“Sir, what ill chance hath brought you to this place?”
_Paradise Regained._
When Robert of Normandy went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, he named his
son William, then a boy seven years of age, his heir. His courtiers
expressing their fears that during his absence the estates would be left
without a head, he replied, “Not so, by my faith, not so! I will leave
you a master in my place. I have a little bastard here; he is little,
indeed, but he will grow; nay, by God’s grace, I have great hopes that
he will prove a gallant man; therefore I do pray you all to receive him
from my hands, for from this time forth I give him seisin of the duchy
of Normandy, as my known and acknowledged heir.” William, who was
destined never again to see his father, was committed to the
guardianship of his two uncles--“a lamb to the tutelage of wolves.”
When, at a very early age, he was compelled to take the reins of
government into his own hands, he had a difficult part to perform. As
the author of the _Roman de Rou_ informs us, “The feuds against him were
many, and his friends few; for he found that most were ill inclined
towards him; those even whom his father held dear he found haughty and
evil disposed. The barons warred upon each other;
[Illustration: PLATE II.]
the strong oppressed the weak, and he could not prevent it.”[39] The
success which attended his efforts made him an object of jealousy and
fear. In 1054 the King of France made war upon him, with the intention
of depriving him of his duchy. In the battle of Mortemer, William
overcame the forces of France, and, along with some others, took Guy
Count of Ponthieu prisoner.
Harold knew well the difficult part which his rival had to perform, and
doubtless thought to take advantage of it. If he could induce Guy to
interest himself in the fate of his brother and nephew, who were
detained as hostages at the court of Normandy, the assistance of the
King of France and of many of his great barons could easily be secured.
Such, probably, was the reasoning of Harold, as he stepped on board his
ship at Bosham. The territories of Guy lay immediately to the north of
those of William. Let us see how the voyager fares. No untoward accident
occurs on the passage across, but all is expectation and anxiety as the
ships approach the shore. One man from the top of the mast of the
hindermost vessel eagerly spies out the land, the whole of the crew are
standing up and looking anxiously toward it. They evidently discern
indications which make them doubtful of a hospitable reception. This
ship, however, bears no marks of having encountered a gale. Its sail is
fully extended, and is in good order.
The foremost vessel contains Harold alone, as the superscription,
HAROLD, informs us. He is in full dress, ready to pay his respects to
the Count of Ponthieu. He is, however, armed with a spear, which
evidently indicates that he has reason to fear that he is in an enemy’s
country.
The next group of figures reveals the plot. Guy, accompanied by a troop
of horsemen bearing sword and shield and spear, orders the arrest of
Harold and his companions. The Count is simply clad, but well armed; he
has not only a sword of portentous size attached to his side, but a
basilard, or hunting knife, suspended from his saddle. “As an instance
of that peculiar accuracy which is observed by the designer of the
Tapestry, even in seemingly unimportant particulars, and which makes the
work so much more interesting as a faithful depiction of the various
circumstances of the times, we find the Norman horses of this and other
groups are represented as being larger than the Anglo-Saxon. The hair of
the mane is also uncut, and falls on the neck; the saddle and its
accoutrements are similar.”[40] Harold, stripped, as before, for
disembarkation, is immediately seized. The first impression on the minds
of the party evidently is to resist. Their ordinary weapons, which have
for the moment been laid aside, are not at hand; but that weapon which a
Saxon never laid aside--that weapon, half knife, half dagger, with which
he divided his food at meals, which he had by him even during the hours
of sleep, and which was deposited in his grave when his warfare was
o’er--that weapon, the saxe, from which, according to the mediæval
rhymer Gotfridus Viterbiensis, the Saxons derived their name--
“Ipse brevis gladius apud illos Saxo vocatur,
Unde sibi Saxo nomen peperisse notatur.”[41]
--is clutched and drawn.
The latter figures of the group, by the hesitancy of their manner, seem
to say that resistance is useless; each has instinctively laid hold of
his weapon, but it rests midway in his girdle.
