“All hail, Macbeth! that shalt be king hereafter.”
_Macbeth._
Very frequently the means which we adopt to secure our ends are those by
which Providence designs to thwart them.
During that disastrous period when England was subject to the incessant
depredations of the Danes, Ethelred II. contracted a marriage with Emma,
a daughter of Richard I., Duke of Normandy. Ethelred’s conduct to his
wife proved that the match was not one of affection; his object
evidently was to obtain the assistance of the powerful house of Rollo in
resisting the attacks of the Vikings of the north. Instead of doing
this, the alliance resulted in arraying the Normans amongst the enemies
of England. Alfred and Edward, the sons of Ethelred and Emma, found an
asylum in the Norman court during the supremacy of Sweyn and Canute. At
one time an expedition was in readiness to leave the shores of Normandy,
with a view of placing by force a son of Ethelred on the throne of his
father. William of Malmesbury, speaking of the two youths, says--“I find
that their uncle Richard (II.) took no steps to restore them to their
country; on the contrary, he married his sister Emma to the enemy and
the invader. Robert, however, whom we have so frequently before
mentioned as having gone to Jerusalem, assembling a fleet and embarking
soldiers, made ready an expedition, boasting that he would set the crown
on the head of his grand-nephews; and doubtlessly he would have made
good his assertion, had not, as we have heard from our ancestors, an
adverse wind constantly opposed him: but assuredly this was by the
hidden counsel of God, in whose disposal are the powers of all kingdoms.
The remains of the vessels, decayed through length of time, were still
to be seen at Rouen in our days.”[24] Thus half a century before William
the Conqueror set out upon his expedition, a Norman invasion loomed in
the distance.
Whilst the ships of Robert were rotting in the harbour of Rouen, Alfred
and Edward, the sons of Emma, were being trained up in the court of
Normandy in those habits and feelings which eventually led to the
assembling of an armament which adverse winds were not destined to
baffle. Alfred visiting England, was barbarously murdered; the Norman
chroniclers assert that the cruel deed was instigated by Godwin. At
length, by the death of Hardicanute, a way was opened for Edward,
afterwards styled the Confessor, to the throne of his father. He was,
however, at the time of his accession, as Camden expresses it,
thoroughly Frenchified. He could scarcely speak a word of English. His
court was filled with Normans, who usurped most of the official
dignities. When advancing years compelled the monarch to take some steps
for securing a fitting successor to the throne, his mind reverted to the
court of
[Illustration: PLATE I.]
Normandy. His immediate heir, Edgar Atheling, was too feeble a youth to
be placed, in such turbulent times, in so responsible a position. When
the choice lay between Harold the Saxon and William the Norman, the
Confessor’s early predilections necessarily induced him to look
favourably upon the youthful head of his mother’s house. Independently
of any communications which the English king may have made to the young
Duke of Normandy, the partiality which he manifested towards him could
not fail to nurture in Duke William’s mind the most ambitious views.
Hence sprung the Norman invasion.
We are now prepared for examining in detail the scenes depicted in the
Tapestry.
The first compartment exhibits to us Edward the Confessor giving
audience to two personages of rank. The king is seated on a throne; his
feet rest upon a footstool. A crown, ornamented with _fleurs-de-lis_, is
on his head, and he holds a sceptre in his left hand. The robe of the
monarch is full, and is ornamented at the collar, the wrists, and down
the front, probably by needle-work of gold. Similar ornaments appear
upon his knees. The arms and feet of the throne, according to the usage
of the period, terminate in carvings of the head and feet of a dog. The
taller of the persons waiting upon the king is no doubt Harold, as the
face bears a strong resemblance to that of one of the horsemen in the
next group, which the inscription tells us is Harold. A general likeness
is preserved throughout the Tapestry, both in the case of William and
Harold, so that we may reasonably suppose that the delineations of
these personages bear some resemblance to the originals, and that they
were drawn by an artist who knew them both. Edward is in the attitude of
a king giving law to his subjects. Harold and his companion _stand_ in
the royal presence, both to betoken their reverence for their monarch,
and their readiness to depart on the instant in the performance of the
royal behests. They evidently pay earnest attention to the commands of
the king.
