THROUGH THE HINDENBURG LINE
(_September 7-30, 1918_)
Along the entire front from the Belgian coast to Alsace the Allied
advance progressed with a vigour and speed that surpassed the hopes of
the civilized nations, and now began seriously to sap the morale of the
Hun. One of the many satisfactory results of this rapid progress was the
shortening of the front, in consequence of which divisions were squeezed
out of the line at the conclusion of each move forward by the overlapping
of divisions on either flank. Sometimes a division that had penetrated
farther than its flanking divisions would be squeezed out when these drew
level; at times a division that had encountered greater opposition, and
had had to fight for every yard of ground, would be overlapped by troops
which had advanced beyond it across less difficult country. Divisions
were thus given more frequent opportunities for recuperation and
reorganization, and for the training of the new drafts which were being
hurried across the sea to repair the heavy losses inseparable from even
the most successful assault.
Though the casualties of the 42nd Division had been small in comparison
with the value of its accomplishment and the loss it had inflicted upon
the enemy, it had suffered severely; and a fortnight of rest, recreation,
and training in villages through which its recent victorious advance had
been made was a boon that was much appreciated. A number of tents were
provided, but the greater part of the troops had to dig in, or repair
damaged German shelters. There was no lack of material, so weather-proof
and fairly comfortable quarters were soon available. Each brigade of
the Divisional Artillery was granted a brief respite of three or four
days in which to “wash and brush up,” and get a little sleep after their
exacting toil. D.H.Q. was at Riencourt in a German ammunition dump, at
one end of which was a kind of museum containing a specimen of every
variety of shell in the dump. The whole area from Bus-en-Artois to Ytres
was utterly devastated, and the once flourishing town of Bapaume was
a heap of brickdust. Horrible evidences of recent fighting and of the
battles of early spring were oppressively apparent. But the Division was
now inured to horrors—not callous to suffering, but accustomed to death,
and able to look it in the face. Men would risk all to save an injured
comrade, and would even do much to assist a badly wounded enemy, but
once a man was dead they accepted philosophically the fact that there
was no help for it, and they had better think of something else. The
interest and physical effort of sports and games, hard work and training
helped men to forget. The training was of a thoroughly practical nature
in attacks against strong positions, all arms co-operating; and officers
and men threw themselves into it with a zest that clearly indicated
their determination not only to “go one better” than the enemy, but also
to eclipse their own previous performances. The spirit of the men is
illustrated by a story told to the C.R.A. by the Commander of the N.Z.
Division. A diminutive Lancashire lad was found in the New Zealanders’
trenches. On being asked what he was doing there he replied, “Just
looking round,” and added in explanation: “We’re waiting out at rest just
behind you chaps until the next attack starts. We’re the Storm Troops,
you see!”
Ever since first meeting the New Zealanders in the early spring, about
Hébuterne, the two divisions had been firm friends. The N.Z.s were
very big men with big strength, ideas, and hearts, but they exhibited
great liking for their brothers of smaller stature from Lancashire, and
recognized that small bodies may contain very big hearts. They were
unfailingly ready to co-operate in any work that would help to beat
the Boche. The nickname of “The Pull-Throughs,” which they gave to the
Division, contained an uncomplimentary allusion to the size of the
men—the flannel pull-through measuring four inches by two inches—and
at the same time an appreciative reference to the way in which they
invariably pulled through each task entrusted to them. Another division
with which the 42nd had been brought into the closest touch was the
37th—a very fine division. The relations between the 37th and 42nd were
always most cordial, and each knew that it could always rely upon the
other’s whole-hearted co-operation.
