CHAPTER X

"THE TROUBLES IN SCOTLAND"

The new reign had scarcely begun when trouble arose between King Charles

and his Scottish subjects. On the one hand, he alienated the nobles by

an attempt, partially successful, to secure for the Church some of its

ancient revenues. More serious still was his endeavour to bring the

Scottish Church into uniformity with the usage of the Church of England.

James had understood that any further attempt to alter the service or

constitution of the Church of Scotland would infallibly lead to serious

trouble. He had given up an intention of introducing a new prayer-book

to supersede the "Book of Common Order", known as "Knox's Liturgy",

which was employed in the Church, though not to the exclusion of

extemporary prayers. When Charles came to Edinburgh to be crowned, in

1633, he made a further attempt in this direction, and, although he had

to postpone the introduction of this particular change, he left a most

uneasy feeling, not only among the Presbyterians, but also among the

bishops themselves. An altar was erected in Holyrood Chapel, and behind

it was a crucifix, before which the clergy made genuflexions. He erected

Edinburgh into a bishopric, with the Collegiate Church of St. Giles for

a cathedral, and the Bishops of Edinburgh, as they followed in rapid

succession, gained the reputation of innovators and supporters of Laud

and the English. Even more dangerous in its effect was a general order

for the clergy to wear surplices. It was widely disobeyed, but it

created very great alarm.

In 1635, canons were issued for the Church of Scotland, which owed their

existence to the dangerous meddling of Laud, now Archbishop of

Canterbury. James, who loved Episcopacy, had dreaded the influence of

Laud in Scotland; his fear was justified, for it was given to Laud to

make an Episcopal Church impossible north of the Tweed. Although certain

of the Scottish bishops had expressed approval of these canons, they

were enjoined in the Church by royal authority, and the Scots, whose

theory of the rights of the Church was much more "high" than that of

Laud, would, on this account alone, have met them with resistance. But

the canons used words and phrases which were intolerable to Scottish

ears. They spoke of a "chancel" and they commended auricular confession;

they gave the Scottish bishops something like the authority of their

English brethren, to the detriment of minister and kirk-session, and

they made the use of a new prayer-book compulsory, and forbade any

objection to it. Two years elapsed before the book was actually

introduced. It was English, and it had been forced upon the Church by

the State, and, worse than this, it was associated with the hated name

of Laud and with his suspected designs upon the Protestant religion.

When it came it was found to follow the English prayer-book almost

exactly; but such changes as there were seemed suspicious in the

extreme. In the communion service the rubric preceding the prayer of

consecration read thus: "During the time of consecration he shall stand

at such a part of the holy table where he may with the more ease and

decency use both his hands". The reference to both hands was suspected

to mean the Elevation of the Host, and this suspicion was confirmed by

the omission of the sentences "Take and eat this in remembrance that

Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thy heart by faith, with

thanksgiving", and "Drink this in remembrance that Christ's blood was

shed for thee, and be thankful", from the words of administration. On

more general grounds, too, strong objection was taken to the book, and

on July 23rd, 1637, there occurred the famous riot in St. Giles's, which

has become connected with the name of Jennie Geddes. The objection was

not, in any sense, to read prayers in themselves; the Book of Common

Order had been read in St. Giles's that very morning. The difficulty lay

in the particular book, and it is notable that the cries which have come

down to us as prefacing the riot are all indicative of a suspected

attempt to reintroduce Roman Catholicism. "The mass is entered upon us."

"Baal is in the Church." "Darest thou sing mass in my lug."

