The Portuguese Merchant and the Governor-general—Arbitrary
Measures adopted towards the Banyans—The Piratical seizure of
the “Ari-passa”—Measures adopted for her Restoration—Comparison
between Wellington’s Soldiers and Mozambique Soldiers—The
“Ari-passa” is restored—Seizure of the British cutter “Herald.”
There being some misunderstanding as to what portion of the coast between
Cape Delgado and Delagoa Bay has belonged to Portugal, and, as the
British government has never been represented by any agent on that coast
until within the last three years, it naturally devolved upon me, as the
first British functionary employed by Great Britain in the province of
Mozambique, to make myself thoroughly acquainted with the real state of
the question of Portuguese possession in Eastern Africa, on which, in a
great measure, hangs the future commercial development and civilization
of Central Africa; and I now lay before the intelligent reader the result
of my patient and impartial inquiries on the subject.
On referring to the accompanying chart of Eastern Africa, the reader
will observe that the Portuguese territory consists of positions almost
entirely insular—namely, Ibo, Mozambique, Killimane, Sofala, Bazarutto,
Inhambane, Delagoa Bay, and Pemba Bay; at which last named place the
Portuguese have made a settlement within the last year.
On the river Zambesi they also have the towns of Seña and Tete.
Some of these positions—Ibo, Mozambique, and Bazarutto—are beyond
gun-shot distance of the coast, virtually exercising no authority
whatever over the mainland; and, strictly speaking, from my own personal
observation, the Portuguese authority, even nominally, does not extend
five miles above high-water mark, nor more than that distance from any
flag-staff erected by Portugal anywhere on the whole line of coast from
Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay.
Excepting at the points indicated in the accompanying chart, and already
named, the Portuguese do not, and have never, even for a short period of
time, held even nominal possession of the coast referred to, with the
exception of what is known as the kingdom of Angoxa.
The kingdom of Angoxa, having a sea-board of ninety miles, and reaching
into the interior 180 miles, is reigned over by an independent sultan,
having under him from thirty to forty chiefs. It is rich in produce,
which is fully described in the chapter on the “Resources of Eastern
Africa.”
Soon after my arrival at Mozambique, my attention was called to the
very arbitrary measures which the Portuguese authorities can adopt when
it suits their purpose, showing that it is not want of power, but
want of inclination, which prevents them stopping the slave-trade, and
encouraging legitimate commerce. A merchant at Mozambique had a serious
difference with the Governor-general, the subject of their quarrel being
the French Free Labour Emigration. It appears that the merchant, having a
high character for probity, had been entrusted by the French agents with
the division of the head money, which was allowed to the authorities at
Mozambique for the generous supply of slaves for this traffic.
The merchant acquitted his task to the satisfaction of all parties,
retaining, for himself, a certain portion, to which he was entitled by
agreement, as one of the promoters of this very successful scheme. During
the absence of the merchant from Mozambique the Governor-general had
divided the plunder, and he refused to account for the amount which was
due to the merchant as his share of the transaction.
On the merchant’s return, he became again the person in whom all parties
placed confidence, and he therefore re-imbursed himself from the
Governor-general’s share in the next slave cargo which was supplied to a
French Free Labour Emigration ship.
The Governor-general was furious, while every one applauded the
justice of the merchant. Shortly afterwards, a vessel belonging to
the merchant was about to sail; the Governor-general refused her
permission to leave the harbour, and would assign no reason. The merchant
threatened to sell the vessel to the English consul, much under her
value, and to communicate the whole of the circumstances attending the
transaction, unless the Governor-general allowed his vessel to sail. The
Governor-general was obstinate, but at last relented. During his fit
of obstinacy the uncontrollable rage of the other party caused him to
make the circumstances of the case known to the English consul, who thus
got a deeper insight into the slave-trade as carried on at Mozambique,
and was timely prevented forwarding the application of the honest
Portuguese merchant to the British government for the appointment of H.M.
Vice-Consul at Mozambique, for which he had been strongly recommended
to me, both verbally and in writing, by the officer commanding Her
Majesty’s naval forces at the Cape of Good Hope. It requires a residence
at Mozambique to unmask the slave-dealers there. One casually visiting
the place is hospitably entertained, and those deepest engaged in the
traffic are the loudest in their apparent denunciations of it. Thus our
naval officers have been misled, and made to believe that parties there
were opposed to the slave-trade when they were actually conversing with
the prime movers of the whole scheme.
