_Of the Trade of Eastern India, Nueva España, and Filipinas with
Macao and Japon_
Beyond a doubt Christian interests in Japon and China are sustained
and prospered, after the grace of God, through the trade which your
Majesty's vassals carry on with those kingdoms; for the heathen there,
being avaricious, are much pleased with the gain they derive from
the goods carried to them, and from those which they sell to the
Christians. Therefore, they allow the religious of Europe in their
countries, because they know that, if they do not admit them, they
will not enjoy this trade; for they see that principally on account
of religion your Majesty's vassals come to them with their ships and
goods. This is shown by the experience of many years.
Although this trade may be profitable to your Majesty's subjects and to
your royal exchequer, it ought to be so carried on that not only may
these interests be advanced, but also in such a way that Christianity
shall not be injured. When any one of these interests is in danger, it
is plain that it would be a less evil to lose something of the temporal
[advantage from trade] than of the spiritual advantage resulting from
the conversion of souls there. There is no doubt that your Majesty
wishes it thus, as do all of your ministers, who are so anxious for
the honor of God and for the progress of His holy Catholic faith.
Trade with China and Japon is carried on as follows: from Eastern India
[to both countries] by way of the city of Macao, and entirely in the
hands of the Portuguese; from Felipinas and Nueva España to China, by
way of the same city of Macao; and [from Felipinas and Nueva España]
to Japon by way of the various Japonese cities, principally Nangasaqui.
From Eastern India eight-real pieces and other things in which there
is considerable profit are carried to China. From Macao, which is
a Chinese city, silks and gold, upon which profits are large, are
taken to Japon; while silver, which also yields profit, is taken
to China. From China, copper, silks, gold, and other articles are
transported to India. This trade is also remunerative. Since upon all
these things import and export duties are paid to your Majesty, this
trade is undoubtedly the means by which Eastern India is maintained;
for through it are made possible the large expenditures for the
fleets which the viceroys send each year against your Majesty's
enemies. Indeed, without this trade little could be done, because the
[_a word lacking; MS. worn_] customs would yield little.
From Nueva España silver is exported to China, but little more;
they do not carry silver thence to Japon, because there is no lack
of it there. Some other things are taken to Japon, among them silks
brought from China, but little else; for they have nothing in Nueva
España useful to Japon, except these few articles.
From Felipinas they carry to China silver obtained in Nueva España,
but there is nothing else to carry. To Japon they take silks which
they buy in China, or which the Chincheos are accustomed to bring to
Manila, which is unquestionably the metropolis of Felipinas.
From the trade of Nueva España and Felipinas with China and Japon less
in customs duties are paid to your Majesty than from that of Eastern
India with the same countries, because there is nothing upon which
to pay them except the silks. Thus this trade is not so advantageous
as that of Eastern India. Indeed, your Majesty's profits will be much
greater if this trade of Nueva España and Felipinas shall cease. This
will be experienced not only by the crown of Portugal, but even by
that of Castilla.
By the crown of Portugal this will be experienced because, if the
people of Eastern India alone were to sell goods and to buy those
of the Chinese and Japonese, they would obviously gain more and be
able to pay higher customs to your Majesty; for when the sellers
and buyers are many and different, all is to the advantage of the
Chinese and Japonese, because then they sell and buy on their own
terms. Under such circumstances your Majesty's subjects have sustained
great injuries, and many times have sold their goods for prices far
below what they had cost, in order not to carry them home. From these
circumstances, too, quarrels have arisen in China and Japon between
the subjects of the two crowns--to the discredit of España and to the
shame of Christians there who see discords among Christians and among
subjects of the same king. The Portuguese, in order not to suffer these
injuries, will abandon this trade: if they do so, Eastern India will
be in great danger, especially now, from those who go there from the
north. And your Majesty will even come to lose it; and this through
not having wherewith to maintain the fleet by means of which it is
protected and prospered, as has been shown by experience. In the same
way your Majesty will lose the city of Macao which you have in China,
for as it is in the territory of the king of China, it has no income
other than through this trade.
This result will also be experienced by the crown of Castilla, because
the trade of Nueva España with China serves only to carry thither
silver which ought to come to España, and to bring from China the
silks which might be sent from España. Whence great injuries to España
follow, as is notorious, through the loss both of the silver of which
it is deprived, and of the duties and profits on its silks. The trade
of Nueva España with Japon is also unprofitable, because there are no
goods on which to secure gain either going or returning, except what
they may get from the silks which they carry from China, to Japon,
and from some iron, copper, cabinets [_escritorios_], and similar
articles. Indeed, on account of the before-mentioned disadvantages,
it is easier to lose than to gain in this trade; and if it should
be expanded your Majesty would suffer other disadvantages. This has
already been seen on some occasions when it has been tried.
The trade of Filipinas with China may be hurtful in so far as the
silver carried is concerned, because this might come to España. It is
true, the silk trade with China is of some profit to Filipinas as a
basis of trade with Nueva España--which cannot be dispensed with--to
supply the things needed from there. But this silk trade might be
substituted by carrying some of the gold of Filipinas to Nueva España
to buy what is necessary from España, to which thereby would come more
advantage; and by carrying also some of the silks which the people
of Chincheo are wont to take to Manila. These are bought in this way
more advantageously than when the Filipinas merchants go to China to
buy, as has been seen during many years' experience with the former
method. But it might even be well to put an end to the coming of the
people of Chincheo to Manila (many of whom live there by agreement),
because they have already attempted to take possession of the city;
and now, when the Hollanders are resorting thither, this should be
more carefully watched. To prevent the coming of the Chinese, your
Majesty might order the inhabitants of Macao to take to Manila the
silks, bronze, and other things needed in Filipinas which the people
of Chincheo bring. And everything will be more secure, the profit
will be much greater, and all of it will accrue to your Majesty's
subjects if it be ordered that the Chinese shall not sell anything
that the inhabitants of Macao have to sell.
