CHAPTER XVIII

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

Ideas of a Supreme Being—His various names—Views of the spirit

life—Fetishism—Medicine men and spirits—Black and white magic—Origin

of the term fetish—Native crusade against fetishes—Bundle of

charms—Its contents—Sacrifices to fetishes—Rise and fall of

witch-doctors—An attempt to define fetishism—Natives very religious.

We have found a vague knowledge of a Supreme Being, and a belief in Him,

very general among those tribes on the Congo with which we have come

into contact. In each case the natives’ ideas of the Supreme Being were

gathered and noted long before our teaching had influenced their views

or increased their knowledge concerning Him. Before we could preach our

views we had to learn their language, and while learning their language

we necessarily received—in the definitions of the words we were learning

from them—their ideas of that great Being who created the world. We

found their knowledge of Him was scarcely more than nominal, and no

worship was ever paid to Him.

On the Lower Congo He is called _Nzambi_, or by His fuller title _Nzambi

a mpungu_; no satisfactory root word has yet been found for _Nzambi_,

but for _mpungu_ there are sayings and proverbs that clearly indicate

its meaning as, most of all, supreme, highest, and _Nzambi a mpungu_ as

the Being most High, or Supreme.

On the Upper Congo among the Bobangi folk the word used for the Supreme

Being is _Nyambe_; among the Lulanga people, _Nzakomba_; among the

Boloki, _Njambe_; among the Bopoto people it is _Libanza_, which word is

also well known among the Boloki people, and was probably introduced by

slaves from Bopoto. At Yakusu, near Stanley Falls, the word used is

_Mungu_, which is a shortened form of the Swahili word _muungu_, and

this may contain the root of the Lower Congo word _mpungu_. It is

interesting to note that the most common name for the Supreme Being on

the Congo is also known, in one form or another, over an extensive area

of Africa reaching from 6° north of the Equator away to extreme South

Africa; as, for example, among the Ashanti it is _Onyame_, at Gaboon it

is _Anyambie_, and two thousand miles away among the Barotse folk it is

_Niambe_.

These are the names that stand for a Being who is endowed with strength,

wealth, and wisdom by the natives; and He is also regarded and spoken of

by them as the principal Creator of the world, and the Maker of all

things. Some think Him so perfect in all His works that semi-sane

people, crooked sticks, and deformed persons and animals are placed to

the credit of a subordinate divinity—a demiurge called _Kombu_.

But the Supreme Being is believed by the natives to have withdrawn

Himself to a great distance after performing His creative works; that He

has now little or no concern in mundane affairs; and apparently no power

over spirits and no control over the lives of men, either to protect

them from malignant spirits or to help them by averting danger. They

also consider the Supreme Being (_Nzambi_) as being so good and kind

that there is no need to appease Him by rites, ceremonies, or

sacrifices. Hence they never pray to this Supreme One, they never

worship Him, or think of Him as being interested in the doings of the

world and its peoples.

During the whole thirty years of my life in various parts of the Congo I

have heard the name of the Deity used in the following four ways only:

Among the Lower Congo people, when they desire to emphasize a statement

or vouch for the truthfulness of their words, they use the name in an

oath. When in extreme trouble they cry out: “I wish _Nzambi_ had never

made me!” or when in great distress: “_Nzambi_, pity me!” Also on the

Lower Congo there is the phrase _lufwa lua Nzambi_ = death by God, i.e.

a natural death as distinctive from death by witchcraft; but this view

of death is not so frequently heard on the Lower Congo as among the

Boloki people, where _awi na Njambe_ = he died by God, i.e. there is no

witchcraft about the death of the deceased, nor anything pointing to

witchcraft about the accident that caused the death, is often heard.

These are the only phrases which suppose that the Supreme Being has

anything to do with the world. They are generally employed in the case

of poor folk when they die, as no one wants the trouble and expense of

engaging a witch-doctor to seek out the witch.

About four years ago I asked a most intelligent native, whose age was

about 45, if he could recall any prayer that was offered to the Supreme

Being (_Nzambi_) by his family or any natives before the coming of the

missionaries. He sat quietly for a few minutes and then answered: “No,

but a woman in great distress would say, ‘_Nzambi_, pity me,’ not

because she thought she would receive pity, for we all believed _Nzambi_

was too far away to hear us or think of us, but because it was a saying

amongst us for such times of distress.”