The Privy Council was negligent in punishing the rioters, and it soon

became evident that they had public opinion behind them. Alexander

Henderson, who ministered to a Fifeshire congregation in the old Norman

church of Leuchars, and whom the king was to meet in other

circumstances, issued a respectful and moderate protest, in which he did

not deal with the particular points at issue, but asserted the

ecclesiastical independence of Scotland. Riots continued to disturb

Edinburgh, and Charles was impotent to suppress them. He refused

Henderson's "Supplication"; its supporters drew up a second petition

boldly asking that the bishops should be tried as the real authors of

the disturbances, and, in November, 1637, they chose a body of

commissioners to represent them. These commissioners, and some

sub-committees of them, are known in Scottish history as The Tables, the

name being applied to several different bodies. Charles replied to the

second petition in wrathful terms, and it was decided to revive the

National Covenant of 1581, to renounce popery. It had been drawn up

under fear of a popish plot, and was itself an expansion of the Covenant

of 1557. To it was now added a declaration suited to immediate

necessities. On the 1st and 2nd March, 1638, it was signed by vast

multitudes in the churchyard of Greyfriars, in Edinburgh, and it

continued to be signed, sometimes under pressure, throughout the land.

Hamilton, Charles's agent in Scotland, was quite unable to meet the

situation. In the end Charles had to agree to the meeting of a General

Assembly in Glasgow, in November, 1638. Hamilton, the High Commissioner,

attempted to obtain the ejection of laymen and to create a division

among his opponents. When he failed in this, he dissolved the Assembly

in the king's name. At the instance of Henderson, supported by Argyll,

the Assembly refused to acknowledge itself dissolved, and proceeded to

abolish Episcopacy and re-establish the Presbyterian form of Church

government.

The king, on his part, began to concert measures with his Privy Council

for the subjugation of Scotland. The "Committee on Scotch affairs" of

the English Privy Council was obviously unconstitutional, but matters

were fast drifting towards civil war, and it was no time to consider

constitutional niceties. It is much more important that the committee

was divided and useless. Wentworth, writing from Ireland, advised the

king to maintain a firm attitude, but not to provoke an outbreak of war

at so inconvenient a moment. Charles again attempted a compromise. He

offered to withdraw Laud's unlucky service-book, the new canons, and

even the Articles of Perth, and to limit the power of the bishops; and

he asked the people to sign the Covenant of 1580-81, on which the new

Covenant was based, but which, of course, contained no reference to

immediate difficulties. But it was too late; the sentiment of religious

independence had become united to the old feeling of national

independence, and war was inevitable. The Scots were fortunate in their

leaders. In the end of 1638 there returned to Scotland from Germany,

Alexander Leslie, the great soldier who had fought for Protestantism

under Gustavus Adolphus. In February, 1639, he took command of the army

of the Covenant, which had been largely reinforced by veterans from the

Thirty Years' War. A more attractive personality than Leslie's was that

of the young Earl of Montrose, who had attached himself with enthusiasm

to the national cause, and had attempted to convert the people of

Aberdeen to covenanting principles. Charles, on his part, asserted that

his throne was in danger, and that the Scottish preparations constituted

a menace to the kingdom of England, and so attempted to rouse enthusiasm

for himself.

While the king was preparing to reinforce the loyalist Marquis of Huntly

at Aberdeen, the news came that the garrisons of Edinburgh and Dunbarton

had surrendered to the insurgents (March, 1639), who, a few days later,

seized the regalia at Dalkeith. On March 30th Aberdeen fell into the

hands of Montrose and Leslie, and Huntly was soon practically a

prisoner. Charles had by this time reached York, and it was now evident

that he had entirely miscalculated the strength of the enemy. He had

hoped to subdue Scotland through Hamilton and Huntly; he now saw that,

if Scotland was to be conquered at all, it must be through an English

army. The first blood in the Civil War was shed near Turriff, in

Aberdeenshire (May 14th, 1639), where some of Huntly's supporters gained

a slight success, after which the city of Aberdeen fell into their hands

for some ten days, when it was reoccupied by the Covenanters. Meanwhile

Charles and Leslie had been facing each other near Berwick; the former

unwilling to risk his raw levies against Leslie's trained soldiers,

while the Covenanters were not desirous of entering into a war in which

they might find the whole strength of England ultimately arrayed against

them. On the 18th June the two parties entered into the Pacification of

Berwick, in accordance with which both armies were to be disbanded, and

Charles promised to allow a free General Assembly and a free Parliament

to govern Scotland. While the pacification was being signed at Berwick,

a battle was in progress at Aberdeen, where, on June 18th-19th, Montrose

gained a victory, at the Bridge of Dee, over the Earl of Aboyne, the

eldest son of the Marquis of Huntly. For the third time, Montrose

spared the city of Aberdeen, and Scotland settled down to a brief period

of peace.