On the night of September 21-22 the Division relieved the 37th Division
in the left sector of the 4th Corps front, rather more than a mile east
of Havrincourt Wood, and just east of Trescault, places with which the
Division had made acquaintance in the spring of 1917. D.H.Q. was moved to
Velu Wood, taking over what had been the H.Q. of the German 14th Reserve
Corps, a beautifully fitted place in the middle of a copse, completed
by the enemy just in time to serve the Division. The 126th Brigade, now
under the command of Brig.-General T. H. S. Marchant, D.S.O., held the
line, 2500 yards in width, with all three battalions. On the night of the
relief Havrincourt Wood was heavily gassed, between 2000 and 3000 Yellow
Cross shells being used. In spite of excellent gas discipline casualties
were severe, and these included Lieut.-Colonel Peel, D.S.O., commanding
the 10th Manchesters, who, though badly gassed, refused to go down the
line. From the 22nd to the 26th September the front was quiet, activity
being confined to the gunners and to patrols. The latter were vigorous
and successful, capturing prisoners and improving the position east of
Trescault at Bilhem Farm. Further south, a daylight patrol of the 5th
East Lancashires did good work in front of Beaucamp, a strongly held
village in the 5th Division’s area.
[Illustration: UNSEEN TRENCH, PART OF THE HINDENBURG LINE S.E. OF
HAVRINCOURT.]
[Illustration: ANOTHER TRENCH IN THE HINDENBURG DEFENCE SYSTEM NEAR
HAVRINCOURT.]
On the night of September 26th the front was taken over by the 125th
Brigade on the right and the 127th on the left, preparatory to one of the
most ambitious attacks ever made by the 42nd or any other division. This
was no less than the piercing of the famous Hindenburg trench system,
by smashing a way through a two-mile depth of the most strongly and
scientifically defended positions in the history of warfare. The enemy
had succeeded in withdrawing his battered troops, and had placed fresh
divisions in line opposite the 4th Corps front. These were given complete
assurance that the British advance would be held up at this “impregnable”
line, which would be their winter position, and against which the Allies
would fling themselves in vain. German orders issued at this date laid
down that not a foot of ground was to be given up here.
[Sidenote: _The Objectives, September 27_]
The objectives of the 4th Corps and of the corps on its left consisted
of two main ridges—the Beaucamp Ridge to the south and the Flesquières
Ridge to the north. These were separated by the Ribecourt Valley. From
the Beaucamp Ridge three large spurs projected northward into the valley,
and these spurs formed the objectives of the Division. The most easterly
of the three spurs (which are separated by deep re-entrants and very
steep gradients) was known as Highland Ridge, and this is the highest and
steepest of the three. East of Highland Ridge the ground drops abruptly
to the narrow Couillet Valley, running south to north into the Ribecourt
Valley. Beyond the Couillet Valley the ground rises sharply to Welsh
Ridge. The great double row of trenches of the Hindenburg Line extended
diagonally across the spurs, facing approximately S.S.W.
The 42nd Division was on the left of the 4th Corps front, with the 5th
Division on its right and the 3rd Division (6th Corps) on its left.
The “jumping-off” line was roughly about 600 to 1000 yards east of
Havrincourt village on the north and of Trescault on the south. The
attack was to be made in five bounds, the successive objectives being
termed the _Black_, _Red_, _Brown_, _Yellow_, and _Blue Lines_, the
summit of Highland Ridge being the Blue Line, which was more than two
miles east of the starting line of the 127th Brigade on the left and
rather less from the 125th’s line on the right. On reaching Highland
Ridge patrols were to be sent into the Couillet Valley and on to Welsh
Ridge as far as a _Green Line_ about two miles beyond the Blue Line. The
bounds were to be made by the leap-frog method, companies passing over
one another in turn as each objective was secured. “B” and “C” Companies
of the M.G. Battalion would accompany the 127th and 125th Brigades
respectively; “A” and “D” Companies would take part in the barrage.
Zero hour for the Third Army was fixed at 5.20 a.m. on September 27th;
but as the 3rd Division on the left and the 5th Division on the right
would advance along higher ground than the 42nd, it was arranged that
the 42nd should not move until these divisions had had time to make good
the higher ground on its flanks. The Lancashire Fusiliers were therefore
timed to leave at 7.52 a.m., and the Manchesters at 8.20 a.m.
