weekly paper, that as I intended to leave Charles-town in a short time,
I was ready and willing to answer any of the legislative body such
questions as they might be pleased to propose to me concerning our
Indian affairs, before the expiration of such a time; and that if his
Excellency desired my attendance, and either notified it in writing, or
by a proper officer, I might be found at my old lodgings. On the evening
of the very last day I had proposed to stay, he sent me a peremptory
written order to attend that night, on public business, concerning
Indian affairs; I punctually obeyed, with respect to both time and
place. He was now in a dilemma, by reason of his (supposed)
self-interested conduct concerning the Choktah trade, which occasioned
the aforesaid _modest reply_, that arraigned his proceedings with
severity and plainness. As I came down with the Indians, and was
detained by his Excellency, under the great seal of the province, till
this period, April 1750, I had just reason to expect that good faith
would have been kept with me—that I should have been paid according to
promise, at least for all the goods I gave the Indians, by virtue
thereof; and have had a just compensation for the great expenses I {342}
was at in serving the government;—but except the trifling sum of four
pounds sterling, when I was setting off for the Indian country, I never
received one farthing of the public money, for my very expensive,
faithful, and difficult services.[191]
In most of our American colonies, there yet remain a few of the natives,
who formerly inhabited those extensive countries: and as they were
friendly to us, and serviceable to our interests, the wisdom and virtue
of our legislature secured them from being injured by the neighbouring
nations. The French strictly pursued the same method, deeming such to be
more useful than any others on alarming occasions. We called them
“Parched-corn-Indians,”[192] because they chiefly use it for bread, are
civilized, and live mostly by planting. As they had no connection with
the Indian nations, and were desirous of living peaceable under the
British protection, none could have any just plea to kill or inslave
them. But the grasping plan of the French required those dangerous
scout-parties, as they termed them, to be removed out of the way; and
the dormant conduct of the South-Carolina chief, gave them an
opportunity to effect that part of their design; though timely notice,
even years before, had been given by the Cheerake traders, that the
French priests were poisoning the minds of those Indians against us, who
live among the Apalahche mountains, and were endeavouring to reconcile
them to all the various nations of the Missisippi and Canada savages;
and that there was the greatest probability they would accomplish their
dangerous plan, unless we soon took proper measures to prevent it. The
informers had ill names and resentment for their news, and the assembly
was charged with mispending their time, in taking notice of the wild
incoherent reports of illiterate obscure persons. But it afterwards
appeared, that according to their testimony, the interest and security
of South-Carolina were in great danger. By the diligence of the French,
their Indians entered into a treaty of friendship with the Cheerake: and
their country became the rendezvous of the red pupils of the black
Jesuits. Hence they ravaged South-Carolina, beginning at the frontier
weak settlements, and gradually advanced through the country, for the
space of eight years, destroying the live stock, insulting, frightening,
wounding, and sometimes killing the inhabitants, burning their houses,
carrying away their slaves, and committing every kind of devastation,
till they proceeded so low as within thirty miles of Charles-town.[193]
The sufferers often exhibited their complaints, in the most pathetic and
public manner; and {343} the whole country felt the ill effects of the
late over-bearing and negligent conduct. False colouring could serve no
longer, and a few inconsiderable parties were sent out—but not finding
any enemy, they were in a few months disbanded, and peaceable accounts
were again sent home.
Our Settlement-Indians were at this time closely hunted, many were
killed, and others carried off. A worthy gentleman, G. H. Esq;[194] who
lived at the Conggarees, suffered much on the occasion—he was employed
to go to the Cheerake country, in quest of valuable minerals, in company
with an Indian commissioner:[195]—in one of their middle towns, he
retook some of our Settlement-Indians from the Canada-savages, whom a
little before they had captivated and carried off from South-Carolina in
triumph. While they were beating the drum, singing, dancing, and pouring
the utmost contempt on the English name, honour prompted him to prefer
the public credit to his own safety. By the earnest mediation of one of
the traders, the head-men of the town consented to be neutral in the
affair, and act as impartial friends to both parties. He then, with Col.
F—x,[196] and some of the traders, went in a warlike gallant manner, and
regardless of the savages threats, took and brought to a trader’s house,
our captivated friends:—they stood all night on their arms, and at a
convenient interval, supplied those whom they had liberated, with
necessaries to carry them to our settlements, where their trusty heels
soon carried them safe. The gallant behaviour of those gentlemen gained
the applause of the Cheerake—and each soon returned in safety, without
any interruption, to their respective homes, where I wish they had ever
after continued. But Mr. G. H. having considerably engaged himself in
trade with the Katahba Indians, set off afterwards in company with an
half-bred Indian of that nation, the favourite son of Mr. T. B. a famous
old trader: in their way to the Katahba, they were intercepted, and
taken by some of the very savages who had threatened him among the
Cheerake, when he released our domestic Indians. The government of
South-Carolina was soon informed of the unhappy affair: and they
dispatched a friendly embassy to the lower towns of the Cheerake,
requesting them to intercept and retake the prisoners, if they passed
near their country, and offered a considerable reward. Our friends were
carried a little to the northward of the Cheerake nation, where their
captors camped several days, and the Cheerake held with them an open
friendly intercourse, as in despite to the English. The head men of the
lower towns, not only stopped the traders and their red friends from
going to rescue them, {344} but likewise threatened them for their
generous intention. The savages, instead of keeping a due northern
course homeward, took a large compass north-west, by the side of the
Cheerake mountains, being afraid of a pursuit from the Katahba Indians.