Among the Lower Congo people the belief exists that when there is a halo

round the moon it is a sign that the Supreme Being is there confirming

the residence in that cool place—hence state of happiness of some

spirits which have just arrived; and when the halo is round the sun,

then those who have recently lost relatives or friends by death will

tremble and wail, because that halo round the sun is an indication to

them that the Supreme Being (_Nzambi_) is there confirming the

punishment that has consigned the late departed to the hot place—hence

state of unhappiness. There is a proverb that shows the lastingness of

this punishment: “The bad people are tortured like a locust on the

burning grass; it wants to die, but is kept alive.” These comprise the

only ideas concerning the Supreme Being that I have ever heard

expressed, either on the Lower Congo or among the Boloki natives.

On the other hand, there is a seeming contradiction of the moon and sun

theory, as stated in the preceding paragraph, by another belief extant

among the Lower Congo people, viz. that all the souls of the departed go

to a great spirit-town in the forest, and that is the reason why burials

take place at sunset. The natives argue thus: During the day folk go to

farms, to market, to work in the forests, etc., and the town is left

empty; in the evening the inhabitants have returned from their different

occupations, and are ready to accord a welcome to any visitor; thus also

the spirit-town: all the spirits are away at their different employments

and do not return until the evening, and if the deceased were buried

during the morning or early afternoon there would be no one in the town

to welcome him. These differing beliefs appear to be co-existent, and

the natives, if they perceive their inconsistency, have not offered any

explanation. I once pointed out the contradictory nature of these

beliefs to a smart native with whom I was conversing on the subject, and

his reply was: “Some believe one thing, some believe the other, and some

people believe both.”

Among the Boloki people there is a general and firm belief in a

spirit-world, or nether region (called _longa_). It is supposed to be

somewhere down below. From many natives I have received the same

direction, always accompanied by the same action and words, viz. they

have pointed with their fingers to the ground, saying, “It is down

underneath there.” In the nether regions the conditions of existence

appear to be similar to those in the villages and town, with this

exception, that a man may be too high in the social scale to be punished

on earth, but he cannot escape punishment in the nether regions for the

disagreeable qualities he has exhibited on earth. Within a few hours of

an unpopular head-man’s death, I have heard the ordinary natives

laughingly say to one another as they have snapped their fingers in

glee: “He is being punished now.” Who allotted the punishment and saw to

its infliction I could never ascertain. Juries of head-men on earth sat

to decide difficult cases; and it may be that they thought juries in the

nether region sat on cases and allotted the necessary punishment.

The firing of guns, shouting, wailing, beating of drums and such noises

are heard in the nether regions, and give notice to the inhabitants

there of the approach of another disembodied spirit. The louder the

noise the greater is the expectation of those in the spirit-land of

seeing a great man arrive. The spirits of the departed wait about the

entrance to the nether regions to greet the one about whose departure

for their abode so much fuss is being made.

The soul of a living person is called _elimo_, but on the person’s death

his soul becomes a disembodied spirit named _mongoli_; and the Boloki

spirits after sojourning for a time in the nether regions leave that

place and wander about the rivers and creeks, doing all the harm they

can to the living by flooding their villages and keeping the fish from

entering the nets and traps. The spirits of the Bomuna people, and of

the bush-people generally, are supposed to roam about the forests,

turning the animals from the traps and nets set to snare them, not to

save them from death, but to show their hatred of the folk living in the

towns.

Are these disembodied spirits turned out of the spirit-land as a

punishment? Natives believe that the spirits of bad men are punished in

the nether region—by bad they mean a disagreeable, unsociable,

disobliging, greedy, rude, discourteous person. The ghost of such a one

will return to trouble his whilom neighbours, and it is against his

disagreeable qualities as a man that they have to guard now that he is a

spirit. There are many stories about the doings of the disembodied

spirits—their tricks and their mode of revenge—which will be related in

subsequent chapters. The foregoing paragraphs give, I trust, a clear

statement of the natives’ ideas of the Supreme Being and their views of

existence after death, so far as I have been able to collect their

thoughts and beliefs during a long and intimate intercourse with the

people.