The inscription over this group is, HIC APPREHENDIT WIDO HAROLDUM ET
DUXIT EUM AD BELREM ET IBI EUM TENUIT.--Here Guy seized Harold, and led
him to Beaurain, where he detained him prisoner. The modern Beaurain is
situated a short distance from Montreuil, the capital of the ancient
province of Ponthieu. A tree closes the scene.
In the solitude of his prison Harold must have reflected bitterly upon
his rashness in committing himself to the hands of Guy without having
accurately ascertained his feelings towards him. Instead of a friend he
found in him a foe. Instead of furthering his views he involved him in
almost inextricable difficulties. The Count, probably, had too keen a
sense of William’s power again to run the risk of incurring his wrath;
he therefore resolved, to avoid all appearance of ambiguity, to detain
Harold as a prisoner, and to extract from his friends as large a sum as
possible in the shape of ransom. It gives us a curious insight into the
state of society in those days, to observe that no one disputed the
right of Guy to seize the person and property of a stranger, who,
without hostile intent, had ventured upon his shores, or, as some
believe, had been driven there by mischance. Harold had no friend at
hand to release him from his unpleasant position. His active and clever
rival, William of Normandy, hearing of his circumstances, immediately
put forth the most strenuous and apparently generous efforts to effect
his enlargement, thereby laying him under very serious obligations. It
is the object of the succeeding portions of the Tapestry to place these
efforts in a strong light, and by implication to show the ingratitude of
Harold in opposing William’s claims to the English throne.
The first scene represents Harold proceeding to the residence of his
captor. The expression given to the unlucky Earl is one of deep
dejection. He is stripped of the cloak which marked his nobility; and
though he carries his hawk upon his fist, its usual posture is reversed,
an intimation that his hawking days are over. Harold is well guarded by
a party of armed horsemen. Guy rides before, clad in the decorative
mantle of his rank, and having the falcon upon his fist, with its head
advanced as if ready to take wing. The artist has very successfully
portrayed in the countenance of Guy the chuckling conceit of this
heartless chieftain in the possession of so rich a prize as Harold.
The next group of standing figures is supposed to represent some of
Harold’s party, distinguished by the mustache, in custody of Guy’s
soldiers.
Harold, indignant at the unjust treatment which he had received,
[Illustration: PLATE III.]
sought an interview with the Count, no doubt feeling sure that he would
be able to make such a representation of his case, or to offer such
inducements, as would infallibly lead to his immediate release. An
interview was granted. The inscription over the next scene is “UBI
HAROLD ET WIDO PARABOLANT”--Where Harold and Guy converse. Guy is seated
(_Plate III._) with great pomp upon an elevated seat. His throne is less
ornate than that of the Confessor, to mark no doubt the difference
between a King and a Count, and it is without a cushion, but it is
decorated with dogs’ heads and claws, which are so frequently introduced
into all the work of that period. His feet, as is usual with persons of
rank, rest upon a footstool, having in this instance three steps. Guy
holds a naked sword with its point turned upwards; he is attended by a
guard, who is armed with a sword of prodigious size, and a spear. This
attendant touches the elbow of his chief with one hand, and with the
forefinger of the other points to some object, probably the messengers
of William, who are now approaching. Harold, though suffered to wear the
chlamys of nobility, comes into the presence of the haughty Count in a
slightly inclining posture. He feels he is at the mercy of his captor.
He has a sword, but its point is directed to the ground. His companion
has neither cloak nor sword. From the arrogant bearing of Guy in this
picture we cannot doubt that the unhappy Harold returned to his prison
more disconsolate than before.
But, help was at hand. There is a figure, which we have not observed, at
one extremity of the audience chamber. He is a very attentive but
apparently an unobserved witness of the interview. His party-coloured
dress and the vandyked fringe of his tunic have suggested the idea that
this personage is the court jester.[42] The court fool was usually a
very shrewd person, and having, on account of his presumed simplicity,
access to his master at all times, was a very convenient agent in court
intrigue. This wily personage seems to have found means to acquaint
William with the untoward position of the English ambassador, for the
next scene is entitled UBI NUNTII WILIELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD
WIDONEM--Where the messengers of William came to Guy.