The trade of Filipinas with Japon is very hurtful to your Majesty
and to your subjects, since, as they carry in it nothing but silks
from China, which the people of Eastern India and those of Macao
also take to Japon, all the advantage lies with the Japonese; for,
as they are in their own land, and have a larger number of articles
to choose from, they buy where they wish and at their own figures,
and they sell their own goods in the same way. All this is injurious
to your Majesty's subjects, and advantageous to that king to whom they
pay so large customs duties. Sometimes the people of Felipinas and
those of Eastern India have returned without selling or buying, in
order not to suffer total loss. Thus results a great loss of customs
which ought to be paid to your Majesty. And not alone do you suffer
in your exchequer but also in your reputation, because the Japonese
despise your Majesty's subjects when they see the disorders that they
create; [7] and they lose [also] respect for your viceroys. When, in
order to correct this impression, certain embassies are sent to those
kings, they judge from this that your Majesty's subjects have greater
need of them than they have of your Majesty or your viceroys. This
has been observed during all these past years, especially among
the Japonese--who, being arrogant, proud, and warlike, think that
everything depends upon them, and ask odds of no one. They, judging
by the great number who go to Japon from Felipinas that they are
necessary to the latter, have ever thought of making war upon these
islands in order to conquer them for themselves. [_In the margin_:
"And now that the Northerners are there, it is possible for them
together to attack the forces."]
From what has been said the plain inference is that your Majesty,
who is king of both realms, ought to order that the trade be so
conducted that what is gained by one be not lost by the other. You
ought also to consider which line of trade will profit you most,
and should enforce this one and prohibit the other by decrees issuing
from both crowns, enforcing them through your viceroys, and imposing
severe penalties upon violators of such decrees, and greater ones
upon those who fail to require them to be kept. [_In the margin_:
"This was ordained by the king, Don Felipe Second, grandfather of
your Majesty, as the Council of Portugal will inform you."]
From the foregoing it is easily seen that the trade of Eastern India
is, from a temporal standpoint, the most profitable to your Majesty and
for your subjects; and from a spiritual standpoint, for the maintenance
and propagation of Christianity in China and Japon. This was proved
in the years during which this plan was tried. [_In the margin_:
"Conversion there has entirely ceased today because this plan has not
been tried during recent years, and because of the severity of the
present emperor of China, who even punished laymen for protecting the
religious who went from Felipinas to China contrary to his commands."]
It is plain, therefore, that the trade of Nueva España and Felipinas
with Japon and China is unprofitable in comparison with that of Eastern
India, not to mention the marked injuries already pointed out which it
inflicts upon España, and which must be repaired and corrected lest
greater ones be sustained. The trade always carried on with Nueva
España is fully sufficient to maintain Felipinas. In this they carry
gold and some of the silks which the Chinese merchants carry from
China to Manila to be sold; and they might bring silks from Macao,
should your Majesty now order it. In return they bring from Nueva
España what they need for their own maintenance and growth (to make
it unnecessary to go to Japon and China for the same). In proportion
as this plan has been observed the welfare of both the Eastern and the
Western Indias has been advanced; and the kingdoms of España have had
great profits from them, through their carrying silver and bringing
back merchandise. Now that the Hollanders are so powerful there, it is
necessary that this be watched with the greatest care and vigilance,
in order that what your Majesty gets from there may not be lost.
EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS
FROM THE MONTH OF JUNE, 617, UNTIL THE PRESENT DATE IN 618
Last year I informed you at length of the naval battle, and of the
signal victory which our Lord was pleased to give us over the enemy,
the Hollanders, who came to these islands with the largest force that
has ever been here. They brought ten galleons well equipped with men,
artillery, ammunition, and other implements of war. Of these ten
galleons they lost three in the battle--one, the admiral's ship,
was sunk, and two were burned. Four of the remaining seven fled to
Maluco, badly damaged. So many of their men were killed and wounded
that, although they had set out with a large number, they arrived
with scarcely one hundred. These were the messengers of an event
most disastrous for them but fortunate for us. The other ships fled
to Japon.
Until now the natives of the Malucas Islands had greatly favored
the heretics; but, loving novelty and seeing that the power of
the Hollanders had declined, they began to plan a revolt. When the
Hollanders learned of this, they hanged in Machien, one of their best
strongholds, a chief whom, it was understood, the natives wished
to place at the head of the insurrection. But in other quarters
they could not so quickly effect a remedy. In the island of Siao
the people killed all the Hollanders who had seized their land,
except three whom they handed over alive to our governor of Maluco
for galley-slaves. The natives of the island of Vanda [Banda] dealt
in the same manner with the Hollanders who were there, and gained the
ascendency. In Ambueno some of the natives revolted. The Hollanders
tried to pacify them by force of arms, but we do not know how the
affair ended. All this, however, was not what most disturbed the
Hollanders, but it was rather the fact that they saw that English ships
had come and formed an excellent stronghold in Pullovay. [8] Thus,
when the Hollanders undertook to eject the English from that port,
the two nations were engaged in as bloody warfare with each other as
[each was] with us. From all these circumstances it seems that the
strongholds of the Hollanders were about to fall; and that, if at
that time it had been possible to go with a fleet to the Malucas,
a great exploit might have been performed. By this means, as wrote
the governor of Ternate, Lucas de Vergara Gabiria, everything might,
perhaps, have turned in our favor. But it was not possible to do this
as was desired.
