Among those subjects which are not always correctly apprehended, even

by educated men, we may place that of the true significance of

scientific method and the relations of such method to practical

affairs. This is especially apt to be the case in a country like our

own, where the points of contact between the scientific world on the

one hand, and the industrial and political world on the other, are

fewer than in other civilized countries. The form which this

misapprehension usually takes is that of a failure to appreciate the

character of scientific method, and especially its analogy to the

methods of practical life. In the judgment of the ordinary intelligent

man there is a wide distinction between theoretical and practical

science. The latter he considers as that science directly applicable to

the building of railroads, the construction of engines, the invention

of new machinery, the construction of maps, and other useful objects.

The former he considers analogous to those philosophic speculations in

which men have indulged in all ages without leading to any result which

he considers practical. That our knowledge of nature is increased by

its prosecution is a fact of which he is quite conscious, but he

considers it as terminating with a mere increase of knowledge, and not

as having in its method anything which a person devoted to material

interests can be expected to appreciate.

This view is strengthened by the spirit with which he sees scientific

investigation prosecuted. It is well understood on all sides that when

such investigations are pursued in a spirit really recognized as

scientific, no merely utilitarian object is had in view. Indeed, it is

easy to see how the very fact of pursuing such an object would detract

from that thoroughness of examination which is the first condition of a

real advance. True science demands in its every research a completeness

far beyond what is apparently necessary for its practical applications.

The precision with which the astronomer seeks to measure the heavens

and the chemist to determine the relations of the ultimate molecules of

matter has no limit, except that set by the imperfections of the

instruments of research. There is no such division recognized as that

of useful and useless knowledge. The ultimate aim is nothing less than

that of bringing all the phenomena of nature under laws as exact as

those which govern the planetary motions.

Now the pursuit of any high object in this spirit commands from men of

wide views that respect which is felt towards all exertion having in

view more elevated objects than the pursuit of gain. Accordingly, it is

very natural to classify scientists and philosophers with the men who

in all ages have sought after learning instead of utility. But there is

another aspect of the question which will show the relations of

scientific advance to the practical affairs of life in a different

light. I make bold to say that the greatest want of the day, from a

purely practical point of view, is the more general introduction of the

scientific method and the scientific spirit into the discussion of

those political and social problems which we encounter on our road to a

higher plane of public well being. Far from using methods too refined

for practical purposes, what most distinguishes scientific from other

thought is the introduction of the methods of practical life into the

discussion of abstract general problems. A single instance will

illustrate the lesson I wish to enforce.

The question of the tariff is, from a practical point of view, one of

the most important with which our legislators will have to deal during

the next few years. The widest diversity of opinion exists as to the

best policy to be pursued in collecting a revenue from imports.

Opposing interests contend against one another without any common basis

of fact or principle on which a conclusion can be reached. The opinions

of intelligent men differ almost as widely as those of the men who are

immediately interested. But all will admit that public action in this

direction should be dictated by one guiding principle--that the

greatest good of the community is to be sought after. That policy is

the best which will most promote this good. Nor is there any serious

difference of opinion as to the nature of the good to be had in view;

it is in a word the increase of the national wealth and prosperity. The

question on which opinions fundamentally differ is that of the effects

of a higher or lower rate of duty upon the interests of the public. If

it were possible to foresee, with an approach to certainty, what effect

a given tariff would have upon the producers and consumers of an

article taxed, and, indirectly, upon each member of the community in

any way interested in the article, we should then have an exact datum

which we do not now possess for reaching a conclusion. If some

superhuman authority, speaking with the voice of infallibility, could

give us this information, it is evident that a great national want

would be supplied. No question in practical life is more important than

this: How can this desirable knowledge of the economic effects of a

tariff be obtained?

The answer to this question is clear and simple. The subject must be

studied in the same spirit, and, to a certain extent, by the same

methods which have been so successful in advancing our knowledge of

nature. Every one knows that, within the last two centuries, a method

of studying the course of nature has been introduced which has been so

successful in enabling us to trace the sequence of cause and effect as

almost to revolutionize society. The very fact that scientific method

has been so successful here leads to the belief that it might be

equally successful in other departments of inquiry.

The same remarks will apply to the questions connected with banking and

currency; the standard of value; and, indeed, all subjects which have a

financial bearing. On every such question we see wide differences of

opinion without any common basis to rest upon.

It may be said, in reply, that in these cases there are really no

grounds for forming an opinion, and that the contests which arise over

them are merely those between conflicting interests. But this claim is

not at all consonant with the form which we see the discussion assume.