They marched fast with their two captives, to secure their retreat till
they got within the bounds of the French treaty of peace, and then
steered a due northern course, continuing it till they got nigh to their
respective countries, where they parted in two bodies, and each took one
of the prisoners with them. But as travelling so great a way in the heat
of summer, was what Mr. G. H. was unaccustomed to, he was so much
overcome by fatigue and sickness, that for several days before, he could
not possibly walk. He then requested them to put him out of his misery,
but they would not; for they reckoned his civil language to them
proceeded from bodily pains, and from a martial spirit, which they
regarded. They consented to carry him on a bier, which they did both
with care and tenderness. But on parting with his companion, he refused
absolutely to proceed any farther with them, when they tomohawked him,
just as his parted friend was out of the hearing of it. The last
afterwards got home, and told us this melancholy exit of our worthy and
much-lamented friend—who died as he lived, always despising life, when
it was to be preserved only in a state of slavery. Though he was thus
lost to his family and the community, by a manly performance of the
duties of his office, in which he engaged by the pressing entreaties of
the Governor, yet his widow was treated ungenerously and basely, as was
Capt. J. P. at the Conggarees.—But there would be no end, if we were to
enter into particulars of court policy, and government honor and
gratitude.
—
If our watch-men had not been quite remiss, they would have at least
opposed the French emissaries on their first approach to our colonies,
and have protected our valuable civilized Indians; for our negroes were
afraid to run away, lest they should fall into their hands. The scheming
French knew of what importance they were to us, and therefore they
employed their red friends to extirpate them. And while those remote
savages of Missisippi and Canada were pretending to seek the revenge of
some old grievance, they wounded us at the same time in two very
material points,—in getting a thorough knowledge of the situation of our
most valuable, but weak southern colonies, and thus could strike us the
{345} deeper,—and in destroying such of our inhabitants, as were likely
to prove the greatest check to their intended future depredations. By
our own misconduct, we twice lost the Shawano Indians; who have since
proved very hurtful to our colonies in general. When the French employed
them to weaken South-Carolina, a small company of them were surrounded
and taken in a remote house of the lower settlements: and though they
ought to have been instantly put to death, in return for their frequent
barbarities to our people, yet they were conveyed to prison, confined a
considerable time, and then discharged, to the great loss of many
innocent lives. For as the Indians reckon imprisonment to be inslaving
them, they never forgive such treatment; and as soon as these got clear,
they left bloody traces of their vindictive tempers, as they passed
along. About this time, a large company of French savages came from the
head-streams of Monongahela-river to the Cheerake, and from thence were
guided by one of them to where our settlement-Indians resided. They went
to a small town of the _Euhchee_, about twelve miles below Savanah-town,
and two below Silver-bluff, where G. G. Esq; lives, and there watched
like wolves, till by the mens making a day’s hunt, they found an
opportunity to kill the women and children. Immediately after which,
they scouted off different ways, some through Savanah-river, which is
about 200 yards broad; and others to the hunting place, both for their
own security, and to give the alarm: We had on this occasion, a striking
instance of the tender affection of the Indian women to their children,
for all those who escaped, carried off their little ones. The men, by
the alarming signal of the shrill-sounding war-cry, soon joined, ran
home, and without staying to view the bloody tragedy, instantly took the
enemies tracks, and eagerly gave chase. To avoid the dreaded pursuit,
the Cheerake guide led the French mercenaries a northern course, as far
as the thick woods extended, which was about fifteen miles from the
place of their murders. From thence they shifted toward the north-west,
and were stretching away about 10 miles to the north of Augusta, for
Ninety-Six, which lay in a direct line to the lower towns of the
Cheerake; when unluckily for them, just as they were entering into the
open, and long-continued pine-barren, they were discovered by one of our
hunting white men, who was mounted on an excellent white horse, and
therefore a fine mark to be shot, which they would have done for their
own security, only he outstripped them, and kept in their back-tracks,
to trace them to their theatre of blood—their posture and countenances
plainly told him what they had done, on {346} some of our barriers. He
had not proceeded far, when he met the enraged Euhchee, on the hot
pursuit. He told them their course, and that their number was
twenty-six. In running about twelve miles farther, they came in sight of
the objects of their hatred and rage: presently, they ran on each side
of them, engaged them closely, and killed several. Those who escaped,
were forced to throw away nine guns, (they had taken from some of our
people) and almost every thing, even their light breeches, to save their
lives. They were so exceedingly terrified, lest the enraged pursuers
should continue the chase, that they passed wide of our then weak
settlement of Ninety-Six, and kept on day and night, till they got near
to their conductor’s mountainous country. This was in the beginning of
May 1750: and in our Indian-trading way, we say that, when the heat of
the new year enables the snakes to crawl out of their lurking holes, the
savages are equally moved to turn out to do mischief. Many have
experimentally felt the truth of this remark.