William on one occasion owed his life to the friendly interference of a
jester. Wace thus relates the story:--Guy of Burgundy, who was a near
relative of William’s, became envious of him, and resolved to disinherit
him. Assembling several powerful barons, who were as discontented as
himself, he said, “There was not any heir who had a better right to
Normandy than himself.... He was no bastard, but born in wedlock; and if
right was done, Normandy would belong to him. If they would support him
in his claim, he would divide it with them.” So, at length, he said so
much, and promised so largely, that they swore to support him according
to their power in making war on William, and to seek his disherison by
force or treason. Then they stored their castles, dug fosses, and
erected barricades, William knowing nothing of their preparations. He
was at that time sojourning at Valognes, for his pleasure as well as on
business; and had been engaged for several days hunting and shooting in
the woods. One evening, late, his train had left his court, and all had
gone to rest at the hostels where they lodged, except those who were of
his household; and he himself was laid down. Whether he slept or not, I
do not know, but in the season of the first sleep, a fool named Golet
came, with a staff slung at his neck, crying out at the chamber door,
and beating the wall with the staff; “_Ovrez!_” said he, “_ovrez!
ovrez!_ ye are dead men: _levez! levez!_ Where art thou laid, William?
Wherefore dost thou sleep? If thou art found here thou wilt die; thy
enemies are arming around; if they find thee here thou wilt never quit
the Cotentin, nor live till the morning!” Then William was greatly
alarmed; he rose up, and stood as a man sorely dismayed. He asked no
further news, for it seemed unlikely to bring him any good. He was in
his breeches and shirt, and putting a cloak around his neck, he seized
his horse quickly, and was soon upon the road. I know not whether he
even stopped to seek for his spurs, but he hasted on till he came to the
fords nearest at hand, which were those of Vire, and crossed them by
night in fear and great anger.[43]
Had the fool not thus opportunely aroused him--had he not acted with
peculiar promptitude--had he not received important assistance in the
course of his journey from a faithful vassal, who facilitated his
flight, and led his pursuers off the track--we should never have heard
of William the Conqueror. As it was, he got safely next day to his own
castle at Falaise. “If he were in bad plight,” says Wace, “what matters
it, so that he got safe.”
The result of the fool’s interference in behalf of Harold soon appears.
We are now introduced to two personages, sent by Duke William, who, in
their master’s name, demand the deliverance of the captive. Guy is
standing, and wears a haughty air. He holds an axe in his hand, by way
of asserting that he has the power of life or death over his prisoner.
He is partially habited in the costume of war. Under his chlamys he
wears a tunic of scale armour, probably composed of overlapping pieces
of leather. This dress, though not so secure as one of mail, would
nevertheless present considerable resistance to the stroke of a weapon.
Odo is represented as wearing a dress somewhat similar in the battle of
Hastings; also a figure which I take to be William approaching Mount St.
Michael. His hose are composed of party-coloured materials; several
other personages in the Tapestry, chiefly individuals of consequence,
are so adorned. The Saxons, and probably the Normans also, were in the
habit of protecting their legs in the day of battle by binding them
round with slips of leather or other material. Guy has an armed
attendant, standing aloof, but ready to act; and the two messengers of
William apparently press their mission with great vigour. The legend of
this is, UBI NUNTII WILIELMI DUCIS VENERUNT AD WIDONEM--Where the
messengers of Duke William came to Guy. The horses of the messengers
stand hard by, held by a _dwarf_, who, although he wears a beard, is
evidently a Norman, for his hair is shaven off the back of his head.
Over this little fellow, in the Tapestry, is written the word TUROLD.