We now come to a larger subject—larger because it holds a more important

place in the life and thought of the native—I refer to fetishism. If

fetishism is a form of religion, then the Boloki people, like all other

tribes on the Congo, are a very religious folk. In obedience to fetish

taboo and custom they exhibit a devotion and persistency worthy of a

better cause; in subjection to the demands of their witch-doctors they

cut themselves, deny themselves many kinds of pleasant food, and pay

heavy fees, even to the impoverishment of themselves and families. But

all this is done through their abject fear of the various malignant

spirits who, so their medicine men inform them, have power over them for

the time being. It may be one spirit to-day and an entirely different

one next month, according to the sickness, misfortune, or particular

kind of bad luck from which the man is suffering; or a man may for

twenty years possess good health and good fortune, and consequently he

will need neither the medicine man nor his rites and ceremonies; or it

may be that a man thinks “prevention is better than cure,” and in such a

case he will fee the medicine men to appease on his behalf such evil

spirits over whom they profess to exercise control, or to prepare for

him certain charms to destroy their wicked designs.

No single witch-doctor pretends to control all the evil spirits, or

confer immunity from all diseases, or remove all misfortunes, or impart

every kind of good luck. Hence on the Lower Congo there are about fifty

different kinds of medicine men,[32] and among the Boloki some eighteen

varieties of them, each supreme in his own particular branch. The order

is not confined to men only, for many women are to be found in its

ranks. Some medicine men are supposed to be stronger than others, and,

controlling more powerful spirits, they either avert greater evils or

confer larger benefits, and consequently receive more respect and richer

fees for their services.

Footnote 32:

See _Folk-Lore_ for Dec. 31st, 1910, p. 447, for a complete list of

Lower Congo medicine men and their various functions written by the

author.

It is a misrepresentation to depict the Congo native as “bowing down to

wood and stone.” He never worships his fetishes; he exhorts them to do

his bidding; he commands them to do that for which they were made, and

he is not backward in arousing them to alertness by whistles and

explosions of gunpowder, or to activity by whacking them with a stick.

No native of any tribe I have met ever assigned creative powers to his

fetishes, or respected them as the representatives of a deity. The

fetishes were made yesterday at his bidding and expense by the

witch-doctor, and to-morrow, if they fail in their purpose, they will be

consigned to the rubbish heap, or left neglected on some shelf in his

house. The native lives and moves, so he believes, surrounded by evil

spirits which, on account of their own malignant natures or at the

instigation of his enemies, are constantly trying to work him harm, and

the only means known to him of counteracting the evil, or of appeasing

the malignant power, is the medicine man with his powerful fetishes,

charms, and ceremonies.

There are two phrases that contain the whole theory and practice of the

Congo medicine man’s black and white magic. By the black magic he

professes to incite an evil spirit by means of a fetish to inflict a

sickness or some other misfortune on an enemy; and by white magic, to

appease the evil spirit through the medium of the fetish, so that the

sickness or bad luck shall be removed from one’s self or one’s family

and friends. The same medicine man uses the same fetish to curse a man

with disease, or to cure the man so cursed, hence he often draws fees

from both parties.

To curse a person by the aid of a fetish is called _loka e nkisi_. The

fetish is beaten with a stick, informed what it is to do, and then hung

up outside the invoker’s house, and the spirit of the fetish flies off

to obey its orders. This is the simple _modus operandi_ followed by all

the witch-doctors on the Lower Congo, who invoke their fetishes to

employ their various powers against the enemies of their clients.

To soothe and appease the spirit of the fetish so that it will remove

the curse from working by so conciliating the fetish power, or the

spirit the fetish is supposed to control, that it will work for the

medicine man’s client and not against him, is called _lembola e nkisi_

(= to soften, tame a fetish), and the ceremony is as varied as there are

medicine men, for each branch of the profession has its own special

rites to observe.