The subject of this interview is no doubt Harold’s intended expedition
to the court of William. Unhappily, there is no point in history
respecting which a greater diversity of statement exists among
contemporary writers, than the visit of Harold to the court of William.
Three views are taken of it:--one is, that Harold was commissioned by
Edward to inform the young Duke of Normandy that he had been nominated
by him as his successor to the throne; another is, that Harold, whilst
taking recreation in a fishing-boat, was accidentally carried out to
sea, and driven on the shores of Ponthieu; the third is, that Harold had
begged permission of Edward to go into Normandy, in order to release
from captivity two relatives, a brother and a nephew, who, after Earl
Godwin’s rebellion, had been placed as hostages in the hands of the
Norman duke. The question for us to consider is which is the view
countenanced by the Tapestry. Unfortunately, the inscription over the
group is simply EDWARD REX, and, so, gives us no definite information.
It will be well to examine the statements of the chroniclers, and then
compare them with the representations of our worsted work.
William of Malmesbury says, “King Edward declining into years, as he had
no children himself, and saw the sons of Godwin growing in power,
despatched messengers to the King of Hungary to send over Edward, the
son of his brother Edmund, with all his family; intending, as he
declared, that either he, or his sons, should succeed to the hereditary
kingdom of England, and that his own want of issue should be supplied by
that of his kindred. Edward came in consequence, but died almost
immediately. He left three surviving children; that is to say, Edgar,
who, after the death of Harold, was by some elected king; and who, after
many revolutions of fortune, is now living wholly retired in the
country, in extreme old age;[25] Christina, who grew old at Romsey in
the habit of a nun; and Margaret, whom Malcolm King of the Scots,
espoused.... The king, in consequence of the death of his relation,
losing his first hope of support, gave the succession of England to
William Earl of Normandy. He was well worthy of such a gift, being a
young man of superior mind, who had raised himself to the highest
eminence by his unwearied exertion; moreover, he was his nearest
relation by consanguinity, as he was the son of Robert, the son of
Richard the Second (of Normandy), whom we have repeatedly mentioned as
the brother of Emma, Edward’s mother. Some affirm that Harold himself
was sent into Normandy by the King for this purpose; others, who knew
Harold’s more secret intentions, say, that being driven thither against
his will by the violence of the wind, he imagined this device, in order
to extricate himself. This, as it appears nearest the truth, I shall
relate. Harold being at his country seat at Bosham, went for recreation
on board a fishing-boat and, for the purpose of prolonging his sport,
put out to sea; when a sudden tempest arising, he was driven with his
companions on the coast of Ponthieu. The people of that district, as was
their native custom, immediately assembled from all quarters; and
Harold’s company, unarmed and few in number, were, as it might easily
be, quickly overpowered by an armed multitude, and bound hand and foot.
Harold, craftily meditating a remedy for this mischance, sent a person,
whom he had allured by great promises, to William to say, that he had
been sent into Normandy by the King, for the purpose of expressly
confirming in person the message which had been imperfectly delivered by
people of less authority, but that he was detained in fetters by Guy,
and could not execute his embassy.... By these means Harold was
liberated at William’s command, and conducted by Guy in person.”[26]
Master Wace inclines to the opinion, that he went to rescue the
hostages. His statement is, “When his father (Earl Godwin) had died,
Harold, pitying the hostages, was desirous to cross over into Normandy,
and bring them home. So he went to take leave of the King. But Edward
strictly forbade him, and charged and conjured him not to go to
Normandy, nor to speak with Duke William; for he might soon be drawn
into some snare, as the Duke was very shrewd; and he told him that if he
wished to have the hostages home, he would choose some messenger for the
purpose. So at least I have found the story written. But another book
tells me, that the King ordered him to go for the purpose of assuring
Duke William, his cousin, that he should have the realm after his death.