Nearly every one has a decided opinion on these several subjects;

whereas, if there were no data for forming an opinion, it would be

unreasonable to maintain any whatever. Indeed, it is evident that there

must be truth somewhere, and the only question that can be open is that

of the mode of discovering it. No man imbued with a scientific spirit

can claim that such truth is beyond the power of the human intellect.

He may doubt his own ability to grasp it, but cannot doubt that by

pursuing the proper method and adopting the best means the problem can

be solved. It is, in fact, difficult to show why some exact results

could not be as certainly reached in economic questions as in those of

physical science. It is true that if we pursue the inquiry far enough

we shall find more complex conditions to encounter, because the future

course of demand and supply enters as an uncertain element. But a

remarkable fact to be considered is that the difference of opinion to

which we allude does not depend upon different estimates of the future,

but upon different views of the most elementary and general principles

of the subject. It is as if men were not agreed whether air were

elastic or whether the earth turns on its axis. Why is it that while in

all subjects of physical science we find a general agreement through a

wide range of subjects, and doubt commences only where certainty is not

attained, yet when we turn to economic subjects we do not find the

beginning of an agreement?

No two answers can be given. It is because the two classes of subjects

are investigated by different instruments and in a different spirit.

The physicist has an exact nomenclature; uses methods of research well

adapted to the objects he has in view; pursues his investigations

without being attacked by those who wish for different results; and,

above all, pursues them only for the purpose of discovering the truth.

In economic questions the case is entirely different. Only in rare

cases are they studied without at least the suspicion that the student

has a preconceived theory to support. If results are attained which

oppose any powerful interest, this interest can hire a competing

investigator to bring out a different result. So far as the public can

see, one man's result is as good as another's, and thus the object is

as far off as ever. We may be sure that until there is an intelligent

and rational public, able to distinguish between the speculations of

the charlatan and the researches of the investigator, the present state

of things will continue. What we want is so wide a diffusion of

scientific ideas that there shall be a class of men engaged in studying

economic problems for their own sake, and an intelligent public able to

judge what they are doing. There must be an improvement in the objects

at which they aim in education, and it is now worth while to inquire

what that improvement is.

It is not mere instruction in any branch of technical science that is

wanted. No knowledge of chemistry, physics, or biology, however

extensive, can give the learner much aid in forming a correct opinion

of such a question as that of the currency. If we should claim that

political economy ought to be more extensively studied, we would be met

by the question, which of several conflicting systems shall we teach?

What is wanted is not to teach this system or that, but to give such a

training that the student shall be able to decide for himself which

system is right.

It seems to me that the true educational want is ignored both by those

who advocate a classical and those who advocate a scientific education.

What is really wanted is to train the intellectual powers, and the

question ought to be, what is the best method of doing this? Perhaps it

might be found that both of the conflicting methods could be improved

upon. The really distinctive features, which we should desire to see

introduced, are two in number: the one the scientific spirit; the other

the scientific discipline. Although many details may be classified

under each of these heads, yet there is one of pre-eminent importance

on which we should insist.

The one feature of the scientific spirit which outweighs all others in

importance is the love of knowledge for its own sake. If by our system

of education we can inculcate this sentiment we shall do what is, from

a public point of view, worth more than any amount of technical

knowledge, because we shall lay the foundation of all knowledge. So

long as men study only what they think is going to be useful their

knowledge will be partial and insufficient. I think it is to the

constant inculcation of this fact by experience, rather than to any

reasoning, that is due the continued appreciation of a liberal

education. Every business-man knows that a business-college training is

of very little account in enabling one to fight the battle of life, and

that college-bred men have a great advantage even in fields where mere

education is a secondary matter. We are accustomed to seeing ridicule

thrown upon the questions sometimes asked of candidates for the civil

service because the questions refer to subjects of which a knowledge is

not essential. The reply to all criticisms of this kind is that there

is no one quality which more certainly assures a man's usefulness to

society than the propensity to acquire useless knowledge. Most of our

citizens take a wide interest in public affairs, else our form of

government would be a failure. But it is desirable that their study of

public measures should be more critical and take a wider range. It is

especially desirable that the conclusions to which they are led should

be unaffected by partisan sympathies. The more strongly the love of

mere truth is inculcated in their nature the better this end will be

attained.

The scientific discipline to which I ask mainly to call your attention

consists in training the scholar to the scientific use of language.

Although whole volumes may be written on the logic of science there is

one general feature of its method which is of fundamental significance.