It was clear that the pacification was only a truce, for no exact terms

had been agreed upon, and both sides thoroughly distrusted each other.

Disputes immediately arose about the constitution of Parliament and the

Assembly. Charles refused to rescind the acts constituting Episcopacy

legal, and it is clear that he never intended to keep his promise to the

Scots, who, on their part, were too suspicious of his good faith to

carry out their part of the agreement. In the end Assembly and

Parliament alike abolished Episcopacy, and Parliament passed several

acts to ensure its own supremacy. Charles refused to assent to these

Acts, and prorogued Parliament from November, 1639, to June, 1640. The

result of the king's evident disinclination to implement the Treaty of

Berwick, was an interesting attempt to undo the work of the preceding

century by a reversion to the old policy of a French alliance. It was,

of course, impossible thus to turn back, and Richelieu met the Scottish

offers with a decisive rebuff, while the fact of these treasonable

negotiations became known to Charles, and embittered the already bitter

controversy. A new attempt at negotiation failed, and in June, 1640, the

second Bishops' War began. As usual the north suffered, especially from

the fierceness of the Earl of Argyll, who disliked the more moderate

policy advocated by Montrose. The king's English difficulties were

increasing, and the Scots had now many sympathizers among Englishmen,

who looked upon them as fighting for the same cause of Protestantism and

constitutional government.

In August the Scots invaded England for the first time since the

minority of Mary Stuart, and, on August 28th, they defeated a portion of

the king's army at Newburn, a ford near Newcastle. The town was

immediately occupied, and from Newcastle the invaders advanced to the

Tees and seized Durham. Charles was forced, a second time, to give way.

In October he agreed that the Scottish army of occupation should be paid

until the English Parliament, which he was about to summon, might make a

final arrangement. By Parliament alone could the Scots be paid, and

thus, by a strange irony of fate, the occupation of the northern

counties by a Scottish army was, for the time, the best guarantee of

English liberties. There were, however, points on which the Scottish

army and the English Parliament found it difficult to agree, and it was

not till August, 1641, that the Scots recrossed the Tweed. Charles, who

hoped to enlist the sympathy of the Scots in his struggle with the

English Parliament, paid a second visit to Edinburgh, where he gave his

assent to the abolition of Episcopacy, and to the repeal of the Acts

which had given rise to the dispute. But it became evident that the

Parliament, and not the king, was to bear rule in Scotland. The king's

stay in Edinburgh was marked by what is known as "The Incident", a

mysterious plot to capture Argyll and Hamilton, who was now the ally of

Argyll. It was supposed that the king was cognizant of the plan; he had

to defend himself from the accusation, and was declared guiltless in the

matter. At the time of the Incident, Argyll fled, but soon returned, and

Charles had to yield to him in all things. Parliament, under Argyll,

appointed all officials. Argyll himself was made a marquis, and Leslie

became Earl of Leven. There was a general amnesty, and among those who

obtained their liberty was the Earl of Montrose, who had been imprisoned

in May for making terms with the king. In November, 1641, Charles left

Scotland for London, to face the English Parliament. He can scarcely

have hoped for Scottish aid, and when, a few months later, he was on the

verge of hostilities and made a request for assistance, it was twice

refused.