How the matter really was I never knew.”[27]
Let us now attend to the questions, How are we to reconcile these
various statements, and what is the view taken by the draftsman of the
Tapestry?
We must at once abandon the fishing boat story. The preparation which
Harold makes for his expedition, and the numbers he takes with him, are
irreconcileable with this view. Besides, the ships do not seem to be
suffering from stress of weather, and, according to the inscription,
Harold appears to have made a prosperous voyage, ET VELIS VENTO PLENIS,
VENIT IN TERRAM WIDONIS COMITIS--And his sails being filled with the
wind, he came into the territory of Count Guy.
We must also abandon the view which represents him as going to procure,
_in a direct and open manner_, the hostages which William held. He knew
that William was as shrewd as he was ambitious, and would not be so
simple as to give up at his request, however reasonable it might be, the
only means he had of holding him in restraint. Besides, the Tapestry
represents the King, in the first compartment, in the attitude of one
giving a command, rather than administering advice. The interview which
Harold has with the King, on his return, strengthens this view. (_Plate
VII._) Harold comes into the presence of the Confessor like a guilty
person, deploring his misdeeds and craving pardon. An axe, carried by an
attendant on the left of the King, is turned towards him, apparently
betokening that he has committed an offence worthy of death. The King is
evidently reproving him sharply, but the attendant on the right of the
King having the edge of his axe turned away from Harold, shows that the
result of the interview was a pardon. The monarch was in fact too
powerless to adopt any rigorous steps towards so influential a subject
as the son of Godwin. If Harold had simply failed upon a private errand
of his own, but which the King had forewarned him would be a bootless
one, the King would have been more disposed to laugh at the trouble into
which he had brought himself than take such serious notice of his
conduct.
Besides, it is admitted on all hands, that Edward intended to appoint
William as his successor, and most of the chroniclers agree in asserting
that the Norman had already received some intimation of it. Further,
William, after procuring the kingdom, always claimed to hold it, amongst
other pleas, _Beneficio concessionis domini et cognati mei, gloriosi
Regis Edwardi_--By the devise of my lord and relative the glorious King
Edward.[28] Now, is it likely that a document which depicted the views
of the Norman court would neglect to insert so important a title?
Supposing it to be a point established, that in the first compartment
the Confessor is giving orders to Harold to inform William of the
honours that awaited him, and abandoning, for the reasons already
stated, the view of his being accidentally cast ashore on the coast of
Ponthieu, we are necessarily led to suppose that he designedly shaped
his course to that place, in order to promote his own ends. The Earl of
Ponthieu was jealous of William’s growing power, and had often been in
arms against him. He had on one occasion been imprisoned by him for two
years. Harold might readily suppose, that if he could obtain the
assistance of Guy, he might, by stealth or stratagem, get possession of
the persons of his brother and nephew. Hence, instead of going direct to
Rouen, he seems to have shaped his course more to the north. He might
argue with himself, that when once he had got possession of the
hostages, the wrath of William, which would no doubt be aroused by the
proceeding, would be easily allayed by his putting him in formal
possession of the fact of his being appointed by the present occupant of
the English crown his successor.
On the first view of the case, it seems strange that Harold should
undertake an errand which was apparently so much opposed to his
interests, or even that the King should intrust him with such a
commission. Harold, however, could have little objection to make it
known that it was the King’s wish that William should be appointed his
successor; for it was of some importance to him, having an eye to the
crown himself, that the direct heir should, at all events, be
superseded. Edgar Atheling, the next in the succession, was a rival in
the palace itself; William the Norman was separated from him and the
land of their mutual ambition by a barrier which was in those days a
very formidable one--the English Channel. If Harold entertained these
views, he would take care to inform the King of his acquiescence in his
well known intentions respecting the succession, and thus encourage him
to send him upon his present errand.
This method of reconciling the different views given by the chroniclers
upon this involved point of English history is, it must be confessed,
purely theoretical; at the same time, no better occurs.