As I informed you in my report of last year, two other galleons,
called "Leon Rojo" and "Fregelingas," had separated from the rest
of the fleet near the coast of Ilocos, a province of the island of
Manila, in order to plunder, to more advantage and with less risk, the
Chinese who were accustomed to steer for that coast. For this reason
they took no part in the naval battle. This was very fortunate for
them, since, without loss of men or of artillery, they plundered nine
[many--_V.d.A._ [9]] Chinese ships, laden with very valuable silks
which the Chinese were bringing here to the city of Manila. When these
learned of the destruction of their fleet, they made haste to return
to Japon, where they arrived on the seventh of July, 617. On the way
they overtook two Chinese ships loaded with silks. They captured them,
and, as their own were full of the plunder that they had taken, they
put seven men as a guard on each of the Chinese ships and took them
thus to Japon. When in sight of Japon the ships were driven by a storm,
and one of the Chinese vessels was separated from the other and from
the two of the Hollanders. It made port in the kingdom of Satsuma. But
the authorities of this place, learning that the ship was a captive,
and disapproving of a thing so foreign to civilized intercourse, would
not consent that they should remain in the port longer than four days,
at the end of which time they forced them to leave. During these four
days the Chinese who came in the ships, about thirty-four in number,
went ashore and secretly bought some catanas, arms peculiar to Japon
and not very different from cutlasses. With these they embarked for
Firando, another kingdom of Japon. One night they suddenly fell upon
the Hollanders [the seven who guarded the ship], and, in spite of
their resistance, they beheaded them and threw them into the sea. The
Chinese then loaded all their goods upon little fishing boats that
they had provided for the purpose, and setting fire to their ship,
fled with their property in different directions. In all of this
they were very diligent and discreet. If they had not been so, the
Hollanders who reside in that kingdom undoubtedly would have taken
the ship away from them by legal process, because (as we shall see
later) the Hollanders have things much to their liking at the court
of the emperor.
The two galleons, "Leon Rojo" and "Fregelingas," and the other Chinese
ship, of which I spoke, arrived at Cochi [Kochi], a port of the
island of Firando, one league from the port and city of Firando. [10]
Here they began in great haste to unload the galleon, "Leon Rojo,"
with the purpose of going to look out for the ship of Macan. The
Portuguese who reside in Nangasaqui, learning of this design, went
to the governor of that city to complain of what the Hollanders were
planning. He sent them at once to the Jeno [11] of Firando with an
order by which the Jeno was commanded not to allow any Dutch ship to go
out in search of the ship of Macan commanded by the Portuguese. This
precaution, however, was unnecessary, because our Lord prevented,
by other means, the accomplishment of their purpose. On the day of
the blessed apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, a furious storm overtook
them while they were in the port of Cochi. The "Leon Rojo" ran aground
and filled with water; the "Fregelingas," through loss of mainmast
and rigging, was badly shattered. The Chinese ship also ran aground,
and silks of great value were injured by water. With infinite labor
and expense they hauled off the "Leon Rojo," and, as best they could,
they took it to the port of Firando. They were compelled, however,
to give it up and leave it here for lost, because the leak was so
great that it was impossible to stop it. They took the "Fregelingas"
also to Firando, where they quickly repaired it.
There remains to be told the fate of another ship, called the "Sol
Viejo" ["Old Sun"], that fled from the battle of last year and was
confidently believed to have foundered in the sea. In it, however, the
Dutch general, Juan Rodriguez Lam, [12] escaped. With only eighty men,
who remained with him, he crossed to the coast of Camboja, and went
to the port of Champan [Champa _V.d.A._] in order to repair the damage
that the ship had sustained here in the Felipinas. They were not able
to go, as they wished, from there to Patam, where they had a factory,
because the vendavals, which were contrary, had now arisen. Therefore,
they were forced to put into Japon at the port of Nangasaqui,
where they entered with two other ships of theirs. One of these, the
"Leon Negro" ["Black Lion"], carried one hundred and fifty-five men,
and twenty-eight pieces of artillery, all of cast iron; the other,
the "Galeaça," carried ninety-five men and twenty-four pieces of
artillery. The Dutch general had met these two ships on their way
from Bantan, where the Hollanders had another factory. The "Leon
Negro" and the "Galeaça" had captured three Chinese vessels that were
going to Bantan to trade with the Hollanders. To save the Chinese the
trouble, the Hollanders had loaded all the goods of the Chinese upon
their own ships, thus taking from them the great wealth of silk they
were carrying, and leaving them only the hulks of the ships. [_In
the margin_: "Not the least compensation was made for such great
injustice and injury."] Sailing, then, by way of Hermosa Island, these
two ships had sighted the "Sol Viejo;" and, thinking that it was the
ship of Macan, they were much rejoiced, and prepared to seize it. When
they came a little nearer, however, they discovered that it was the
"Sol Viejo," in which was their own general, who had fled routed from
the naval battle that took place in these islands. Distressed at the
bad news [of their defeat in this battle], they together [with the
"Sol Viejo"] directed their course to Nangasaqui, where they made
port the first of July, 617. While these three ships were anchored
within the bar of this port, news arrived that the ship of Macan
was eight or ten leguas at sea. The governor of Nangasaqui prepared
and sent a message to the Portuguese to the effect that they could
enter the port without any fear whatever of the Hollanders. But,
not considering this safe, they withdrew to another port near by,
where they felt more secure. When the governor saw that, on account
of the Hollanders, the ship did not enter his port, he commanded
that notice be given to the Hollanders, in the name of the emperor,
that they should go at once to their port of Firando, which had been
assigned to them for trade with Japon. They disregarded this command
and replied that they had come to Japon with no other purpose than to
look for that ship, which they must take without fail. The governor
responded with a second notification, and so they thought it best to
leave unobstructed the entrance to Nangasaqui, and to go to Firando,
where they joined five Dutch vessels--including the "Leon Rojo,"
which had been abandoned.