With the general course of the Great Rebellion we are not here

concerned. It is important for our purpose to notice that it affected

Scotland in two ways. The course of events converted, on the one hand,

the Episcopalian party into a Royalist party, and placed at its head the

Covenanter, Montrose. On the other hand, the National Covenant was

transformed into the Solemn League and Covenant, which had for its aim

the establishment of Presbytery in England as well as in Scotland. This

"will o' the wisp" of covenanted uniformity led the Scottish Church into

somewhat strange places. As early as January, 1643, Montrose had offered

to strike a blow for the king in Scotland, but Charles would not take

the responsibility of beginning the strife. In August negotiations began

for the extension of the covenant to England. The Solemn League and

Covenant, which provided for the abolition of Episcopacy in England, was

adopted by the Convention of Estates at Edinburgh on August 17th, and in

the following month it passed both Houses of Parliament in England, and

was taken both by the House of Commons and by the Assembly of Divines at

Westminster. Its only ultimate results were the substitution in Scotland

of the Westminster Confession of Faith, Catechisms, and Directory for

Public Worship, in place of the older Scottish documents, and the

approximation of Scottish Presbytery to English Puritanism, involving a

distinct departure from the ideals of the Scottish Reformation, and the

introduction into Scotland of a form of Sabbatarianism which has come to

be regarded as distinctively Scottish, but which owes its origin,

historically, to English Nonconformity.[89] Its immediate effects were

the short-lived predominance of Presbytery in England, and the crossing

of the Tweed, in January, 1644, by a Scottish army in the pay of the

English Parliament. The part taken by the Scottish army in the war was

not unimportant. In April they aided Fairfax in the siege of York; in

July they took an honourable share in the battle of Marston Moor; they

were responsible for the Uxbridge proposals which provided for peace on

the basis of a Presbyterian settlement. In June, 1645, they advanced

southwards to Mansfield, and, after the surrender of Carlisle, on June

28th, and its occupation by a Scottish garrison, Leven proceeded to

Alcester and thereafter laid siege to Hereford, an attempt which events

in Scotland forced him to abandon. Finally, in May, 1646, the king

surrendered to the Scottish army at Newark, which had been invested by

Leven since the preceding November.

While the Scottish army was thus aiding the Parliamentary cause, the

Earl of Montrose had created an important diversion on the king's side

in Scotland itself. In April, 1644, he occupied Dumfries and made an

unsuccessful attempt on the Scottish Lowlands. In May Charles conferred

on him a marquisate, and in August he prepared to renew the struggle. To

his old foes, the Gordons, he first looked for assistance, but was

finally compelled to raise his forces in the Highlands, and to obtain

Irish aid. On September 1st he gained his first victory at Tippermuir,

near Perth, on which he had marched with his Highland host. From Perth

he marched on Aberdeen, gaining some reinforcements from the northern

gentry, and in particular from the Earl of Airlie. Once again Montrose

fought a battle which delivered the city of Aberdeen into his power

(September 13th), but now he was unwilling or unable to protect the

captured town, which was cruelly ravaged. From Aberdeen Montrose

proceeded by Rothiemurchus to Blair Athole, but suddenly turned

backwards to Aberdeenshire, where he defended Fyvie Castle, slipped past

Argyll, and again reached Blair Athole. The enemies of Argyll crowded to

his banner, but his army was still small when, in December, 1644, he

made his descent upon Argyll, and reached the castle of Inverary. From

Inverary he went northwards, ravaging as he went, till he found, at Loch

Ness, that there was an army of 5000 men under the Earl of Seaforth

prepared to resist his advance, while Argyll was behind him at

Inverlochy. Although Argyll's army considerably outnumbered his own,

Montrose turned southwards and made a rapid dash at Argyll's forces as

they lay at Inverlochy, and won a complete victory, the news of which

dispersed Seaforth's men and enabled Montrose to invite Charles to a

country which lay at his mercy. At Elgin he was joined by the heir of

the Marquis of Huntly, his forces increased, and the excommunication

which the Church immediately published against him seemed of but little

importance. On April 4th he seized Dundee, and on May 9th won a fresh

victory at Auldearn, which was followed, in rapid succession, by a

victory at Alford in July, and in August by the "crowning mercy" of

Kilsyth, which made him master of the situation, and forced Leven to

raise the siege of Hereford. From Kilsyth he marched to Glasgow, where

both the Highlanders and the Gordons began to desert him. From England,

Leven sent David Leslie to meet Montrose as he marched by the Lothians

into the border counties. On September 13th, 1645, just one year after

his victory at Aberdeen, Montrose was completely defeated at

Philiphaugh. He escaped, but his power was broken, and he was unable

henceforth to take any important share in the war.