The attack was preceded by a short intense bombardment by six brigades
of Field Artillery, one brigade of Heavy Artillery, and the trench
mortars; and at its scheduled time each infantry brigade advanced in
successive waves under a creeping barrage of shrapnel and machine-gun
bullets. Two Mark IV tanks were allotted to the 125th Brigade and six to
the 127th, but two of these broke down at the start, a third developed
engine trouble, and by noon a fourth and fifth were put out of action
after doing useful work.[21] The assistance of the others in dealing with
machine-gun nests was very valuable, and they were handled with great
skill.
Unfortunately the attack of the division on the right was held up all
morning by the very strong enemy defences around Beaucamp, a commanding
position on the right flank of the 125th Brigade’s line of advance. The
7th and 8th L.F. were thus exposed to a terrible enfilading fire from the
high ground about Beaucamp, and the leading companies were practically
blotted out. Within half an hour of the start all the officers of one
company of the 8th L.F., and all but one of each of two other companies,
had been killed or wounded. With great gallantry the two battalions
persisted in face of a murderous fire, but the failure to drive the enemy
out of Beaucamp made it impossible for the Fusiliers to get beyond their
first objective, the Black Line, until towards midday. The right of the
127th Brigade, which had made good progress, was thus left in the air.
The leading wave of the 5th Manchesters had advanced over Trescault Ridge
in fine style, and had gained the first objective within the scheduled
time, with considerable, but not disproportionate, loss. The 6th and 7th
Manchesters, dividing the front equally, passed through the 5th, and,
though badly knocked about by machine-gun fire, both from the front and
the unprotected right flank, they made good the Red and Brown Lines in
the course of the forenoon, and the 7th Manchesters captured two 77 mm.
guns. With bomb and bayonet they turned the Germans out of their huge
and elaborate dug-outs in batches of twenty and thirty, about 400 being
taken in the first three hours by the 127th Brigade and the Machine-Gun
Company, which had gone forward with its usual dash, and had selected its
positions and handled its weapons with much coolness and skill. More than
350 enemy dead were buried later in the area between the Black and Brown
Lines.
[Sidenote: _September 27_]
On the right of the 127th Brigade’s front the 7th Manchesters were
wholly exposed to enfilade fire from the high ground to the south—for
Beaucamp still defied the division on the right—and their casualties
were grievous: 450 men of this battalion went over at 8.20 a.m.; only
150 were left at the end of the day, and of 16 officers only 4 remained.
Two determined counter-attacks were made against the 7th Manchesters on
the Brown Line, but “B” Company flung back a defensive flank and held
the ground, the machine-gunners doing great execution. Further progress
was impossible until touch had been regained with the 125th Brigade. By
11.30 a.m. the 1st Cheshires had mopped up Beaucamp, and the Lancashire
Fusiliers were now able to make progress towards the Red Line, and
cleared up Boar Copse with the assistance of one of the tanks. At 1.30
p.m. they had passed the second objective and were approaching the Brown
Line, overcoming fierce resistance and inflicting heavy losses on the
enemy. By 2.30 p.m. a company of the 6th Manchesters, consisting of 2
officers and 30 other ranks, had reached the Yellow Line, on the extreme
left of the divisional boundary, joining hands with the 187th Brigade of
the 3rd Division in Ribecourt, and about the same time an equally weak
company of the 7th Manchesters was on this line, and the enemy was being
turned out of his network of dug-outs. The German machine-gunners were
specially selected and trained men of undoubted valour, and as a rule
they would work their guns and fight to the death. But the infantry,
though they would fight well under the protection of the machine-guns,
were cowed by the bayonet when close quarters were reached, and would
then surrender with curious docility, and often, indeed, with eagerness.
The Manchesters could spare no men as escorts for prisoners; they simply
waved them to the rear, and the Boches meekly obeyed, too glad to be
out of the fighting to attempt to take advantage of the disproportion
between captors and captives by acts of treachery. There were exceptions,
of course, and on one such occasion a mud-begrimed private approached
his officer with: “Beg pardon, sir, ’ave I your permission to shoot one
of the prisoners who threw a bomb at us after putting ’is ’ands up?”
