, 498.
[1426] I, 405.
[1427] I, 374-75.
[1428] I, 366-67.
[1429] I, 368.
[1430] I, 419.
[1431] XXII, xii, 8.
[1432] XXI, i, 7.
[1433] XXVIII, iv, 24.
[1434] XXII, xvi, 17-18.
[1435] Published at Venice (Aldine), 1497, along with the _De
mysteriis_, and other works edited or composed by Marsilius Ficinus.
See also _Procli Opera_, ed. Cousin, Paris, 1820-1827, III, 278; and
Kroll, _Analecta Graeca_, Greisswald, 1901, where a Greek translation
accompanies the Latin text.
[1436] _Eusebii Caesariensis Opera_, _Pars II_, _Apologetica_, _Praep.
Evang._, IV, 22; V, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14; VI, 1, 4; XIV, 10 (Migne,
_Patrologia Graeca_, vol. 21).
[1437] X, 9-10.
[1438] Berthelot (1889), p. ix.
[1439] Περι ζώων ἰδιότητος. I have used both the _editio princeps_ by
Gesner, Zurich, 1556, and the critical edition by R. Hercher, Paris,
1858, and Teubner, 1864. The work will henceforth be cited without
title in the notes.
[1440] See PW, and Christ, _Gesch. d. griech. Litt._, for further
details.
[1441] I, 22.
[1442] I, 24.
[1443] I, 35. D. W. Thompson, _Glossary of Greek Birds_, p. 57, notes
that in the _Birds_ of Aristophanes, where the hoopoe appears, “the
mysterious root in verse 654 is the magical ἀδίαυτον.”
[1444] I, 48.
[1445] I, 52.
[1446] I, 54.
[1447] II, 2 and 31; III, 5.
[1448] III, 17.
[1449] III, 23 and 25.
[1450] III, 26; in I, 45, the woodpecker similarly employs the virtue
of an herb to remove a stone blocking the entrance to its nest.
[1451] III, 32 and 38.
[1452] IV, 10, 14, 17.
[1453] IV, 27.
[1454] IV, 29.
[1455] IV, 53.
[1456] V, 37.
[1457] VI, 4.
[1458] VI, 16.
[1459] VI, 33.
[1460] VI, 41.
[1461] VI, 59.
[1462] VII, 7-8.
[1463] VII, 14.
[1464] VII, 16. The story is also found in Pliny NH, X, 3, where it is
added that Aeschylus remained out-doors that day, because an oracle
predicted that he would be killed by the fall of a (tortoise’s) house.
[1465] VIII, 5.
[1466] VIII, 22.
[1467] IX, 1.
[1468] X, 40.
[1469] XI, 2 and 16.
[1470] XII, 21.
[1471] XIII, 3.
[1472] XIV, 19.
[1473] _C. Iulii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabilium iterum
recensuit_ Th. Mommsen, Berlin, 1895, pp. xxxi-li. Beazley, _Dawn of
Modern Geography_, I, 520-2, lists 152 MSS.
[1474] Beazley, _Dawn of Modern Geography_, I, 247.
[1475] Mommsen (1895), p. 48.
[1476] _Ibid._, p. 7.
[1477] Yet one medieval MS of Solinus is described as _De variarum
herbarum et radicum qualitate et virtute medica_; Vienna 3959, 15th
century, fols. 56-74.
[1478] In Mommsen’s edition critical apparatus occupies more than
one-half of the 216 pages.
[1479] C. W. King, _The Natural History, Ancient and Modern, of
Precious Stones and Gems_, London, 1865, p. 6.
[1480] Mommsen (1895), pp. 132, 188.
[1481] _Ibid._, 46-7. Mommsen could give no source for these statements
concerning Sardinia, and they do not appear to be in Pliny. But it is
from a footnote in the English translation of the _Natural History_ by
Bostock and Riley (II, 208, citing Dalechamps, and Lemaire, III, 201)
that I learn that the laughter which Pliny (NH, VII, 52) speaks of as a
premonitory sign of death in cases of madness, “is not the indication
of mirth, but what has been termed the _risus Sardonicus_, the
‘Sardonic laugh,’ produced by a convulsive action of the muscles of the
face.” This form of death may be what Solinus has in mind. Agricola in
his work on metallurgy and mines still believes in the poisonous ants
of Sardinia; _De re metallica_, VI, near close, pp. 216-7, in Hoover’s
translation, 1912.
[1482] Mommsen (1895), p. 57.
[1483] _Ibid._, p. 39.
[1484] Mommsen (1895), p. 82.
[1485] _Ibid._, pp. 45-46.
[1486] _Ibid._, pp. 13, 68.
[1487] _Ibid._, pp. 18, 41, 159.
[1488] _Ibid._, p. 50, and elsewhere, “siderum disciplinam.”
[1489] _Ibid._, p. 5, “mathematicorum nobilissimus.” Solinus probably
takes this from Varro, who, as Plutarch informs us in his _Life
of Romulus_, asked “Tarrutius, his familiar acquaintance, a good
philosopher and mathematician,” to calculate the horoscope of Romulus.
See above, p. 209.
[1490] Mommsen (1905), pp. 75-6.
[1491] _Ibid._, p. 66.
[1492] PW, for the problem of his identity and further bibliography.
[1493] I have used the text and English translation of A. T. Cory,
_The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo Nilous_, 1840. Philip’s Greek is so
bad that some would date it in the fourteenth or fifteenth century.
The oldest extant Greek codex was purchased in Andros in 1419. The
work was translated into Latin by the fifteenth century at latest; see
Vienna 3255, 15th century, 82 fols., Horapollo, Hieroglyphicon latine
versorum liber I et libri II introductio cum figuris calamo exaratis et
coloratis.