When Charles surrendered himself to the Scots, in May, 1646, his friends

in Scotland were helpless, and he had to meet the Presbyterian leaders

without any hope beyond that of being able to take advantage of the

differences of opinion between Presbyterians and Independents, which

were fast assuming critical importance. The king held at Newcastle a

conference with Alexander Henderson, which led to no definite result. In

the end the Scots offered to adopt the king's cause if he would accept

Presbyterianism. This he declined to do, and his refusal left the Scots

no choice except keeping him a prisoner or surrendering him to his

English subjects. They owed him no gratitude, and, while it might be

chivalrous, it could scarcely be expedient to retain his person. While

he was unwilling to accede to their conditions they were powerless to

give him any help. He was therefore handed over to the commissioners of

the English Parliament, and the Scots, on the 30th January, 1647,

returned home, having been paid, as the price of the king's surrender,

the money promised them by the English Parliament when they entered into

the struggle in 1644.

In the end of 1647 the Scots again entered into the long series of

negotiations with the king. When Charles was a prisoner at Newport, and

while he was arranging terms with the English, he entered into a secret

agreement with commissioners from Scotland. The "Engagement", as it was

called, embodied the conditions which Charles had refused at

Newcastle--the recognition of Presbytery in Scotland and its

establishment in England for three years, the king being allowed

toleration for his own form of worship. The Engagement was by no means

unanimously carried in the Scottish Parliament, and its results were

disastrous to Charles himself. It caused the English Parliament to pass

the vote of No Addresses, and the second civil war, which it helped to

provoke, had a share in bringing about his death. The Duke of Hamilton

led a small army into England, where in August 17th, 1648, it was

totally defeated by Cromwell at Preston. Meanwhile the Hamilton party

had lost power in Scotland, and when Cromwell entered Scotland, Argyll,

who had opposed the Engagement, willingly agreed to his conditions, and

accepted the aid of three English regiments. In the events of the next

six months Scotland had no part nor lot. The responsibility for the

king's death rests on the English Government alone.

The news of the execution of the king was at once followed by the fall

of Argyll and his party. The Scots had no sympathy with English

republicanism, and they were alarmed by the growth of Independency in

England. On February 5th Charles II was proclaimed King of Great

Britain, France, and Ireland, and the Scots declared themselves ready to

defend his cause by blood, if only he would take the Covenant. This the

young king refused to do while he had hopes of success in Ireland.

Meanwhile three of his most loyal friends perished on the scaffold. The

English, who held the Duke of Hamilton as a prisoner, put him to death

on March 9th, 1649, and on the 22nd day of the same month the Marquis of

Huntly was beheaded at Edinburgh. On April 27th, Montrose, who had

collected a small army and taken the field in the northern Highlands,

was defeated at Carbisdale and taken prisoner. On the 25th May he was

hanged in Edinburgh, and with his death the story is deprived of its

hero.

The pressure of misfortune finally drove Charles to accept the Scottish

offers. Even while Montrose was fighting his last battle, his young

master was negotiating with the Covenanters. Conferences were held at

Breda in the spring of 1650, and Charles landed at the mouth of the

river Spey on the 3rd July, having taken the Covenant. In the middle of

the same month Cromwell crossed the Tweed at the head of an English

army. The Scots, under Leven and David Leslie, took up a position near

Edinburgh, and, after a month's fruitless skirmishing, Cromwell had to

retire to Dunbar, whither Leslie followed him. By a clever manoeuvre,

Leslie intercepted Cromwell's retreat on Berwick, while he also seized

Doon Hill, an eminence commanding Dunbar. The Parliamentary Committee,

under whose authority Leslie was acting, forced him to make an attack to

prevent Cromwell's force from escaping by sea. The details of the battle

have been disputed, and the most convincing account is that given by Mr.