Who this personage was we have no means of knowing. He may have been
some favourite with the ladies employed upon the embroidery, who adopted
this mode of conferring immortality upon him; or, as Miss Agnes
Strickland has suggested, he may have been the artist who was employed
to design the Tapestry, and who, though he could not with historic truth
be introduced into any of the principal scenes, yet, very laudably,
wished for a place upon the canvas. It is, however, important to
observe, that the son of a person named Turold occurs in the Domesday
Survey, among the under-tenants of Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, for the county
of Essex.[44] The celebrated Norman ballad _The Song of Roland_ seems to
have had for its author a person of the name of Turold, if we may credit
its concluding lines, “And so endeth the history sung of Turoldus.”[45]
This inscription bears upon the subject of the authenticity of the
Tapestry. Had the work been constructed some considerable period after
the events which it describes, it must have been compiled from historic
documents, and so have contained none but historic personages. As it is,
there are several individuals introduced to us in the Tapestry of which
we have no trace in the chronicles of the day, but with which the
draftsman takes it for granted that all are as familiar as himself--a
very natural and very common oversight. The house, divided into three
aisles after the manner of that in which Harold took his parting feast,
is probably intended to represent the palace of the Count.
These messengers having reported their ill success to Duke William, he
immediately sends two others, who gallop to Beaurain at the utmost
speed of their horses. Over them is the inscription, NUNTII
WILLELMI--The messengers of William. A watchman, elevated upon a tree,
observes the movements of this second embassy, probably with the view of
giving William the earliest intelligence respecting it. All this is
cleverly designed, in order to show the deep interest which William took
in the welfare of his captive friend, who was afterwards, according to
the court version of the story, to repay him with so much ingratitude.
These horsemen wear a threatening aspect; they are armed with spear,
shield, and sword; their spears are pointed threateningly towards the
place of their destination. Their shields bear a curious device, a
winged dragon whose tail is twisted in a peculiar manner. This object is
one of constant occurrence in the Tapestry, and seems to be one of
superstitious reverence. Harold’s standard is a dragon. The standard of
the Dacians, as depicted in Trajan’s Column, is a dragon. We have some
others introduced into the ornamental border of the Tapestry. In the
illustrations of _Cædmon’s Paraphrase_, the great dragon Satan is in two
instances figured in a guise nearly resembling these. Whilst in a
heathen state the Saxons and Normans doubtless made the evil one an
object of worship, as most heathen nations have done, and, long after
their reception of Christianity, may, though with questionable taste,
have retained for ornamental purposes the emblem which they had been
accustomed to regard with superstitious reverence.
The transactions we are now considering probably occurred in the spring
of the year at the close of which King Edward died. In the lower margin
of the scenes just reviewed the operations of husbandry peculiar to that
season are portrayed. One man is ploughing. The plough has wheels, and
is very similar to some that are figured in _Cædmon’s Paraphrase_. Next
comes a sower casting the seed into the ground. He conducts the
operation precisely as it has been conducted from that day to this. Next
follows a harrow, drawn by an ox, which wears the yoke upon its neck.
This method of yoking oxen is still common in Normandy.
We are not certain what means William used to bring Guy to his views.
Some chroniclers say he coaxed him, some say he threatened him, and
several maintain that he bribed him by giving him a large tract of land.
This however is certain, that he succeeded in inducing him to relax his
hold of Harold.
The next compartment of the Tapestry exhibits to us William seated on a
throne near his castle gate. He is receiving a messenger, who approaches
him on bended knees. The superscription is, HIC VENIT NUNTIUS AD
WILGELMUM DUCEM--Here a messenger came to Duke William. The peculiarity
of the spelling of the Duke’s name WILGELMUS need not surprise us. At
that day, and for long afterwards, the orthography even of proper names
was not fixed. The G would no doubt be sounded like _y_ or the diphthong
_ie_, as is still the case in certain words in some parts of the North
of England. Who the messenger is we are not informed; he is evidently a
Saxon, and is probably one of Harold’s companions, who has accompanied
William’s ambassadors to Rouen, by way of giving the Duke a pledge of
the success of their commission.
Guy having agreed to deliver up his prisoner, resolves to make a merit
of doing so, and conducts him in person to William’s court. The Duke,
desirous of doing all honour to his expected guest, goes out to meet
him. When the two parties approach, Guy very officiously introduces
Harold to the Duke, and seems to expect great commendations for his zeal
and activity. Harold himself follows Guy, having once again the mantle
of gentle birth on his left shoulder, and carrying his hawk upon his
fist, looking forward, in token of liberty. William sits firmly upon his
horse; his manner is quiet, but very decided; his figure is that of a
strong, square-built man. We know that his muscular powers were very
considerable; this is probably no fancy portrait.