From the seizure of Mr. Sunley’s brig off Angoxa, and the tacit manner
in which legal trade is carried on between Angoxa and Zanzibar by the
Arabs, under the protection of their immediate dreaded neighbour, the
Imâm of Muskat, it will be seen that a different policy is pursued by
the Mozambique government towards a prince who has taught them to fear
him, and the great English nation, whom they look upon as a good-natured
people, inoculated with a Quixotic idea of improving the moral,
intellectual, and physical condition of a race which they consider
irreclaimable, and so degraded that they treat them as the brutes which
perish. The sacrifices made by Great Britain in this cause are ever
a subject of ridicule with the Mozambiquers; and they never lose an
opportunity of retaliating in their own way upon those persons belonging
to the English nation who may unfortunately fall into their power. Each
individual is made answerable for the wrongs which they perseveringly
assert have been heaped upon them by the suppression of the slave-trade,
and even this feeling is carried out to the natives of India who may be
under our rule or our protection.
I heard, from time to time, of some arbitrary measure adopted towards
the Banyans, who are natives of India, trading in their sailing vessels
called dhows, from various places on the Malabar coast to that of the
coast of Africa. These men come over in their dhows from Goâ, which is
a Portuguese settlement, and from the British settlement at Bombay, and
also from Cutch, where there is a British resident, in the season of the
N.E. monsoon, which blows from the month of April to that of September
or October. They bring over to Mozambique what may be called the refuse
of the European goods sent out to the Indian market, where they find a
ready sale.
In exchange, they take back principally ivory, which, being resold
in India, finds its way to Europe and America, as the best Indian
transparent ivory, which is really obtained at Zanzibar and Mozambique.
The profits derived from the trade which they carry on with Mozambique,
to which place all the ivory of the province generally finds its way, are
so considerable that the Banyans are induced to submit to great exactions
and considerable injustice. They have no appeal, and must either put up
with the robberies to which they are liable, or entirely abandon the
trade.
It may be easily imagined that they rejoiced on seeing a British consul
established at Mozambique; and they testified their satisfaction at my
arrival in a variety of ways, more especially those who were sailing
their dhows under the British ensign. They complained to me generally of
the exorbitant tariff, and that they had been led to believe, year after
year, that it would be altered. They complained of the unjust manner
in which the duties were levied, and the robberies to which they had to
submit from the officials in the Custom-house, against whom they dare
not complain without incurring considerable delays in their business,
and for which there was no redress; that the only means left to them was
by bribing the officials, which was a great burden on their fair gains;
and ended by saying, that if some protection was not afforded them,
they would be compelled to abandon the trade altogether, as numbers had
already done. These men were so intimidated by the Portuguese officials,
that they feared to state even to me, their consul, the particulars of
their losses, saying that, in the event of anything happening to me,
they would be marked by the officials, and ruined; and they only prayed
that I would generally supervise their affairs, and, in the event of
any flagrant act of injustice occurring while at the port, that I would
afford them that protection which they were always led to expect from a
British functionary. It was with my mind thus prepared that the following
piratical affair was brought under my notice:—
The Cutch dhow, “Ari-passa,” on a trading voyage, arrived at Zanzibar, in
the African dominions of the Imâm of Muskat, in the month of July, 1857,
which port she left on the 14th July, bound for Port Mozambique, with
instructions to call at Ibo on the passage down. On leaving Zanzibar, her
passport was duly _visé_ by Colonel Hamerton, the British consul at that
port, and all her papers were correct.
After going into the harbour of Ibo, the captain found that there was
a great difficulty in obtaining his passport from the Governor; and as
there was a considerable amount of money on board the dhow, he became
alarmed for its safety, and also, I may add, for his own. However,
after loudly complaining of the detention, and making some very strong
observations on the cause of his detention, he was permitted to leave
Ibo, and proceeded on his voyage to Mozambique. He found the wind south,
or dead against him, and consequently, every night, he, as is customary
with the dhows, stood in and anchored under the land, getting under weigh
at daylight every morning.
It will be remembered that Vasco Guedes, then Governor-general of the
province of Mozambique, had refused to supersede the governor of Ibo,[1]
for supplying slaves to the “Minnetonka” American slaver, which left
Ibo with a cargo of 1,200 slaves for Havannah de Cuba. The real reason
for the Governor-general not superseding this delinquent governor was,
that he kept his accounts properly—or, in other words, gave to the
Governor-general a share of the head money for the slaves exported from
Ibo, this share being (as I have already stated) six dollars for every
negro shipped on board the French Free Labour ships, or the Spanish and
American slavers.
We have seen these two officers, representing the King of Portugal,
in defiance of all laws and commands to the contrary, engaged in the
nefarious traffic in their fellow-beings.