I had at this time occasion to go to the Cheerake country; and happened
to have a brave chearful companion, Mr. H. F.[197] of Ninety-Six
settlement. We had taken a hearty draught of punch, about ten miles from
Keeohwhee-town, opposite to which the late Fort-Prince-George stood, and
were proceeding along, when we discovered the fresh tracks of Indians in
the path, who were gone a-head. As we could not reasonably have the
least suspicion of their being enemies, we rode quite carelessly: but
they proved to be the above-mentioned Monongahela-Indians. Their
watchfulness, and our singing, with the noise of our horses feet, made
them hear us before they could possibly see us,—when they suddenly
posted themselves off the path, behind some trees, just in the valley of
Six-mile-creek, in order to revenge their loss by the Euhchee, which
they ascribed to the information of the white man. But their Cheerake
guide prevented them from attempting it, by telling them, that as his
country was not at war with us, his life must pay for it, if they
chanced to kill either of us; and as we were fresh and well-armed, they
might be sure we would fight them so successfully, as at least one of us
should escape and alarm the towns: with this caution they forbore the
hazardous attempt. They squatted, and kept close therefore, so as we did
not see one of them; and we suspected no danger. By the discontinuance
of their tracks, we soon knew we had passed them: but, just when we had
hidden two cags of {347} rum, about two miles from the town, four of
them appeared, unarmed, stark naked, and torn by the thickets. When we
discovered them, we concluded they had been below on mischief. If we had
not been so nigh the town, my companion would have fired at them. We
went into the town, and the traders there soon informed us of their
cowardly design.
We went as far as the mid-settlements, and found most of the towns much
disaffected to us, and in a fluctuating situation, through the artifice
of the French. In a few days we returned, but found they had blocked up
all the trading paths, to prevent our traders from making their escape.
Just as we descended a small mountain, and were about to ascend a very
steep one, a hundred yards before us, which was the first of the
Apalahche, or blue ridge of mountains, a large company of the lower town
Indians started out from the sloping rocks, on the north side of the
path, a little behind us. As they were naked except their breech-cloth,
were painted red and black, and accoutered every way like enemies, I bid
my companion leave the luggage-horses and follow me: but as he left his
arms at the lower town, and was not accustomed to such surprises, it
shocked him, till they ran down upon him. On this I turned back, and
stood on my arms, expecting they would have fired upon us. However, they
proposed some questions, which I answered, as to where we had been, and
were going, and that we were not any of their traders. Had it been
otherwise, the dispute would have been dangerous. We got over the
mountain, and safe to Tymahse; here we rested two nights, and found the
people distracted for mischief, to which the many causes before
mentioned prompted them. The governor, in less than a month after this
period, had the strongest confirmation of the ill intention of these
savages and their allies. Many expresses with intelligence I sent, but
the news was pocketed, and my services traduced—because I would not
assist the prime magistrate in a bad cause, he and his humble servants
depreciated the long series of public services I had faithfully
performed, and called them mere accidental trifles; contrary to his
former acknowledgments, both verbal and in writing. The French, however,
had a different opinion of my services; they were so well acquainted
with the great damages I had done to them, and feared others I might
occasion, as to confine me a close prisoner for a fortnight when I went
to the Alebahma-garrison, in {348} the Muskohge country. They were fully
resolved to have sent me down to Mobille or New Orleans, as a capital
criminal, to be hanged for having abetted the Muskohge, Chikkasah, and
Choktah, to shed a torrent of their christian blood; though I had only
retaliated upon them, the long train of blood they had years before
wantonly spilled. They wanted to have confronted me with the French
prisoners I formerly mentioned, and with the Long Lieutenant, whom we
met two days before the Choktah killed one of our people below
_Book’pharaah_, or the long swamp. I was well assured, he was to have
gone down to be baptized, and so become a good West-Florida-French
christian, in order to condemn me, the poor bloody heretic. I saw him,
and they had by this time taught him to count beads; but I doubted not
of being able to extricate myself some way or other. They appointed
double centries over me, for some days before I was to be sent down in
the French king’s large boat. They were strictly charged against laying
down their weapons, or suffering any hostile thing to be in the place
where I was kept, as they deemed me capable of any mischief. I was not
indeed locked up, only at night, lest it should give umbrage to our
friendly Indians, but I was to have been put in irons, as soon as the
boat passed the Indian towns, that lay two miles below the fort, in the
forks of the Koosah and Okwhuske rivers. About an hour before we were to
set off by water, I escaped from them by land: and though they had
horses near at hand, and a corrupt town of savages settled within 150
yards of the garrison, yet under those disadvantages, besides heavy
rains that loosened the ground the very night before, I took through the
middle of the low land covered with briers, at full speed. I heard the
French clattering on horse-back along the path, a great way to my left
hand, and the howling savages pursuing my tracks with careful steps, but
my usual good fortune enabled me to leave them far enough behind, on a
needless pursuit. As they had made my arms prisoners, I allowed them
without the least regret to carry down my horses, clothes, &c. and
punish them by proxy, in the manner they intended to have served the
owner, for his faithful services to his country.