[1494] I, 1; II, 61; II, 65; II, 36 and 59; II, 57; II, 83; I, 34-5;
II, 57; II, 44 and 39 and 76-7 and 85-6 and 88.
[1495] II, 45.
[1496] II, 46; Aelian says the same, however, as we stated above.
[1497] II, 64.
[1498] NH, XXVIII, 27.
[1499] II, 72.
[1500] I, 6. According to Pliny (NH, XX, 26), the hawk sprinkles its
eyes with the juice of this herb; Apuleius (_Metamorphoses_, cap. 30)
says that the eagle does so.
[1501] I, 3.
[1502] II, 57.
[1503] I, 10.
[1504] I, 11.
[1505] I, 14.
[1506] I, 16.
[1507] I, 13.
[1508] I, 23.
[1509] Sir William Muir, “Ancient Arabic Poetry, its Genuineness and
Authenticity,” in _Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal_ (1882), p. 30.
[1510] Ascribed to Enoch in Harleian MS 1612, fol. 15r, Incipit: “Enoch
tanquam unus ex philosophis super res quartum librum edidit, in quo
voluit determinare ista quatuor: videlicet de xv stellis, de xv herbis,
de xv lapidibus preciosis et de xv figuris ipsis lapidibus sculpendis,”
and Wolfenbüttel 2725, 14th century, fols. 83-94v; BN 13014, 14th
century, fol. 174v; Amplon, Quarto 381 (Erfurt), 14th century, fols.
42-45: for “Enoch’s prayer” see Sloane MS 3821, 17th century, fols,
190v-193.
Ascribed to Hermes in Harleian 80, Sloane 3847, Royal 12-C-XVIII;
Berlin 963, fol. 105; Vienna 5216, 15th century, fols. 63r-66v; “Dixit
Enoch quod 15 sunt stelle / ex tractatu Heremeth (i. e. Hermes) et
enoch compilatum”; and in the Catalogue of Amplonius (1412 A. D.), Math.
53. See below, II, 220-21.
The stars are probably fifteen in number because Ptolemy distinguished
that many stars of first magnitude. Dante, _Paradiso_, XIII, 4, also
speaks of “quindici stelle.” See Orr (1913), pp. 154-6, where Ptolemy’s
descriptions of the fifteen stars of first magnitude and their modern
names are given.
[1511] Digby 67, late 12th century, fol. 69r, “Prologus de tribus
Mercuriis.” They are also identified by other medieval writers. Some
would further identify with Enoch Nannacus or Annacus, king of Phrygia,
who foresaw Deucalion’s flood and lamented. See J. G. Frazer (1918),
I, 155-6, and P. Buttmann, _Mythologus_, Berlin, 1828-1829, and E.
Babelon, _La tradition phrygienne du déluge_, in _Rev. d. l’hist. d.
religs._, XXIII (1891), which he cites.
Roger Bacon stated that some would identify Enoch with “the great
Hermogenes, whom the Greeks much commend and laud, and they ascribe to
him all secret and celestial science.” Steele (1920) 99.
[1512] R. H. Charles, _The Book of Enoch_, Oxford, 1893, p. 33, citing
Euseb. _Praep. Evan._, ix, 17, 8 (Gaisford).
[1513] Charles (1893), p. 10, citing Ewald.
[1514] ed. Dindorf, 1829.
[1515] Lods, Ad. _Le Livre d’Hénoch, Fragments grecs découverts à
Akhmin_, Paris, 1892.
Charles, R. H., _The Book of Enoch_, Oxford, 1893, “translated from
Professor Dillman’s Ethiopic text, amended and revised in accordance
with hitherto uncollated Ethiopic manuscripts and with the Gizeh
and other Greek and Latin fragments, which are here published in
full.” _The Book of Enoch, translated anew_, etc., Oxford, 1912.
Also translated in Charles (1913) II, 163-281. There are twenty-nine
Ethiopic MSS of Enoch.
Charles, R. H. and Morfill, W. R., _The Book of the Secrets of Enoch_,
translated from the Slavonic, Oxford, 1896. Also by Forbes and Charles
in Charles (1913) II, 425-69.
[1516] Charles (1893), p. 22.
[1517] Charles (1913), II, 165-6.
[1518] Charles (1893), pp. 2 and 41.
[1519] V., 54.
[1520] XV, 23.
[1521] Introd., vi.
[1522] _Spec. Nat._, I, 9. A Latin fragment, found in the British
Museum in 1893 by Dr. M. R. James and published in the Cambridge _Texts
and Studies_, II, 3, _Apocrypha Anecdota_, pp. 146-50, “seems to point
to a Latin translation of Enoch”—Charles (1913) II, 167.
[1523] _Book of Enoch_, XL, 9.
[1524] _Ibid._, XLIII; _Secrets of Enoch_, IV.
[1525] _Book of Enoch_, XLIII; XC, 21.
[1526] _Ibid._, LX, 17-18.
[1527] _Secrets of Enoch_, XIX.
[1528] Caps. VI-XI in both Lods and Charles.
[1529] _Book of Enoch_, VIII, 3, in both Charles and Lods.
[1530] _Book of Enoch_, LXV, 6.
[1531] _Ibid._, LXV, 7-8; LXIX, 6-9.
[1532] _Ibid._, LXIX, 10-11.
[1533] _Secrets of Enoch_, X.
[1534] _Book of Enoch_, XVIII, XXI.
[1535] _Ibid._, XC, 24.
[1536] Singer’s translation. _Studies in the History and Method of
Science_, Vol. I, p. 53, of _Scivias_, III, 1, in Migne, PL, 197, 565.
See also the Koran XV, 18.
[1537] Charles, p. 32 and cap. LXXX.