Firth in his "Cromwell". When Leslie left the Doon Hill his left became

shut in between the hill and "the steep ravine of the Brock burn", while

his centre had not sufficient room to move. Cromwell, therefore, after a

feint on the left, concentrated his forces against Leslie's right, and

shattered it. The rout was complete, and Leslie had to retreat to

Stirling, while the Lowlands fell into Cromwell's hands. Cromwell was

conciliatory, and a considerable proportion of Presbyterians took up an

attitude hostile to the king's claims. The supporters of Charles were

known as Resolutioners, or Engagers, and his opponents as Protesters or

Remonstrants. The consequence was that the old Royalists and

Episcopalians began to rejoin Charles. Before the battle of Dunbar

(September 2nd) Charles had been really a prisoner in the hands of the

Covenanters, who had ruled him with a rod of iron. As the stricter

Presbyterians withdrew, and their places were filled by the "Malignants"

whom they had excluded from the king's service, the personal importance

of Charles increased. On January 1st, 1651, he was crowned at Scone, and

in the following summer he took up a position near Stirling, with Leslie

as commander of his army. Cromwell outmanoeuvred Leslie and seized

Perth, and the royal forces retaliated by the invasion of England, which

ended in the defeat of Worcester on September 3rd, 1651, exactly one

year after Dunbar. The king escaped and fled to France.

Scotland was now unable to resist Monk, whom Cromwell had left behind

him when he went southwards to defeat Charles at Worcester. On the 14th

August he captured Stirling, and on the 28th the Committee of Estates

was seized at Alyth and carried off to London. There was no further

attempt at opposition, and all Scotland, for the first time since the

reign of Edward I, was in military occupation by English troops. The

property of the leading supporters of Charles II was confiscated. In

1653 the General Assembly was reduced to pleading that "we were an

ecclesiastical synod, a spiritual court of Jesus Christ, which meddled

not with anything civil"; but their unwonted humility was of no avail to

save them. An earlier victim than the Assembly was the Scottish

Parliament. It was decided in 1652 that Scotland should be incorporated

with England, and from February of that year till the Restoration, the

kingdom of Scotland ceased to exist. The "Instrument" of Government of

1653 gave Scotland thirty members in the British Parliament. Twenty were

allotted to the shires--one to each of the larger shires and one to each

of nine groups of less important shires. There were also eight groups of

burghs, each group electing one member, and two members were returned by

the city of Edinburgh. Between 1653 and 1655 Scotland was governed by

parliamentary commissioners, and, from 1655 onwards, by a special

council. The Court of Session was abolished, and its place taken by a

Commission of Justice.[90] The actual union dates from 1654, when it was

ratified by the Supreme Council of the Commonwealth of England, but

Scotland was under English rule from the battle of Worcester. The wise

policy of allowing freedom of trade, like the improvement in the

administration of justice, failed to reconcile the Scots to the union,

and, to the end, it required a military force to maintain the new

government.