Harold has received his commission from the King; let us see how he
fulfils it. He is first seen riding in company with several persons of
distinction (as their dress indicates) to the place of embarkation. The
legend here is, [U]BI HAROLD DUX ANGLORUM ET SUI MILITES EQUITANT AD
BOSHAM--Where Harold the English chief and his knights ride to Bosham.
Harold is represented twice in this group (by no means an unusual thing,
as we shall afterwards see); once, lifting up his hand, as if in the
attitude of command; and again, with his hawk upon his fist, to betoken
his high rank; a pack of hounds are scampering before him.
The hawk and the hounds require a few words of remark. It is well known
to persons conversant in antiquity, that the great men of those times
had only two ways of being accoutered when they set out upon a journey;
either in the habiliments of war, or for the chase. Harold, as going on
an errand of peace, we find here represented in the latter. The bird
upon the fist was a mark of high nobility. We see it frequently upon
seals and miniatures, of that age, of ladies as well as men; and so
sacred was this bird esteemed, that we find it prohibited in the ancient
laws for any one to give his hawk or his sword as part of his ransom.
Severe fines were laid on those who should steal another’s hawk. Harold,
it will be observed, is the only one of all his suite who has the bird
upon his fist.[29]
Several hawks are introduced in the course of the Tapestry, but in no
one case is the bird provided with a hood. The hood was introduced from
the East about the year 1200, and as after its introduction it was
considered an essential part of the equipment of the bird, its absence
in the Tapestry is conclusive evidence of its comparatively early
date.[30]
The three larger dogs have collars, provided with rings through which,
most probably, the leash passed; the other two are of a smaller breed.
The horses are hog-maned. Harold’s horse, in the more forward instance,
has some ornament entwined with its mane.
Bosham is a hamlet in Sussex, near to Chichester, which still retains
its ancient name. It was a sea-port of some consequence in Saxon times,
and we frequently read of its being the point of departure for persons
going to the Continent. Bosham was the property of Harold, having been
obtained by his father, Earl Godwin, from the Archbishop of Canterbury.
Among the endowed churches of England, that of Bosham was probably one
of the richest. In the reign of King Edward it had land belonging to it
to the extent of a hundred and twelve hides. The generality of church
endowments were infinitely smaller. Hence we find the church represented
in the Tapestry as a structure of considerable consequence.[31]
A tree closes the scene. It is of a species which does not flourish in
our modern woods, but which nevertheless grows very abundantly in the
MSS. of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Several of similar character
may be seen in the Illustrations to Cædmon’s _Metrical Paraphrase_,
executed in the tenth century.[32] These trees, like the lions and
leopards of the heralds of a subsequent date, were mere conventional
forms, and not intended to be correct representations of the objects
indicated.
The next compartment exhibits to us Harold and a companion (one no doubt
being used to represent all) entering the sacred structure, with the
view of seeking the divine blessing upon their enterprise. As the
humility of their posture, when inside, could not be represented, the
artist has exhibited them as entering it in a state of semi-genuflexion.
In this he follows a classical model. Among the Greeks and Romans the
act of adoration was expressed by the artists representing the body
inclined slightly forwards, the knees gently bent, and the right hand
touching the object of reverence.[33] Over the building which Harold and
his companion enter is written the word ECCLESIA.--the church.
It is not a little curious to observe, that in immediate contiguity with
the church in which our voyagers offer their devotions, is the festal
board at which they comfort their own bowels, and pledge each other in
goblets large as their own hearts. The scene is one of a truly Saxon
character. Our blue-eyed forefathers never did things by halves, and
whenever they sat down at the social table--and they did so as often as
convenient--they exhibited a refreshing earnestness.
The scene represents the end of the feast, and hence the drinking horns
rather than the platters are brought into requisition. Two of these are
magnificent specimens, and remind us of the horn of Ulphe preserved in
York Minster, and the Pusey horn. The individuals in the building are
evidently pledging each other, and the challenged and the challenger are
drinking in turn out of the same cup. Robert de Brunne refers to this
practice in the following lines:--
“This is their custom and their gest
When thei are at the ale or fest;
Ilk man that loves, where him think
Sall say wassail, and to him drink.