“Certainly,” replied the officer. The man looked relieved. “That’s all
right, sir. I _’ave_ shot the blighter.”
The 127th Brigade was now linked up with the 62nd Division, which had
passed through the 3rd Division and now occupied Ribecourt. During the
afternoon there was a lull in the fighting. The company objectives
were in some cases on a frontage of 600 yards, and numbers were now
so small that commanders had not men enough to attack on so broad a
front. Little parties gained ground as they could, but reorganization
and reinforcement were necessary before a further assault on a large
scale could be made. On both sides the artillery was on the move, our
batteries pushing forward, theirs retiring to avoid risk of capture. It
was becoming evident that the enemy’s strength was failing, and that
the spirit had been hammered out of him. It had been a soldier’s battle
of ding-dong fighting against an enemy possessing the advantage of the
strongest possible positions combined with superiority in numbers of men
and of machine-guns. To win success against such odds required skill
with weapons—bullet, bayonet, and bomb—and also the finest qualities
of initiative, resource, determination, and endurance on the part of
subordinate leaders and men, and this skill and these qualities had been
shown in a high degree. When company, platoon, and section commanders
fell, junior N.C.O.s and even privates had proved that they could lead.
By sunset more than a thousand prisoners, including two battalion
commanders and a complete headquarters staff, had been passed through
the divisional cage. The artillery had contributed splendidly to the
successful issue of the day, and the rapidity with which they had moved
into action in new advanced positions had been remarkable.
[Sidenote: _Welsh Ridge, September 28_]
Orders were issued to attack the Blue Line during the night. As the 6th
and 7th Manchesters had lost so large a proportion of their officers and
men, the 10th Manchesters were placed at Brig.-General Henley’s disposal
for the operation, and this battalion was brought up into the Yellow
Line and moved into its positions for the assault in pitch darkness. On
the right of the divisional front the 5th Lancashire Fusiliers passed
through the 7th and 8th Battalions on the Brown Line, in preparation
for the attack. Zero hour was altered from 1.30 a.m., September 28, as
originally fixed, to 2.30 a.m., at the request of the division on the
right; and at the latter hour, the waning moon being now up, the 10th
Manchesters and the 5th L.F. moved off with fine dash under a creeping
barrage.[22] The attack was successful along the whole front, and by 6
a.m. the Oldhamers had secured the final objective and the Bury men had
passed the Yellow Line and were approaching Highland Ridge. “B” Company,
M.G. Battalion, again distinguished itself by engaging two German
field-guns and destroying the crews. The company commander, Major E. W.
C. Flavell, personally engaged one of the guns and forced the enemy to
abandon it. Both guns were captured later. Throughout the operations of
these two days the machine-gunners of all companies fought their guns
splendidly, and took a number of prisoners. Lieut.-Colonel W. K. Tillie,
commanding the M.G. Battalion, did work of great value in making most
daring reconnaissances. The 10th Manchesters took more than 250 prisoners
and the 5th L.F. a large number and also a 77 mm. gun with gun-team.
The enemy, plainly demoralized, could be seen from the edge of Couillet
Valley moving in straggling parties eastwards and upwards towards Welsh
Ridge, where a stand was to be expected. The 10th Manchesters at once
sent patrols into the valley and across the railway, and at 8.15 a.m.
“A” Squadron, 3rd Hussars, was ordered up from Velu and placed at the
disposal of Brig.-General Henley. At 10.30 a.m. the cheering report
arrived that the Oldham patrols had gained a footing on Welsh Ridge. The
Brigadier ordered the cavalry to report to the O.C. 10th Manchesters, and
to assist that battalion in the task of reconnaissance, and he began to
move larger bodies of infantry across the valley.