The inscription over this compartment is, HIC WIDO ADDUXIT HAROLDUM AD
WILGELMUM NORMANNORUM DUCEM--Here Guy led Harold to William Duke of the
Normans.
William now accompanies his guest to his palace--probably at Rouen. A
man from a gateway tower looks out and receives the party. The palace of
William is a large and splendid structure. Both it and the castle we
last noticed contrast strongly with those we have previously seen. The
Normans were great builders. Whilst they were frugal in their household
expenditure, they erected elegant habitations for themselves; the Saxons
on the other hand (at least so say the chroniclers) did not care how
they were lodged, but laid out large sums in eating and drinking.[46]
William has a guard standing at his back. A Saxon is addressing him
[Illustration: PLATE IV.]
with considerable vehemence upon some business relating to the French
soldiers, to whom he points. The speaker is probably Harold; but what
the subject of conference is, can only be a subject of conjecture. Can
it be that he is requesting the assistance of an escort to accompany a
messenger of his to England to inform his friends of his happy release
from captivity?
In the border above the palace are a pair of pea-fowls. This is probably
intended to give us an idea of the splendour of William’s court. In the
middle ages no feast was complete excepting this bird made its
appearance on the table, arrayed, after being taken from the spit, in
all its gorgeous plumage. The feathers of this bird were in great
request among our Saxon nobles as a means of decorating their halls.
The next compartment presents great difficulties. It is headed, UBI UNUS
CLERICUS ET ÆLFGYVA--Where a clerk and Ælfgyva [converse]. It evidently
refers to a transaction with which the court of Duke William were well
acquainted, but of which the chroniclers have given us no account.
_Ælfgyva_ is a Saxon word, signifying a present from the genii.[47]
Emma, the wife of Ethelred, and some other English Queens, are
occasionally by Saxon authors styled Ælfgyva; hence the term has been
considered a descriptive title rather than a proper name. On this
account some writers conceive that Queen Matilda is the individual here
presented to our notice. If, however, the term Ælfgyva was a descriptive
one, and applicable only to a Saxon Queen, it could not at this period
of the narrative belong to her, for William had not then obtained the
English throne. Other authors consider that Agatha, a daughter of
William, is the lady in question. Her name is written by Wace, Ele; and
by some authors she is confounded with her sister Adeliza. When Harold
swore to support William in his pretensions to the throne, he agreed to
receive Agatha in marriage. This lady’s subsequent history is confused.
William of Malmesbury says she died before she was marriageable.
Ordericus Vitalis gives the following account of her--“His daughter
Agatha, who had been betrothed to Harold, was afterwards demanded in
marriage by Alphonzo, King of Galicia, and delivered to his proxies to
be conducted to him. But she, who had lost her former spouse, who was to
her liking, felt extreme repugnance to marry another. The Englishman she
had seen and loved, but the Spaniard she was more averse to because she
had never set eyes on him. She therefore fervently prayed to God that
she might never be carried into Spain, but that he would rather take her
to himself. Her prayers were heard, and she died a virgin while she was
upon the road.” She, however, cannot be the Ælfgyva of the Tapestry.
Making every allowance for the varities of her name, it would scarcely
have been so written in her father’s court; as she was never Queen, the
descriptive epithet could not with propriety have been applied to her;
and as at the time of Harold’s visit to Normandy she was but a child, we
cannot suppose that any formal embassage would be sent to her respecting
the release of the English Earl, or any other subject.