Now fetishes on the Lower Congo are either images, bundles, or large

horns, and these as a rule are owned by the medicine men. Smaller

fetishes and charms are made by them for various purposes and sold to

the natives. Sometimes a wealthy man will buy a powerful fetish and use

its power entirely for himself; at times a poorer man will pay a good

fee to a medicine man to borrow his fetish, or the rich man’s fetish for

one or two days, so that he may have the entire attention of the spirit

it controls. A rich man will sometimes buy a powerful fetish as a

speculation, and make a good profit by hiring it out for a fee, and the

poorer man will pay the fee, hoping to reap good results to his bodily

health or to his prosperity by having the undivided interest of the

fetish at his service.

The term fetish comes from the Portuguese word _feitiço_, and the early

navigators of the West African Coast were Portuguese, who carried with

them amulets and charms, i.e. _feitiços_, in the form of crosses, beads,

images, etc., that had been blessed by their priests. And when these

ancient navigators saw the natives wearing shells filled with some

mixture, or displaying on their persons some articles with which they

were unwilling to part even for costly gifts, what was more natural for

them than to regard such objects as something akin to their own

_feitiços_? And “as they discovered no other traces of religious worship

they concluded that this outward show of regard for these _feitiços_

constituted the whole of the negro worship.”[33]

Footnote 33:

I am indebted to F. Max Müller for much in this paragraph. See

_Hibbert Lectures_, p. 61. 1878.

The native word on the Lower Congo for fetish (_nkisi_), and among the

Boloki (_bonganga_), means an image, a horn, a shell, a saucepan, etc.,

and, in fact, anything into which a medicine man has put a part of his

“medicine” from his store bundle; and it is not an effective fetish

until it has been through the hands of the medicine man and received its

power from him. No one witch-doctor makes all the fetishes, but every

one has his own speciality, in the making of which he is accounted an

expert.

On the Lower Congo the native offers periodic sacrifices to his fetish

to keep it in a good humour, otherwise through sulkiness it may refuse

to help him; or he returns it to a medicine man to renew its energies

when it proves too weak for his purpose; he explodes gunpowder around it

to arouse it to proper alertness that it may attend to its owner’s

affairs; or he beats it to make it subservient to his wishes, but he

never worships it, nor does he ever pay homage to it. Among the Boloki

sugar-cane wine is poured over the fetish to render it amenable to its

owner’s wishes, and it is threatened if it does not act quickly on its

owner’s behalf; and while the Boloki fears his fetish in a way, yet he

never worships it.

“About 1872 some natives of Loanda came through the country preaching a

crusade against fetishes of all kinds, inducing the natives in town

after town to destroy all their fetishes, assuring them that since death

and sickness came by the exercise of the black art, which everyone fully

believes, if then every fetish were destroyed and no more made there

would be no more suffering and death. Far and wide the most strenuous

efforts were made to accomplish the destruction of _all_ fetishes to

that happy end.”[34] In 1909 a man with whom I was conversing told me

that he as a child was shaken over the fire during this campaign to

destroy any fetishes he had about his person. He well remembered this

crusade against fetishes, and said that when the people became ill and

died as usual, the originators of it said: “It is because some of the

people have not destroyed all their fetishes.”

Footnote 34:

See Dr. Bentley’s Appendix to the _Dictionary and Grammar of the Congo

Language_, 1895, on p. 849, under the word _Kiyoka_.

On the Lower Congo every witch-doctor has a bundle of medicines or

charms (called _ebunda dia mfula_) which is the source of his power and

the spring from which he draws his supplies for making his own great

fetish, and the charms, amulets, and minor fetishes for his clients.

This bundle is a conglomeration of powdered chalk, crushed red pepper,

wood ashes, bits of the skins of strong animals, claws and beaks of

strong birds, heads of snakes, poisonous plants and beans, various

herbs, and any other mess the medicine man can collect together. A

portion of this bundle is put into the head of the fetish image (and

sometimes into the stomach), and becomes the brains, intelligence

(_nkinda_) of the fetish.

When a medicine man uses his fetish on behalf of a client, he takes a

little of the bundle and puts it into a horn or shell and ties it round

his patient’s neck, telling him that while wearing it he must not eat

this or that article of diet, or he must not do certain things. In due

time the medicine man goes to receive his fee, and on receipt of it he

removes the special charm from the neck of his patient, and at the same

time takes off the taboo. If the person does not pay, then the medicine

man leaves him under the taboo, and perhaps adds others. The Congo

medicine man never has any bad debts.