He that bids, sall say wassail;
The tother sall say again drinkhail.
That said wassail drinkes of the cup,
Kissand his felow he gives it up;
Drinkhail, he says, and drinkes thereof,
Kissand him in bord and skoff.”[34]
Besides horns, semicircular vessels, or mazer cups, appear among the
furnishings of the board. These vessels were generally of wood, but
occasionally of gold or silver. Our ancestors, who somewhat strangely
blended religion with their festivities, not unfrequently had mottos,
such as the following, inscribed upon their mazer bowls:--
In the name of the trinitie
Fille the kup and drink to me.
But the best of friends must part. A messenger, who has blown the horn,
to inform our voyagers that the boats are ready, till he is tired, comes
personally, horn in hand, to urge their departure.
The scene of the embarkation is curious. Harold, the most powerful
subject in England--if he can be called a subject--strips off his lower
garments, and wades into the sea. His companions follow him in similar
guise. Harold has, as usual, his hawk upon his fist, and he and his
companion (the representative of the rest), more careful of their hounds
than themselves, carry them dry-shod on board the ship that waits to
receive them.
No satisfactory explanation has been given of the peculiar implement
held in the left hand of the attendant who is next but one to Harold.
Can it be a ‘throw stick’ such as was generally used by the ancient
Egyptian sportsmen in fowling?[35]
Harold has two ships, and they are represented twice over--once at their
departure from the English coast, and again on their arrival at the
shores of France. But before attending to the adventures which befell
the Saxon Earl on the opposite side, it will be well to review the
ground already trodden, in order to gather up some fragments of
information respecting the tastes and habits of the ancient English.
The architectural delineations of the Tapestry are those of the
Conquest. Throughout the whole, the circular arch, which is
characteristic of the Saxon and Norman styles, prevails in its simplest
forms. Interlacing arches which occur so frequently in the later Norman
buildings, and which are supposed to have introduced the pointed or
Gothic-style, never occur. The palace of Edward the Confessor, in the
first compartment, is a large building as compared with the church and
manor-house of Bosham in the second. In some of its details it bears a
striking resemblance to the ‘heavenly abode’ in one of the early
illustrations of Cædmon’s Paraphrase.[36] Of the chequered work on the
face of the chief buttress tower many examples exist to this day in
Normandy. The chief feature of the church is the doorway, as is the case
with all Norman buildings up to a late period. The windows are small and
insignificant, and were probably unglazed. It is roofed with stone
shingles or tiles, rounded at the lower extremity, and fastened to the
framework with nails, as is conventionally represented in the drawing.
The roofs in the Saxon illustrations already referred to present a
precisely similar appearance. The traveller in Normandy will often be
reminded by existing buildings of these arrangements. The house in which
the voyagers take their farewell repast is worthy of observation. It is
constructed upon the plan of the ancient “peel houses” of the North of
England. The upper apartment has an independent entrance by stone steps
from the outside, and seems to be the place of greatest comfort and
security. The lower room is vaulted, and is divided into three
compartments, like the aisles of a church. This was not an unusual
arrangement in buildings of the Saxon and Norman period.[37]
The dress of the parties may be briefly described. It has manifestly
been derived from a Roman model. A garment, doubtless of woollen,
invests the body, and comes up to the neck. A tunic, having something of
the form of a frock coat, is put on over this, and is bound round the
waist by a girdle. In the horsemen, this tunic is brought below the
knees, and, for greater convenience in riding, is divided so as to form
two wide loose legs. Most of the men are furnished with hose, which fit
tightly, and come well up the thigh. Most of them also are furnished
with shoes, which seem to fit the foot naturally and easily. In addition
to these coverings, the superior orders wear a cloak, nearly resembling
the _chlamys_ of the Roman general, and which is fastened by a fibula,
or brooch, at the right shoulder.