It is that every term which it uses and every proposition which it

enunciates has a precise meaning which can be made evident by proper

definitions. This general principle of scientific language is much more

easily inculcated by example than subject to exact description; but I

shall ask leave to add one to several attempts I have made to define

it. If I should say that when a statement is made in the language of

science the speaker knows what he means, and the hearer either knows it

or can be made to know it by proper definitions, and that this

community of understanding is frequently not reached in other

departments of thought, I might be understood as casting a slur on

whole departments of inquiry. Without intending any such slur, I may

still say that language and statements are worthy of the name

scientific as they approach this standard; and, moreover, that a great

deal is said and written which does not fulfil the requirement. The

fact that words lose their meaning when removed from the connections in

which that meaning has been acquired and put to higher uses, is one

which, I think, is rarely recognized. There is nothing in the history

of philosophical inquiry more curious than the frequency of

interminable disputes on subjects where no agreement can be reached

because the opposing parties do not use words in the same sense. That

the history of science is not free from this reproach is shown by the

fact of the long dispute whether the force of a moving body was

proportional to the simple velocity or to its square. Neither of the

parties to the dispute thought it worth while to define what they meant

by the word "force," and it was at length found that if a definition

was agreed upon the seeming difference of opinion would vanish. Perhaps

the most striking feature of the case, and one peculiar to a scientific

dispute, was that the opposing parties did not differ in their solution

of a single mechanical problem. I say this is curious, because the very

fact of their agreeing upon every concrete question which could have

been presented ought to have made it clear that some fallacy was

lacking in the discussion as to the measure of force. The good effect

of a scientific spirit is shown by the fact that this discussion is

almost unique in the history of science during the past two centuries,

and that scientific men themselves were able to see the fallacy

involved, and thus to bring the matter to a conclusion.

If we now turn to the discussion of philosophers, we shall find at

least one yet more striking example of the same kind. The question of

the freedom of the human will has, I believe, raged for centuries. It

cannot yet be said that any conclusion has been reached. Indeed, I have

heard it admitted by men of high intellectual attainments that the

question was insoluble. Now a curious feature of this dispute is that

none of the combatants, at least on the affirmative side, have made any

serious attempt to define what should be meant by the phrase freedom of

the will, except by using such terms as require definition equally with

the word freedom itself. It can, I conceive, be made quite clear that

the assertion, "The will is free," is one without meaning, until we

analyze more fully the different meanings to be attached to the word

free. Now this word has a perfectly well-defined signification in

every-day life. We say that anything is free when it is not subject to

external constraint. We also know exactly what we mean when we say that

a man is free to do a certain act. We mean that if he chooses to do it

there is no external constraint acting to prevent him. In all cases a

relation of two things is implied in the word, some active agent or

power, and the presence or absence of another constraining agent. Now,

when we inquire whether the will itself is free, irrespective of

external constraints, the word free no longer has a meaning, because

one of the elements implied in it is ignored.

To inquire whether the will itself is free is like inquiring whether

fire itself is consumed by the burning, or whether clothing is itself

clad. It is not, therefore, at all surprising that both parties have

been able to dispute without end, but it is a most astonishing

phenomenon of the human intellect that the dispute should go on

generation after generation without the parties finding out whether

there was really any difference of opinion between them on the subject.

I venture to say that if there is any such difference, neither party

has ever analyzed the meaning of the words used sufficiently far to

show it. The daily experience of every man, from his cradle to his

grave, shows that human acts are as much the subject of external causal

influences as are the phenomena of nature. To dispute this would be

little short of the ludicrous. All that the opponents of freedom, as a

class, have ever claimed is the assertion of a causal connection

between the acts of the will and influences independent of the will.

True, propositions of this sort can be expressed in a variety of ways

connoting an endless number of more or less objectionable ideas, but

this is the substance of the matter.

To suppose that the advocates on the other side meant to take issue on

this proposition would be to assume that they did not know what they

were saying. The conclusion forced upon us is that though men spend

their whole lives in the study of the most elevated department of human

thought it does not guard them against the danger of using words

without meaning. It would be a mark of ignorance, rather than of

penetration, to hastily denounce propositions on subjects we are not

well acquainted with because we do not understand their meaning. I do

not mean to intimate that philosophy itself is subject to this

reproach. When we see a philosophical proposition couched in terms we

do not understand, the most modest and charitable view is to assume

that this arises from our lack of knowledge. Nothing is easier than for

the ignorant to ridicule the propositions of the learned. And yet, with

every reserve, I cannot but feel that the disputes to which I have

alluded prove the necessity of bringing scientific precision of

language into the whole domain of thought. If the discussion had been

confined to a few, and other philosophers had analyzed the subject, and

showed the fictitious character of the discussion, or had pointed out

where opinions really might differ, there would be nothing derogatory

to philosophers. But the most suggestive circumstance is that although

a large proportion of the philosophic writers in recent times have

devoted more or less attention to the subject, few, or none, have made

even this modest contribution. I speak with some little confidence on

this subject, because several years ago I wrote to one of the most

acute thinkers of the country, asking if he could find in philosophic

literature any terms or definitions expressive of the three different

senses in which not only the word freedom, but nearly all words

implying freedom were used. His search was in vain.