While Governor G— presided in South-Carolina, it was needless to apply
for a payment of the large debt the government owed me: but on his being
succeeded by his Excellency W. H. L. Esq; I imagined this a {349}
favourable time to make my address. This worthy patriot had been well
informed, by several Indian trading merchants of eminent character, of
the expensive, difficult, and faithful services I had cheerfully done my
country, to the amount of above one thousand pounds sterling on the
public faith, and of the ungenerous returns I had received: he according
to his natural kindness and humanity, promised to assist me. I then laid
my case, with the well-known and important facts, before the members of
the house of assembly in Charles town; and when they convened, presented
a memorial to the legislative body. But several of the country
representatives happened to be absent; and as the governor could not be
reasonably expected in a short time, to purify the infected air which
had prevailed in that house for fourteen years, a majority of the
members had evidently determined not to alleviate my long complaint of
grievances. To invalidate its force, they objected, that my claim was
old; but did not attempt to prove the least tittle of what I exhibited
to them to be false; they knew they could not. After a long and warm
debate, when my secret enemies observed the clerk of the house was
drawing near to the conclusion of my memorial, they seized on a couple
of unfortunate monosyllables. I had said, that “the Indian Choktah had a
great many _fine_ promises;” the word _fine_ was put to the torture, as
reflecting on the very fine-promising gentleman. And in another
sentence, I mentioned the time his excellency the late Governor of
South-Carolina did me the honour to write me a very _smooth_ artful
letter, by virtue of which I went all the way to Charles-town, &c. The
words _smooth_, so highly ruffled the smooth tempers of those gentlemen,
that they carried a vote by a majority, and had it registered,
importing, that they objected against the indelicacy, or impropriety, of
the language in my memorial,[198] but not against the merit of its
contents. The minute, I here in a more public manner record anew, to the
lasting honour of the persons who promoted it. The voice of oppressed
truth, and injured innocence, can never be wholly stifled. Lest my
memorial should again appear at the public bar of justice, in a less
infected time, it was not sent to the office; which indicates that the
former art of pocketing was not yet entirely forgotten. Indeed every
state suffers more or less, from some malign influence, one time or
other; but I have the happiness to say that the infection was not
universal. South-Carolina has always been blessed with steady patriots,
even in the most corrupt times: and may she abound with firm pillars of
the constitution, according to our Magna Charta Americana, as {350} in
the present trying æra of blessed memory, so long as the heavenly rays
shall beam upon us!
As the power and happiness of Great Britain greatly depends on the
prosperity of her American colonies, and the heart-soundness of her
civil and ecclesiastical rulers—and as the welfare of America hangs on
the balance of a proper intercourse with their Indian neighbours, and
can never be continued but by observing and inforcing on both sides, a
strict adherence to treaties, supporting public faith, and allowing only
a sufficient number of such faithful and capable subjects to deal with
them, as may gain their affections, and prove centinels for the public
security—I presume that the above relations, and observations, instead
of being thought to be foreign, will be deemed essential to an history
of the Indians. The remarks may be conducive also to the public welfare.
Ignorance, or self-interest, has hitherto wrongly informed the community
of the true situation of our Indian affairs westward. {351}
ACCOUNT
OF THE
CHIKKASAH NATION.
The Chikkasah country lies in about 35 Deg. N. L. at the distance of 160
miles from the eastern side of the Missisippi; 160 miles to the N. of
the Choktah, according to the course of the trading path; about half way
from Mobille, to the Illinois, from S. to N; to the W. N. W. of the
Muskohge (Creeks) about 300 computed miles, and a very mountainous
winding path; from the Cheerake nearly W. about 540 miles; the late
Fort-Loudon is by water 500 miles to the Chikkasah landing place, but
only 95 computed miles by land.[199]