All the figures, excepting those accoutred with crowns or helmets, are
bare-headed. This at first sight does not seem to be the case; the heads
of the parties appear as if they were enveloped with caps of various
colours. It will be observed, however, that, within doors as well as
without, their heads wear the same appearance. But the shaven crown of
the priests reveals the fact. These personages appear with hair as
indisputably red, and blue, and yellow, as the rest, yet they show the
bare poll in the centre. (_See Plates IV. and VII._) It may also be
observed that the hinder part of the heads of the Frenchmen is bare. In
France, at this period, an absurd custom prevailed of shaving the back
of the head. The men of Normandy and Ponthieu accordingly appear as if
they had caps stuck upon the front of their heads, leaving the back part
naked. All this seems to prove that, at the time of the Conquest, it was
not customary either in England or France for men to cover the head,
except for defensive purposes in the day of battle.
The Saxons are uniformly represented with mustaches; the French are not.
King Edward always appears with a beard. The Saxons were fond of
cultivating the hair, and exhibiting full and flowing locks. In the
youthful days of King Edward both razors and scissors were eschewed. In
process of time, however, through some silvery influence, men were
induced to denude their chins of nature’s covering. Frenchmen made a
clean sweep of it, but the Saxons held out for the mustache. King Edward
maintained the customs of his youth, and he is always represented on
coins, medals, and the Tapestry, with all the capillary attractions
which nature ever gave him. In these respects, the Tapestry is true to
history.
In ancient times, as well as in modern, fashions were subject to change.
In the reigns immediately succeeding the Conqueror’s, modes prevailed
different from those depicted in the Tapestry. The points of the shoes
were elongated, greater extravagance of dress was indulged in, and the
Normans, instead of shaving their hair like monks, suffered it to grow
ridiculously long; beards, too, were cultivated. The following summary
of the fashions of the late Norman period is to our present purpose:--
“During the reigns of Rufus and Henry I. the dress of the higher classes
became much more costly in material and extravagant in shape. Some most
ridiculous fashions are reprobated and caricatured by the historians and
illuminators of that period. The sleeves of the tunics were made long
enough to cover and hang considerably below the hand. Peaked-toed boots
and shoes of the most absurd shapes, some terminating like a scorpion’s
tail, others stuffed with tow and curling round like a ram’s horn, are
mentioned by the monkish historians. Ordericus Vitalis says they were
invented by some one deformed in the foot. The mantles and tunics were
worn much longer and fuller, and the former lined with the most
expensive furs. Henry I. is said to have had one presented to him by the
Bishop of Lincoln, lined with black sable with white spots, and which
cost £100. of the money of that day.
“The English now, both Saxon and Norman, suffered their hair to grow to
an immoderate length instead of being cropped ridiculously short; and
William of Malmesbury, who has previously complained of his countrymen
having imitated the latter fashion, now laments over the long hair, the
loose flowing garments, the pointed shoes, and effeminate appearance of
the English generally. Even long beards were worn during the reign of
Henry I.; and Ordericus Vitalis compares the men of that day to ‘filthy
goats.’
“Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, refused his benediction on Ash
Wednesday to those who would not cut their hair. Councils were held on
this important matter. The razor and the scissors were not only
recommended _ex cathedra_, but positively produced sometimes at the end
of a sermon against the sinfulness of long locks and curling mustaches.
Serlo d’Abon, Bishop of Seez, on Easter Day, 1105, after preaching
against beards before Henry I., cropped not only that of the king but
those of the whole congregation with a pair of scissors he had provided
for the occasion. But nothing could long repress these fashions, which
in the time of Stephen again raged to such an extent that the fops of
the day suffered their hair to grow till they looked more like women
than men; and those whose ringlets were not sufficiently luxurious added
false hair to equal or surpass in appearance their more favoured
brethren.”[38]
We can only account for the exact conformity of the manners and customs
depicted in the Tapestry with those prevailing during the Conqueror’s
reign, on the supposition that the Tapestry was then produced.