As Scotland had no share in the execution of Charles I, so it had none

in the restoration of his son. The "Committee of Estates", which met

after the 29th of May, was not lacking in loyalty. All traces of the

union were swept away, and the pressure of the new Navigation Act was

severely felt in contrast to the freedom of trade that had been the

great boon of the Commonwealth. But worse evils were in store. The

"Covenanted monarch" was determined to restore Episcopacy in Scotland,

and for this purpose he employed as a tool the notorious James Sharpe,

who had been sent up to London to plead the cause of Presbytery with

Monk. Sharpe returned to Scotland in the spring of 1661 as Archbishop of

St. Andrews. Parliament met by royal authority and passed a General Act

Rescissory, which rendered void all acts passed since 1638. The

episcopal form of church government was immediately established. The

Privy Council received enlarged powers, and was again completely

subservient to the king. The execution of Argyll atoned for the death of

Montrose, in the eyes of Royalists, and two notable ecclesiastical

politicians, Johnston of Warriston and James Guthrie, were also put to

death. An Indemnity Act was passed, but many men found that the king's

pardon had its price. On October 1st, 1662, an act was passed ordering

recusant ministers to leave their parishes, and the council improved on

the English Five Mile Act, by ordering that no recusant minister should,

on pain of treason, reside within twenty miles of his parish, within six

miles of Edinburgh or any cathedral town, or within three miles of any

royal burgh. A Court of High Commission, which had been established by

James VI in 1610, was again entrusted with all religious cases. The

effect of these harsh measures was to rouse the insurrections which are

the most notable feature of the reign. In 1666 the Covenanters were

defeated at the battle of Pentland, or Rullion Green, and those who were

suspected of a share in the rising were subjected to examination under

torture, which now became one of the normal features of Charles's brutal

government. Prisoners were hanged or sent as slaves to the plantations.

In 1669, an Indulgence was passed, permitting Presbyterian services

under certain conditions, but in 1670, Parliament passed a Conventicle

Act, making it a capital crime to "preach, expound scripture, or pray",

at any unlicensed meeting. On May 5th, 1679, Sharpe was assassinated

near St. Andrews. The murderers escaped, and some of them joined the

Covenanters of the west. The Government had determined to put a stop to

the meetings of conventicles, and had chosen for this purpose John

Graham of Claverhouse. On the 11th June, Claverhouse was defeated at

Drumclog, but eleven days later he routed the Covenanting army at

Bothwell Bridge, and took over a thousand prisoners. Only seven were

executed, but the others were imprisoned in Greyfriars' churchyard, and

a large number of them were sold as plantation slaves. A small rising at

Aird's Moss in Ayrshire, in 1680, was easily suppressed. In 1681 the

Scottish Parliament prescribed as a test the disavowal of the National

Covenant of 1638 and the Solemn League and Covenant of 1644, and it

declared that any attempt to alter the succession involved the subjects

"in perjury and rebellion". In connection with the Test Act, an

opportunity was found for convicting the Earl of Argyll[91] of treason.

His property was confiscated, but he himself was allowed to escape. The

last years of the reign, under the administration of the Duke of York,

were marked by exceptional cruelty in connection with the religious

persecutions. The expeditions of Claverhouse, the case of the Wigtown

martyrs, and the horrible cruelties of the torture-room have given to

these years the title of "the Killing time".

The Scottish Parliament welcomed King James VII with fulsome adulation.

But the new king was scarcely seated on the throne before a rebellion

broke out. The Earl of Argyll adopted the cause of Monmouth, landed in

his own country, and marched into Lanarkshire. His attempt was an entire

failure: nobody joined his standard, and he himself, failing to make

good his retreat, was captured and executed without a new trial. The

Parliament again enforced the Test Act, and renewed the Conventicle Act,

making it a capital offence even to be present at a conventicle. The

persecutions continued with renewed vigour. James failed in persuading

even the obsequious Parliament to give protection to the Roman

Catholics. He attempted to obtain the same end by a Declaration of

Indulgence, of which the Covenanters might be unable to avail

themselves, but in its final form, issued in May, 1688, it included

them. The conjunction of popery and absolute prerogative thoroughly

alarmed the Scots, and the news of the English Revolution was received

with general satisfaction. The effect of the long struggle had been to

weaken the country in many ways. Thousands of her bravest sons had died

on the scaffold or on the battle-field or in the dungeons of Dunnottar,

or had been exiled to the plantations. Trade and commerce had declined.

The records of the burghs show us how harbours were empty and houses

ruinous, where, a century earlier, there had been a thriving trade.

Scotland in 1688 was in every way, unless in moral discipline, poorer

than she had been while England was still the "auld enemy".

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 89: Sabbath observance had been introduced from England six

centuries earlier. Cf. p. 14.]

[Footnote 90: Justices of the peace were appointed throughout the

country, and heritable jurisdictions were abolished.]

[Footnote 91: The son of the Marquis who was executed in 1661. The

earldom, but not the marquisate, had been restored in 1663.]

An Outline of the Relations between England and Scotland (500-1707) · 第 10 / 11 章