No native thinks the fetish he uses is possessed of divine power, nor

does it represent a deity to him, and he uses no language about it that

would lead one to suppose that for a moment he in his own mind invests

it with divinity. What is the fetish to him? It is something in which a

portion of the _mfula_ bundle has been put which has imparted to it its

own mysterious power—to him any portion of the bundle contains the power

of the whole.

What then is the bundle? It is composed of the skins of strong animals

which are thereby represented, and their combined strength is conserved

in it; there are pieces of the skins of cunning animals, and their

united craftiness and cuteness are imparted to it; there are portions of

strong, swift birds that sail on tireless wings through the air, and

they give to it their power of flight; there are various poisonous

plants and beans that lend their qualities of harming the human body

when used against the enemy of a client; there are beneficial herbs and

powders that are supposed to cure the person who uses it for his

recovery from a disease; and there is generally powdered chalk,

symbolical of brain matter, that gives intelligence to the whole mass. I

do not think the native mind goes farther back than the _bundle_, which

contains for him representations of all those qualities that he fears

and admires, and whose combined forces overawe him. And should he go

beyond that bundle it is only to the animals—the lion, the leopard,

etc., whom he fears; the eagle, the hawk, and the falcon whom he admires

and wonders at for their flight through space; and to those plants and

herbs whose mysterious powers he dreads.

The native supposes that the medicine men have some occult method of so

mixing these qualities and forces together in the bundle that they

become active agents in flying through the air and seeking out the

enemies of their clients, or of destroying those who are bewitching

them, or of curing those who seek their aid. All the medicine men do not

have all the skins, powders, herbs, etc., in their charm bundles, but

each procures what he thinks will make the desired combination for his

purpose. It is quite probable that the medicine men and the more

intelligent natives believe that by mixing the skins, plants, chalk,

etc., in different ways they induce different spirits to take up their

abode in the various fetishes, because they like the mixture prepared

for them, and in thus taking up their residence in them, or being

influenced by them, the medicine men gain power over them.

This view is supported by the following considerations: The fetish when

first made is only a piece of wood and can be bought for a few pence;

but after the witch-doctor has put a portion of the charm bundle into it

the price for it is considerable—from a few shillings to a few

pounds—according to what it is expected to do. Sacrifices are offered,

not to the piece of wood, but to the spirit now dwelling in it, or over

which the charms in it have some influence. These sacrifices range from

an occasional drop of blood from a frog’s foot to a goat every new moon,

the blood of which is poured over the fetish, and the flesh of the

sacrificial goat must not be sold, but eaten by the sacrificer and his

family and friends—the larger the benefits expected, the more costly and

regular the sacrifice. The sacrifices are to keep the spirits in good

humour. The portion of the bundle put into the fetish is after a time

played out, becomes stale, and loses its power of attracting the spirit

to it, i.e. the fetish becomes ineffective, so the owner of it takes it

to a medicine man to have it refreshed by renewing the charms from the

bundle; and then if it is still inactive, i.e., if the owner’s luck is

still bad, or his health continues unsatisfactory, he throws the fetish

on one side and tries the fetish of another branch of the profession,

thinking that the former’s mixture of ingredients has no further power

to attract the spirit to his fetish, or the fetish does not influence

the particular spirit that is able to help him.

The Boloki medicine men have a “bag of tricks” made of very similar

ingredients to the charm bundle, and regarded in much the same way. The

only difference being that on the Lower Congo the witch-doctors largely

use images (called _teke_[35]) into which they put the portions of the

bundle, while among the Boloki the fetish power is imparted to any

article that comes conveniently to hand. During fifteen years’ residence

among the Boloki people I saw only two very crudely made images in use

(they are now in Horniman’s Museum), and those I bought easily for a few

brass rods, showing that they valued them very lightly as receptacles

for fetish power.

Footnote 35:

The Kiteke people are experts in carving figures of men and women, and

many of the images so frequently found years ago on the Lower Congo

received the name _teke_ for that reason. The Bakongo also make their

own images, but they are cruder than the Kiteke ones.