As has been ascertained, these heretics plundered on the coast of
Manila eighteen Chinese ships, besides the two which on their return
to Japon they [the "Leon Rojo" and the "Fregelingas"] had carried
with them as they were, loaded, and the three which the ships coming
from Bantan [the "Leon Negro" and the "Galeaça"] had despoiled. This
robbery caused much commotion in Japon. The brother of the ruler of
Firando governed that state at this time, because of the absence of
the latter, who had gone to court. He accordingly placed guards upon
the Dutch ships as soon as they arrived, and commanded that no one
should go to them or buy anything from them until the emperor should
know of their arrival, which he reported immediately. The Hollanders,
paying no attention to these orders, began to unload their cloth
until they filled the warehouses of their factory, leaving the
surplus in the ships. Much of this cloth was wet, because, as I
said above, their vessels [the "Leon Rojo" and the "Fregelingas"]
and that of the Chinese had been shipwrecked. As this was the rainy
season, it was impossible to dry it; and thus, to their great sorrow,
much was lost. They secretly sold everything that they could before
there should come from the court any order that might be to their
disadvantage. They made a large sum of money, and then in all haste
they loaded a great number of the boxes of silk upon the "Leon Negro,"
which they put in readiness for whatever might happen. They then
despatched their messengers to Macao [_sc_. Meaco], the court of the
emperor, to whom they presented four fine pieces of bronze artillery,
which he prized very highly. They sent also thirty thousand taes
of silver, each one equal in weight to ten Spanish reals, and many
pieces of various kinds of silk, with which they gained the good
will of the emperor and of the courtiers upon whom their prosperity
and security in Japon depended. As a result of this, they were soon
very successful in their negotiations, at which they were greatly
pleased; for they were given permission to sell their spoils in the
kingdom of Japon to whom and wherever they pleased, since they said
that the Spaniards were their enemies and that the Chinese were going
to trade with them [the Spaniards]. With the matter thus arranged,
they returned to Firando, and, as they found themselves in such favor,
the first thing that they did was to take back from the poor Chinese
the hulk of the ship and some cloth of little value, which they had
given them because they had feared that they might not be successful
at court. And they did this in spite of the fact that the Chinese,
with their good industry and hard labor, had drawn from the water
the ship, which, as has been said, was stranded and submerged. The
Hollanders carried this spoliation to such an extent that they took
their very clothes from their bodies.
Having completed this very successful exploit, on the fifteenth of
October they despatched for Holanda the "Leon Negro" with sixteen
hundred boxes of changeable silk. Each box contained two picos of
silk (each pico equals five arrobas); besides this, they shipped
three hundred fardos of black and white mantas--all of which will
yield a great sum of money, if it reaches its destination. In the ship
"Fregelingas" the Dutch general returned to the strongholds of Maluco;
he carried with him a great quantity of timber to repair other ships,
and many provisions and munitions to supply their fortresses. The
other two ships, the "Sol Viejo" and the "Galeaça," warned us that
they intended to come to the coast of Manila about April, in order to
plunder at once the ships which come to this city at that season. This
has really happened, because for almost two months two Dutch ships have
been in the place [13] [where they seized the ships from China. This
has caused much apprehension in this city--_V.d.A._] which last year
furnished so powerful a fleet; for then it had galleons with which
to defend itself. Now it has none, because six galleons were sent
to other islands in order that the injuries that they had received
in the late battle might be repaired. On the eleventh of October a
furious hurricane overtook the ships and, [since they had been pierced
by balls in the battle--_marginal note in MS.; also in V.d.A_.] they
parted in the middle and sank in the sea. The twenty-four pieces of
artillery which the galleons carried--four in each galleon--were lost
with the ships. They were, however, neither very large nor of much
value. Most of the people escaped by swimming, or upon some rafts;
but as many as four hundred persons, including Spaniards, Indians,
and Chinese, were drowned. And some of those who had escaped from the
storm by means of the rafts perished from hunger out at sea, after the
storm subsided. In this event the justice of God was evident, because
it is said that that many had embarked upon these galleons with their
concubines, purposely to live with them in the holds of the ships,
without fear of either God or man; therefore our Lord permitted men and
galleons to run aground. [Not only was the city deprived of these six
ships, but] it must be added the information received from his Majesty
that the fleet of galleons formed in Cadiz to come here, by way of the
cape of Buena Esperança, had been sent toward Saboya [_i.e._, Savoy]
to impede the expedition of Count Mauricio to that dukedom. This city,
seeing itself thus deprived of the forces that it had and of those
that it expected, resolved at once to build six galleons and some
galleys; this they are doing with all speed. But as these ships have
not yet been finished (and cannot be very soon) they were worthless
to oppose these two Dutch vessels that have been along the coast of
Ilocos, a province of the island of Manila, and have plundered at will
everything within their reach. According to some, they have despoiled
of silks and other merchandise twelve or thirteen ships. Thus only
the smallest number escaped falling into their hands, and then only
by the merest chance. However, on the night of the eighteenth of May,
the Dutch ships were in danger of shipwreck. There arose a strong wind,
a vendaval, which obliged them to take care of their own ships and to
release the Chinese vessels that they had with them. Four of these,
delighted at this good opportunity, resolved to flee, and as the
winds were favorable, they set out on the return voyage to China.