Nothing of this sort occurs in the practical affairs of life. All terms

used in business, however general or abstract, have that well-defined

meaning which is the first requisite of the scientific language. Now

one important lesson which I wish to inculcate is that the language of

science in this respect corresponds to that of business; in that each

and every term that is employed has a meaning as well defined as the

subject of discussion can admit of. It will be an instructive exercise

to inquire what this peculiarity of scientific and business language

is. It can be shown that a certain requirement should be fulfilled by

all language intended for the discovery of truth, which is fulfilled

only by the two classes of language which I have described. It is one

of the most common errors of discourse to assume that any common

expression which we may use always conveys an idea, no matter what the

subject of discourse. The true state of the case can, perhaps, best be

seen by beginning at the foundation of things and examining under what

conditions language can really convey ideas.

Suppose thrown among us a person of well-developed intellect, but

unacquainted with a single language or word that we use. It is

absolutely useless to talk to him, because nothing that we say conveys

any meaning to his mind. We can supply him no dictionary, because by

hypothesis he knows no language to which we have access. How shall we

proceed to communicate our ideas to him? Clearly there is but one

possible way--namely, through his senses. Outside of this means of

bringing him in contact with us we can have no communication with him.

We, therefore, begin by showing him sensible objects, and letting him

understand that certain words which we use correspond to those objects.

After he has thus acquired a small vocabulary, we make him understand

that other terms refer to relations between objects which he can

perceive by his senses. Next he learns, by induction, that there are

terms which apply not to special objects, but to whole classes of

objects. Continuing the same process, he learns that there are certain

attributes of objects made known by the manner in which they affect his

senses, to which abstract terms are applied. Having learned all this,

we can teach him new words by combining words without exhibiting

objects already known. Using these words we can proceed yet further,

building up, as it were, a complete language. But there is one limit at

every step. Every term which we make known to him must depend

ultimately upon terms the meaning of which he has learned from their

connection with special objects of sense.

To communicate to him a knowledge of words expressive of mental states

it is necessary to assume that his own mind is subject to these states

as well as our own, and that we can in some way indicate them by our

acts. That the former hypothesis is sufficiently well established can

be made evident so long as a consistency of different words and ideas

is maintained. If no such consistency of meaning on his part were

evident, it might indicate that the operations of his mind were so

different from ours that no such communication of ideas was possible.

Uncertainty in this respect must arise as soon as we go beyond those

mental states which communicate themselves to the senses of others.

We now see that in order to communicate to our foreigner a knowledge of

language, we must follow rules similar to those necessary for the

stability of a building. The foundation of the building must be well

laid upon objects knowable by his five senses. Of course the mind, as

well as the external object, may be a factor in determining the ideas

which the words are intended to express; but this does not in any

manner invalidate the conditions which we impose. Whatever theory we

may adopt of the relative part played by the knowing subject, and the

external object in the acquirement of knowledge, it remains none the

less true that no knowledge of the meaning of a word can be acquired

except through the senses, and that the meaning is, therefore, limited

by the senses. If we transgress the rule of founding each meaning upon

meanings below it, and having the whole ultimately resting upon a

sensuous foundation, we at once branch off into sound without sense. We

may teach him the use of an extended vocabulary, to the terms of which

he may apply ideas of his own, more or less vague, but there will be no

way of deciding that he attaches the same meaning to these terms that

we do.

What we have shown true of an intelligent foreigner is necessarily true

of the growing child. We come into the world without a knowledge of the

meaning of words, and can acquire such knowledge only by a process

which we have found applicable to the intelligent foreigner. But to

confine ourselves within these limits in the use of language requires a

course of severe mental discipline. The transgression of the rule will

naturally seem to the undisciplined mind a mark of intellectual vigor

rather than the reverse. In our system of education every temptation is

held out to the learner to transgress the rule by the fluent use of

language to which it is doubtful if he himself attaches clear notions,

and which he can never be certain suggests to his hearer the ideas

which he desires to convey. Indeed, we not infrequently see, even among

practical educators, expressions of positive antipathy to scientific

precision of language so obviously opposed to good sense that they can

be attributed only to a failure to comprehend the meaning of the

language which they criticise.

Side-Lights on Astronomy and Kindred Fields of Popular Science · 第 21 / 23 段