The lady in question is probably Algitha, the widow of Griffith King of
Wales, and sister to Edwin and Morcar, Earls of Mercia and
Northumberland, whom Harold must have married shortly after his return
to England, as his second wife.[48] Her name, as it is written by
Florence of Worcester, and some other chroniclers, differs but little
from Ælfgyva; besides, as Queen of England, she was entitled to the
epithet. If this supposition be correct, the force of the introduction
of this lady and the clerk into the Tapestry is considerable. The whole
object of this part of the drawing is to display in glowing colours the
generous kindness of William and the base treachery of Harold. Now if,
as we may reasonably suppose, Harold had set his affections upon this
lady before his departure for Normandy, and if, as we have conjectured,
he had, on being rescued, sent, by William’s assistance, messengers to
England to announce his safety, a special and loving message to the
queen of his affections would not be forgotten. The clerk certainly
approaches her in a jocose manner, and undoubtedly has some agreeable
intelligence to communicate. Now if Harold acted thus while enjoying
William’s hospitality, and solemnly undertaking to marry his daughter
Agatha as soon as she became of fitting age, his conduct was most
unjustifiable; and it was peculiarly suitable to the object for which
the Tapestry was prepared to expose it. Harold, before leaving England,
may have placed his lady for temporary protection in some nunnery, which
we may suppose to be indicated by the narrow and confined building in
which Ælfgyva stands. In this case none was so proper to approach her as
a priest. The employment of a person of the clerical order was moreover
necessary, as few of the laity could read or write. The individual in
the Tapestry has a shaven crown, but is dressed in ordinary attire.
William of Malmesbury tells us that the Saxon clergy were not fond of
any distinctive dress.
In the whole course of the Tapestry only three females are presented to
our view--Ælfgyva, a mourning relative by the dying bed of the
Confessor, and a woman forced by the flames from her dwelling at
Hastings. This circumstance surely proves the modesty and retiring
habits of the Saxon and Norman ladies.
As our ladies are scarce, let us pay them minute attention. The dress of
the Saxon women varied very little during the long period that elapsed
between the eighth and the end of the eleventh century; by thoroughly
enveloping the whole body, it consulted the modest feelings of the sex,
whilst its graceful folds gave considerable elegance to the person.
Antiquaries are inquiring men. They do not like to leave any subject
unexamined. That judicious inquirer, Strutt, finds some little
difficulty in investigating the undermost garment worn by the Saxon
ladies; he manages it, however, with great adroitness and delicacy. His
words are worth quoting:--
“In the foregoing chapter it has been clearly proved that the shirt
formed part of the dress of the men; and surely we cannot hesitate a
moment to conclude that the women were equally tenacious of delicacy in
their habit, and of course were not destitute of body-linen: the remains
of antiquity it is true afford not sufficient authority to prove the
fact; yet the presumptive argument founded upon female delicacy weighs
so strongly in the scale, that I conclude this supposition to be
consonant with the truth.”[49] Over this undermost garment came another,
which was only seen when the lower portion of the _gunna_, or gown, had
been pushed aside; it was made of linen or some other light material.
Next came the gown, consisting usually of some strong stuff. It fell
down to the feet, and was sometimes girt round the waist by a band. The
sleeves near the wrist were usually made very full, and hung down after
the manner lately in use among ourselves. A mantle was worn over this by
ladies of rank. It was probably fastened by a fibula, or brooch. The
woman coming out of the burning house (_Plate XI._) belongs probably to
the lower orders, for she has not a mantle. A head-cover, or kerchief,
was an indispensable part of the dress of Saxon ladies, whether high or
low. It enveloped the head, concealing the hair entirely; the ends of it
fell upon the shoulders.
In the time of Rufus and Henry I. the dress of the ladies, which had
remained so long stationary, felt the stimulus of the Conquest. “The
sleeves of their robes and their kerchiefs appear in the illuminations
of that period knotted up, to prevent their trailing on the ground. Some
of the sleeves have cuffs hanging from the wrist down to the heels, and
of the most singular forms.”[50] An ancient monk has drawn the evil one
attired in this way, in order no doubt to throw discredit upon the
fashion. The hair also was no longer concealed, but hung down in plaits
on each side of the person as far as the waist. A statue of Matilda,
wife of Henry I., on the west door-way of Rochester Cathedral, exhibits
this usage. Had the Tapestry been executed in the days of this Queen,
Ælfgyva’s sleeves would have been fuller than they are, and her hair
would have hung down in graceful ringlets.