The Dutch carried on this pillaging with little risk, and without fear,
because they had learned, through some prisoners who had escaped, of
the loss of our galleons. With these spoils they returned, I think, to
Japon, where they will again be received as they were last year. And
the worst of it is that they will delight in coming [every year to
inflict as much more damage; and therefore the Chinese will not dare
to come--_V.d.A._] to this city with their ships, and commerce will
cease. Everything will then be lost, because the prosperity of these
islands depends solely upon trade with China. May God prevent this
with his powerful hand.
In the island of Oton a strange thing happened this year. The ships
that usually go with supplies to aid the forces of Maluco were
despatched from the city of Manila. In one of the best of these
embarked Manuel Riveyro, a father of our Society from the house of
Ternate. He had come here to solicit and collect the alms which his
Majesty orders to be given to the fathers who labor in the Malucas
Islands. For many days, for years even, nothing had been given;
and, as a result, Ours were suffering great privation. The father
was very successful and collected from the royal treasury a large
sum of money. Part of this he spent for very rich ornaments and
for images for our churches; part for ship stores, and for gifts
with which to aid the poor soldiers in those strongholds of Maluco,
who suffer great want. These soldiers are materially assisted by our
fathers who reside there, to the great edification and gratitude of
the soldiers. With these supplies the father embarked in one of the
ships, and arrived at Punta de Najo [Naso--_V.d.A._], about eight
leagues from the town of Arebalo, where the king's ships go to take
on rice and meat for the Malucas. At this town it was necessary for
the father of our Society, and other fathers of St. Francis, to go
ashore to obtain some things which they needed, in order to have them
ready when the ship should arrive. Therefore they disembarked to go
by land, and the ship anchored off the point. One day the master,
who was called Juan de Ochoa Sarape [? Lara--_V.d.A._], brought it
about by deceit that the captain of the ship, Francisco Benitez,
the pilot, and two soldiers who were not of his following, should
disembark. There were on board also two mariners, a Galician and a
Castilian, neither of whom had sided with him in the treason that he
had planned with the others. He sent these down the hatchway for some
ropes, and then took a lock and fastened the hatchway. Thereupon the
traitors unsheathed their swords, drew their arquebuses and muskets,
and lighted their fuses. Standing under arms, they cut the cables, and
set sail, taking possession of the ship and of all the goods that it
carried for the king, for the governor of Maluco, and for the fathers
of San Francisco and of our Society, all of which, they say, might be
worth more than thirty thousand pesos. The captain and the pilot, who
witnessed this treason from land, embarked at once in a little vessel,
and, coming near the ship, discharged three muskets, none of which
did any damage. The traitors asked the pilot whether he wished to go
with them. Seeing that neither he nor the captain was so inclined,
they took them to land, and in their ship changed their course to
Borney and Macasar. This treason was committed by twelve Spaniards,
eight of whom were Biscayans and four Castilians. They made captain
the master [of the ship] who was the author of the treason. Besides
these [twelve Spaniards], there were on board this ship the other
two Spaniards, whom, as I said, they were carrying as prisoners,
as well as some Indians of this country who also were compelled to
go. When Father Ribeiro considered how much labor it had cost him to
get together the help he was carrying there for the fathers of Maluco,
this disaster caused him some distress--all the greater when he thought
of the hunger and need that they must suffer. But our Lord prevented
this. The father started out to beg alms from the inhabitants of the
town; and in a short time he got together an abundant supply of rice,
wine, and meat for one year, for all responded liberally to relieve a
necessity that had so moved them to pity. The father set, sail with
all this in another ship, and we trust that, by God's help, he is
already in Maluco. This is the same vessel that had been despatched
this year for Nueva España as almiranta. It left port so heavily
laden that it was necessary to put back into harbor to unload part
of the merchandise, so as to be able to make the voyage. This done,
they set out a second time from the port; but they encountered such
violent storms that, after sailing entirely around the island of
Manila, losing the masts, and imperiling their lives, they returned
to Manila on the seventh of October, 617. Afterward the vessel was
utilized [for Ternate] in the manner indicated above.
From the Mindanaos there came persistent rumors that they were
undertaking to set out with a large fleet to besiege the fort of Caraga
which was in the same island, Mindanao, and held in check a province
of that island. Its inhabitants do not now engage in robberies and
hostile incursions by sea, as has been their custom. [Upon receipt
of this news] two galleys were despatched from the city of Manila, in
order that with the caracoas that were to be found in Zebu they might
go to aid the fort. They left Zebu for Caraga, but before arriving
there our fleet turned back, partly because notice was received
that the rumor had not been true, and partly because the winds had
arisen. These winds would have greatly endangered our ships upon
their entrance to and departure from that coast, which is very bold.