As already stated, there are nearly fifty different kinds of medicine

men on the Lower Congo, and about eighteen among the Boloki. It is not

to be thought for a moment that all these medicine men sprang

simultaneously into existence, or that they are the product of only one

tribe; they are undoubtedly the evolution of many generations, and a

free appropriation from neighbouring tribes of fetish ceremonies, etc.,

that appealed to them through being made widely known by some famous

medicine man of the time. The Congo native has always been ready to try

a new fetish, hoping thereby to gain some advantage to his fortune and

health.

The following is probably the rise of many branches of the medicine

man’s profession now, or recently, in vogue: A quick-witted, observant

man noticed that a certain herb, or a certain mode of procedure, such as

massage or inducing perspiration by steaming, was beneficial to a

patient suffering from a certain disease. If he had given the herb in a

simple way without any hanky-panky, or had done a little medical rubbing

without any ceremonies, or had given a vapour bath without ostentatious

and mysterious rites, the natives would not have regarded him as a _bona

fide_ medicine man, and he would have procured very little business. In

order to protect his discovery and to draw patients he surrounded it

with the hocus-pocus of fetish rites and ceremonies, and thus started a

new class of “doctors” that had its day. It is more than probable that

many medicine men and their fetishes have risen in power, have had wide

fame and much popular support, have then fallen into disrepute and have

been abandoned in favour of new ones; and, if the truth were known, as

many if not more kinds of medicine men have been forgotten than are now

remembered.

The following is an account of the rise and fall of one fetish order in

very recent years: A few years ago a medicine man appeared in Portuguese

Congo with a new fetish called _nkisi a kiniambe_ = the divine fetish.

The witch-doctor and his fetish with its high-sounding name visited all

the towns round about San Salvador. The ceremony was a form of communion

prepared with small slices of cassava, pea nuts, and palm-wine. The

recipient had first to pay one string of beads for a child and five

strings for an adult, and he or she confessed all their witchcraft

palavers, i.e. all the evil desires they had in their hearts, for the

sickness or death of anyone. After this confession the medicine man gave

them a piece of cassava, a pea nut, and drop of palm-wine, and he also

gave them a promise that they should never die. When, however, the

recipients died the witch-doctor said it was because they had not made a

full confession of their witchcraft. He and his accomplices reaped a

large sum of money from the natives’ fear of death and the promise of

immunity from it; but the medicine man promised too much, and

consequently his fetish was soon in disrepute and quickly neglected.

While we find a dim knowledge of a Supreme Being among all the Congo

tribes, we also find co-extensive with it an elaborate system of

fetishism, which I would define as those means employed by the Congo

natives for influencing the various spirits by which they believe

themselves to be surrounded, either to act on their own behalf by giving

them good luck and good health, or to act against their enemies by

sending them misfortune, sickness, or death. Their system of belief has

its basis in their fear of those numerous invisible spirits—invisible to

the ordinary man, but not to the medicine man—which are constantly

trying to compass their sickness, misfortune, and death; and the

Boloki’s sole object—and the same may be written of his near and distant

neighbours on the Congo—is to cajole or appease, to cheat or conquer,

and even destroy the troublesome spirits, hence their witch-doctors with

their fetishes, their rites, and ceremonies. If there were no spirits to

be circumvented there would be no need of medicine men as middlemen, and

no need of fetishes as mediums for getting into touch with the spirits.

Theologically speaking, the Congo natives are utterly void of religion,

for they neither worship the Supreme Being nor their fetishes as

representing a deity; but if “the belief in and a measure of obedience

to a potent being or beings not ourselves is an early minimum of

religion,”[36] then the Congo folk are very religious, for they

carefully obey the taboos put on them by their witch-doctors in the name

of their fetishes; they invoke the power of the spirits by exploding

gunpowder around their fetishes, and by whistling to them and beating

them; they try to appease them by frequent sacrifices; and they have

dances about some of the fetishes, during which they call upon them, or

the spirits they influence, to protect their fighting-men and destroy

their enemies.

Footnote 36:

See Mr. Andrew Lang in _Folk-Lore_ for December, 1911, p. 412.

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Among Congo cannibals · 第 18 / 24 章