In the early afternoon the 126th Brigade took over the left front and
passed through the 127th. It had been ordered to take over the whole
of the divisional front and establish itself on Welsh Ridge, but the
Lancashire Fusiliers were not to be denied. The 5th L.F. had reached the
top of Highland Ridge, and here the 8th L.F., in spite of their serious
losses thirty-six hours earlier, passed through them and followed the 3rd
Hussars in close support to Good Old Man Farm, a post of considerable
importance on the ridge. The Hussars had captured one side of the farm,
the other being still in the enemy’s possession, and they held on until
the infantry arrived and took over. By 6 p.m. the 8th Manchesters (who
had passed through the 10th), and a little later the 8th L.F., had
reached their objectives and won the summit of Welsh Ridge. The 125th
Brigade had captured between 400 and 500 prisoners during the day, 35
machine-guns, 6 trench-mortars, and a field-gun. Welsh Ridge had been
made good at a comparatively slight cost, and at 3 a.m. on September 29
the New Zealand Division relieved and passed through the 42nd; and from
this most advantageous “kicking-off” ground they continued the victorious
advance. The battle had been very involved, and no definite line could be
found on the top of Welsh Ridge, behind which the New Zealanders could
form up before “leap-frogging” the 42nd. Therefore, after dark, all 42nd
troops east of Surrey Road, on the western slope, were withdrawn to that
road, and here the New Zealanders were given exceptionally favourable
assembly and “kicking-off” positions, and a perfect artillery barrage.
In two days of incessant fighting the Division had pierced the
much-vaunted Hindenburg Line to a depth of 5000 yards, and the Booty
Officer’s report stated that 1712 prisoners from five enemy divisions, 8
field-guns, one 4·2-inch howitzer, and 92 machine-guns had been taken.
But this was certainly an under-estimate, as nearly 1500 Germans passed
through the 127th Brigade command post on one day, September 27. It was
impossible to estimate accurately the numbers captured by any given
formation, as the Germans were so thoroughly beaten and so glad to be
out of the fighting, that they took charge of themselves and marched into
captivity without escort. The Division had lost 12 officers and 179 other
ranks killed, and 33 officers and 874 other ranks wounded and missing.
The enemy’s losses in killed and wounded had been enormous.
The Division withdrew to Havrincourt Wood for ten days’ rest,
reorganization, and training of the new drafts. General Solly-Flood,
congratulating his troops on the successful storming of the Hindenburg
Line, and on “the soldierly conduct and gallant fighting qualities
displayed,” assured them that “Once more you have proved the Divisional
Motto, and have struck a hard blow for our King and Country. I am proud
to be your Commander.” He also presented ribbons of decorations awarded
for conspicuous service. Each recipient of an honour, when the ribbon
was pinned to his tunic, was given a card bearing the Divisional Sign
and Motto, and the signature of the Divisional Commander, on which an
account of the deed was typewritten, and these cards are highly prized.
Between March and September 1918, as opportunity offered, many hundreds
of these were presented by the General; and the stories of these deeds of
valour and devotion to duty would fill several volumes. The more thickly
such acts were crowded into the space of a few days, as on March 25-26,
August 21-24, August 30—September 2, and September 27-28, the less chance
has the historian to record individual instances, such as stand out when
raids, not battles, are the stirring events of the period.
The loss of many good comrades was sorely felt, but individual grief
was for a time swamped by the common exultation. For four years the
tide of battle had ebbed and flowed more or less evenly. Successful
but costly attacks had been followed by equally successful and costly
counter-attacks; the finer heroism on the one side had been balanced by
great material advantage on the other, and it seemed as though trench
warfare must go on for ever. At last the thrill of victory upon victory
was being experienced, and the knowledge that they had played a worthy
part, that they had been strong and of good courage, was very pleasant.
From all parts of the Allied line came the same story of victory, and
the news of Allenby’s 45,000 prisoners in Palestine, and of Bulgaria’s
unconditional surrender, now arrived to crown the jubilation.
[Illustration]