But, although we have been free from these enemies this year, we
have had to deal with others, the Camucones, [14] a people who owe
allegiance to the king of Burney, They are thieves who scour the
sea, plundering everything within their reach. They are so cruel
that they never imprison, but kill all upon whom they can lay their
hands. These people came to the Filipinas this year with seven caracoas
and seventeen _ajuangas_, vessels resembling large galleys, but not
so strong; ordinarily they carry four hundred men at the oars. They
did very little damage, however, for they must have heard that our
fleet was on the sea, and therefore they soon withdrew to their own
territory. Their withdrawal was also due in no small degree to the
fact that when they once landed upon an island the native Indians,
sallying forth, killed some of their men and put their heads upon
poles along the coast in order to terrify the rest. It was the special
providence of our Lord that our father provincial did not fall into
the hands of these corsairs when he went to visit the Pintados Islands,
for when they [the father and his crew] were not far from the islands,
a strong wind came up ahead of them, which compelled them to remain
sheltered in a small bay for more than fifteen days. Here the news
of these enemies came to them, and therefore the father retired to
Manila. It is certain that if that contrary wind had not arisen he
would have gone forward, and would have fallen into their hands.
The devotion to the Immaculate Conception of the most sainted Virgin
has greatly increased among all the people. As soon as the ship from
Nueva España arrived, bringing the news of the elaborate demonstrations
that had been made in all España in honor of this Lady, they began to
place on all the corners and upon the doors of churches notices that
read, "Praised be the most holy sacrament and the Immaculate Conception
of the most holy Virgin, conceived without blot of original sin." There
was no lack of persons who tried to efface one of these notices that
was on the door of the church of Santo Domingo, a fact which caused
the people to burn with greater devotion to this Lady. It was arranged
that for two nights there should be a procession of masked figures. In
it a banner with an image of the Immaculate Conception was displayed;
lamps were placed throughout the city; the cathedral bells began
to chime; and the orders formed in line of march. One devout person
placed on the corners eighteen images of the Conception of our Lady,
with a legend reading, "Without blot of original sin." Other pious
people adorned these images with gilded ornaments and lights that burn
all night. The children continually recited before these images, in
loud voices, various couplets in praise of the Immaculate Conception,
thus fulfilling that saying of David, _ex ore infantium e lactentium_
["out of the mouths of babes and sucklings"], etc.
Concerning the persecution in Japon, I can only say that with the death
of Daytusama, who was the chief cause of the expulsion of our fathers,
[15] it was hoped that the persecution would cease or at least would
abate. On the contrary it has increased under the new administration of
his son, who is so hostile to the law of Christ our Lord that simply
because of our holy faith he has martyred one religious from each
of the four orders there. These four religious, among many others,
had gone about secretly, as in England, with great labor cultivating
that vineyard. This event occasioned much rejoicing in the hearts of
all the people of this city, the laity as well as the religious. They
talked of making fiestas and public rejoicings in thanksgiving that
our Lord had adorned the four orders that are in these islands with
four martyrs so distinguished. But in order not to further provoke to
wrath the ruler of Japon, who had ordered their death, and for other
reasons, it was thought best to suspend for the present all kinds of
fiestas. Among those who suffered this fortune or fate was a father
of our Society named Juan Bautista Tavora, a native of the island of
Tercera. He died in company with a father of San Francisco. Afterward
they martyred two others, one of Santo Domingo, and the other of San
Agustin, and in order that respect might not be paid by the Christians
to their bodies, the heathen threw them into the sea. The bodies of
the father of our Society and the father of Santo Domingo were placed
together in one box; those of the two fathers of San Francisco and San
Agustin in another. These last were afterward found, but the first
were not. The account of all that happened concerning this matter I
will place in the relation of that province [Japon] where these most
happy deaths will be related at length.
I will conclude this account with one of the most singular events
that have ever happened in the world. Although it is discreditable to
the Order of St. Augustine, it should be related here with all truth,
because it is so public and will be so noised about through all the
world. When Fray Vicente de Sepulveda, [16] first cousin of Father
Juan Laurencio, rector of the College of Mexico, finished his term of
three years as provincial, the fathers of St. Augustine met in chapter
in a convent near the city of Manila, to elect a new provincial. They
chose Fray Geronimo de Salas, [17] not without dissensions and discords
between the two parties into which they are divided. This provincial
died twenty days after his election. He died, as some say (and this
opinion seems not without foundation, as we shall see further on),
from poison that they gave him, and consequently his death was very
sudden. By the death of this Fray Geronímo de Salas, Fray Vicente de
Sepulveda returned to the office of provincial, as their regulations
provide. It seemed to some religious who were not of his party that it
was too much for him to govern three more years, so they planned to
cut the thread of life for him--by means of poison, since this would
not betray them. They gave it to him more than eight times in his
food and drink--in his chocolate, and even in the wine with which
he was consecrated. The poison was ground glass, and it resulted
in eruptions over his entire body and in illness for several days,
but it did not produce death. When the conspirators saw that their
attempts so far had been unsuccessful, four of them planned to kill
him with their own hands. The affair was so public that not only was
the conspiracy noised about among the friars but also among the laity
of Manila. Thus it came to the ears of the provincial himself, who
had not lived as prudently as he should have done for the safety of
his person. After this, he was very careful about his food and drink;
he locked himself in at night, and entrusted the key of the apartment
to only a few. He ordered one, who was the author of the treason
(and he was the one that was suspected), that in virtue of his [the
provincial's] holy precept, he should not come into the convent of
Manila, but that he should prepare to embark for Nueva España where
they should take from him the cowl. Thereupon this individual, Fray
Juan de Ocadiz--who was a native of Madrid, a priest, and one of long
service in his order--formed an agreement with three others, all young
men about twenty years of age, who had been ordained to preach. These
were Fray Juan de Quintana and Fray Andres Encinas (both natives of
Manila), and Fray Ignacio de Alcaraz, born in Nueva España in a place
near Acapulco, called I think, Quatulco. Fray Ignacio was companion
and secretary to this provincial, and so he had the opportunity of
making a key to the apartment, by first making an impression of the
key in wax. On the thirty-first of July, 617, the day of our Father
Ignacio, at eleven o'clock at night, the four opened the door of
the provincial's apartment with the key that had been prepared
for the purpose. The provincial heard the noise immediately, and
suspecting what it might be, rose from the bed, and went shouting to
meet them. At this juncture the three evangelists repented of what
had been begun, and talked of withdrawing from it. But Fray Juan de
Ocadiz, bolder than the rest, since he had already begun the work,
told them that if they deserted he would have to stab them. Thereupon
all four together attacked the provincial, threw him upon the bed,
and held his mouth. The three evangelists held his arms and legs
firmly, and Fray Juan de Ocadiz, putting his knees upon his stomach,
choked with his hands. While the friar was choking him, the provincial
begged for confession. Fray Juan said, "Father, repent of your sins,
and in token of this clasp my hand." The provincial took his hand,
and the murderer absolved him, adding, "Trust, Father, in our Lord,
who will pardon your sins." Upon this he seized his throat, and
finished choking him. Then with diabolical cruelty, in order to be
more certain [that he was dead] they twisted his neck against the bed
in such a way that they disjointed the bones, no that the head fell
from one side to the other as if he had been a dead fowl. All this
tragedy was committed in the dark, so they went for a light, cleansed
the provincial's body of the blood that had gushed from his mouth,
changed his bed-linen and garments, and set everything in good order,
that it might appear that he had died of some sudden accident. They
did not take into consideration the many discolorations upon his
body, or the twisted neck, that must soon give testimony of the
hideous crime. Fray Andres Encinas took all the bloody clothing and
threw it into the closets. The others closed the door from within,
with a cross bar, and jumped through a little window. Although the
provincial had given many loud cries, and other friars lived near
the apartment, nothing was heard in the convent--a thing that seems
impossible. After the crime was completed the bells rang for matins,
for which it was now time. The murderers, or rather parricides, with
great craftiness went to prayers. Morning came, and the hour arrived
at which the provincial was accustomed to open his apartment; but he
did not open it. They waited a little, but he did not come out. They
knocked at the door, but he did not respond; they knocked louder,
but in vain. The prior and the other friars, who were ignorant of
the affair, determined to break down the doors. They did so, entered,
and then beheld the crime, and saw that the provincial had been killed
with violence. The prior, a certain Fray del Rincon, [18] hastened to
the president of the royal Audiencia and to Don Geronimo de Sylva,
captain-general, in order that they might give him help of which he
was destitute because there was so great a tumult in the convent. They
soon came with men. First the president ordered that all the friars
should go one by one to kiss the hand of the dead man, in order that he
might note the countenance of each. Finally they buried the provincial,
and every one can well infer what would be said of the whole order;
for people will forget that in the apostolic college there was a Judas
and in Heaven a Lucifer, and yet the other apostles and the angels did
not fall on this account. Reports of the affair were transmitted to the
bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, of the Order of St. Augustine,
and at that time governor of the archbishopric of Manila. He imprisoned
some and tortured others; and in a short time, and with little trouble,
the criminals were discovered. He made all the investigations, prepared
the case, and handed it over to the _definitorio_, which, as they
said, had by right jurisdiction in the matter. The definitorio, which
was composed of nine of the most prominent friars of their order,
advised with the other orders as to whether, without consulting
the pope, it could condemn the criminals to actual degradation and
deliver them over to the secular arm. The Society [of Jesus] avoided,
as far as it could, giving its opinion upon an affair that was of
such moment, and that must create such a sensation. In the decision
of the affair, whether wise or unwise, it was best for us not to
interfere. The authors were examined, and upon the advice of wise
and learned men the definitorio resolved to give the sentence. It was
read to the criminals from the pulpit of the church of St. Augustine,
on the nineteenth of September, 617, before all the people, who had
congregated to witness a spectacle so extraordinary. Immediately they
took from him the cowl, and left them with only some short cassocks
such as are worn by clergymen. They delivered them to the bishop,
who was already prepared for the degradation. He immediately began to
degrade them, and then delivered them over to the secular arm. They
were taken to jail by the strong guard of soldiers that had been in the
church ever since the criminals had been removed from the prisons to
hear the sentence. But it was possible to execute this sentence against
three only, because Fray Andres Encinas had escaped the night before,
in company with a lay brother who was guarding him. With chains and
all, the lay brother removed him from the prison at twelve o'clock at
night, and, placing him upon his back, carried him along an unfinished
wall of the convent, with great danger to both of falling and killing
themselves. He took from him the chains and, together with another
lay brother of their order, they jumped from the wall and fled in
great haste. On the twenty-second of September of the same year,
617, the secular tribunal pronounced the sentence of death upon the
three. They were taken from the jail amid a great retinue of religious
of all orders, who were assisting, and of soldiers who were guarding
the prisoners. At ten o'clock in the morning they were hanged in the
square before the largest assembly of people, I think, I have ever seen
in my life. They died with suitable preparation. I am unwilling to omit
the account of a very peculiar circumstance. Twenty years ago they were
hanging in Madrid that Augustinian friar because he wished to make a
pastry-cook king of Portugal, and to marry him to Doña Ana de Austria,
the mother of Fray Juan de Ocadiz. She was watching the proceeding,
and all at once she began to scream and weep. When asked the cause
of this she replied that she fancied she saw on the gallows her son,
who was an Augustinian friar. Followed by a large crowd they took the
bodies of these three men who had been hanged, to the convent of San
Agustin for interment, where they will remain with their provincial
until God calls them to judgment. The friars then very diligently
searched for the one who had fled, in order to execute upon him
the same sentence. At first they did not find him. And afterward,
although they might have captured him, they did not, because they did
not feel obliged to revive the painful remembrances and cause to all,
and especially to his mother and the relatives whom he has here,
the grief and distress that the first three deaths occasioned.
Besides these there were found guilty in the affair Fray Joseph de
Vides, a native of Mexico, who had been instructor of the novices;
and Fray Pedro de Herrera, a native of Medina del Campo, who had
been professor of theology, and who now was prior of a convent. As
these two were not so guilty as the others the friars took from them
the cowl, and sentenced them to six years at the galleys in Maluco;
and to suspension [from mass] for one additional year, on account of
the reverence that is due to so high and divine a mystery. They were
handed over to the secular tribunal, and were put upon galleys. But
in a few days they escaped, and embarked upon a small ship in company
with Fray Andres Encinas and the lay brother who had freed him from
prison. All four set out together upon the return to Malaca, in order
to go from that place to Goa, España, and finally to Rome. Such is the
unfortunate event which was reported last year to the pope, the king,
and all the world alike. This year report will be made of the justice
meted out to the malefactors. [19] And as more than four lies will
be written, I have thought it best that your Reverences should know
the affair just as it occurred, nothing being added or omitted. [20]
_Events at Ternate_
Since this was written, advices came from Ternate that brought us some
news which I will add here. The aid that was sent from this city to
the Malucas Islands arrived, and those who carried it found in the
passage two Dutch ships awaiting them, to prevent their entrance to
our fortifications, and even to take the supplies, if possible. They
made an attack and our people thought best to withdraw; but after
some days they returned by another route, to land the supplies if
they could. They again found the Hollander in the road and, being
attacked a second time, they fought, made a great effort to pass,
and succeeded--although the enemy so pursued one ship, the admiral's,
that it ran aground in the island of Tidore. Most of the people were
saved, but some the enemy killed with musket-shots, and some, who threw
themselves into the water, perished. Captain Alonso Martin Quirante,
who was in our stronghold of Tidore, hurried out and prevented the
enemy from taking anything from the ship.
Many of the provisions that were in the ship were lost, among them
almost all of those that the father, as I mentioned above, was taking
for our fathers. In the thick of the battle this father was the first
to be wounded. He was struck on the arm by a splinter, but his wound
was of little consequence. The soldiers, however, will not because of
this loss be in want this year; for the English went [to the Malucas]
with a shipload of rice to trade for cloves, and the viceroy sent
six galeotas of provisions from India.
The above-mentioned captain, Alonso Martin Quirante, made an
ambuscade, in which he killed twenty-one Hollanders and captured
four. Of the enemy, twenty-five Hollanders and many of the Indians of
their following deserted to our fortifications. Although the king of
Tidore has always been very favorable to us, the prince his son has
been very friendly and of much importance to the Hollanders. But our
Lord has been pleased to destroy these friendly relations in this
way. The Hollanders, for what reason I do not understand, hanged
one and drowned four of the people of Tidore. On account of this
the prince has been so opposed to them that he has sworn to avenge
himself, and to do them all the injury that he can. And he will do
this, without doubt, because he is very valiant.
So much for the Malucas. To this may be added the fact that the admiral
Heredia had made, at his own expense, a beautiful, though not very
large, ship with which to serve his Majesty whenever occasion might
offer. Just as soon as it was launched upon the sea, it was overtaken
by a storm so severe that it foundered and was lost.
I forgot to say that one [_Marginal note_--Sequeyra's ship] of the two
ships that were despatched last year for Nueva España, but did not
arrive there, was separated from the other. It must be known that a
certain de Sequeira, a Portuguese of the Order of Christ [_del Habito
de Christo_], went in it as captain. He had come as general of the
fleet which five years ago the king sent by way of the cape of Buena
Esperanca, [21] and he carried a cédula from his Majesty to the effect
that they should send him back at once by the same route. Instead,
they detained him four years in this city, much against his will. At
last they sent him as captain of this ship in order that he might go
to España by way of Nueva España. They loaded upon this ship goods
of high value, although not a great quantity of them, because the
vessel was small. He began his voyage with favorable winds astern,
and when he had reached the latitude of more than 30 degrees, he
saw that he might turn toward India; but, the brisas beginning to
vex the ships, he ordered the return, and, arriving at these islands,
disembarked some Castilians whom he carried but who did not wish to go
with him. He steered for Malaca and India, in order to go, they say,
to España upon the voyage which his Majesty had ordered. He arrived at
Malaca and died, I think, in Cochin. Nothing more is known [of him],
nor [is it known] what will be done with the goods that he carried.
The ships from Nueva España arrived very late, at the beginning of
July. It was fortunate that the vendavals were very much delayed this
season; for, if they had begun when they usually do, it would have
been impossible for the ships to reach these islands this year. But
God chose to bring to us the governor [22] who was so much desired. A
grand reception, with many costly triumphal arches, was prepared for
him in Manila. But he embarked from the port of Cabite in a galley,
and entered quietly into the palace through a postern gate near by,
and therefore the whole reception fiesta was a failure. And when
they desired him to go out of the city again, in order that he might
enter with solemnity, he said that he did not wish them to carry him
in procession as if he were a penitent, and so he remained there.