One would imagine that this was bad enough, but the Governor-general had
received an intimation that his successor had left Lisbon in the month of
May, and there was no time to be lost—every opportunity must be seized
for making money; so thought his worthy coadjutor at Ibo. He dare not
take upon himself to plunder a vessel openly in the harbour of Ibo, but
he wrote to the Governor-general of Mozambique, to inform him that this
dhow was on its way to Port Mozambique, and he detained her at Ibo to
give his superior time to act.
About the 20th of August, I heard that a Portuguese schooner of war,
called “19 de Maio,” had left Port Mozambique, and was bound to the
northward to intercept a dhow coming from Ibo, with a large quantity of
bullion on board. At that time a number of extraordinary revelations
were made to me relative to the slave-trade, and French Free Labour
Immigration; and I naturally inquired if it was usual to intercept
traders in this manner. I was told that it was not usual, but that such
things did occasionally occur. I asked if the authorities had no fear of
the matter being inquired into? I was answered with a laugh, and informed
that “there was no one to inquire into these matters.” If inquiry was
made, the reply was that the vessel had been seized for attempting
to smuggle with the shore, or that it had been done to suppress the
slave-trade. This was always satisfactory. But in making such a capture
occasionally vessels were scuttled, when they gave no further trouble. It
was evident that I was living in a nest of pirates. Let us come to the
facts again.
The dhow “Ari-passa” had been gradually working down to Port Mozambique.
On the 26th day of August, 1857, blowing fresh from the southward, she
endeavoured to get into Conducia Bay (since celebrated by the “Charles
et Georges” affair), but did not succeed in fetching it; she therefore
bore up, and ran away before the wind to the entrance of Quicimajulo Bay,
where she anchored, the wind still blowing fresh from the southward. Soon
after she had anchored, the Portuguese schooner of war, “19 de Maio,”
dashed alongside, and threw a party of soldiers on board of her. These
soldiers, under the direction of their officer, forced open the hatches;
and proceeded at once to the place where the boxes containing the bullion
were stowed; evidently being well instructed from Ibo. They removed the
money to the schooner, and then amused themselves by breaking open the
boxes containing the cargo, after which the night was passed in scenes
of revolting debauchery which cannot even be alluded to.
The captain and three of the crew were taken on board the schooner as
prisoners; and, the next day, the schooner and her prize weighed, and
after two days arrived at Mozambique.
As no house could be obtained for me in the city of Mozambique, I was
obliged to live on the mainland; which had the object desired by the
slave-dealers at Mozambique, who had all conspired not to let me have a
house in the city, namely, to prevent my obtaining a knowledge of all
their movements. In consequence of this, it was a day or two before the
real state of the case came to my knowledge.
It appears that, on the arrival of the “Ari-passa” at Mozambique, the
Banyans became very excited, and induced the captain to demand his
release, and the immediate restoration of the vessel, asserting their
intention of appealing to the British consul. The Governor-general, it
appears, regretted the occurrence when he found the vessel had been
brought into harbour, and had a British passport; but as the foolish
captors had not sunk the vessel, it was necessary to put a bold face on
the matter, and therefore a temporizing course was adopted. The prisoners
were set at liberty, and vague promises made to them, with which not
being satisfied, they asked permission to visit the British consul on
the mainland; at first this was refused, but at length permission was
granted, and a deputation waited upon me, and stated the case. The
information which I had received relative to the destination of the
Portuguese schooner, “19 de Maio,” came to my recollection, and I found
that the “Ari-passa” was the vessel which she had been sent to capture.
The facts of the case were duly deposed before me by Hery, the captain of
the dhow; and I made myself thoroughly master of the whole subject, by
examining a number of the crew, and inquiry into the whole circumstances
of the affair.
I then addressed the Governor-general in writing, and asked His
Excellency to inform me, why the dhow “Ari-passa” had been seized, and
her crew, under British protection, had been ill-treated and imprisoned?
To which he replied that the “Ari-passa” was “found in communication with
Quitangonha, which was forbidden, and in consequence she was seized, as
being suspected of smuggling, and she was delivered to the tribunals
according to law.”
Now, I knew that being delivered to the “tribunals according to law”
meant that, having been plundered of the bullion by the Governor-general,
she was then handed over to the judge, to see what he could make out of
her in the way of a bribe, or fine, to release her and her cargo; and was
only submitting to be further robbed. It was, therefore, necessary to
adopt bold measures, and to let Vasco Guedes know that I was acquainted
with the circumstances connected with her capture. And although I could
not write and state what I knew about the Governor of Ibo writing to
him relative to the “Ari-passa,” and the arrangements which were made
in consequence, because I would then have to state who my informant
was, still I addressed His Excellency in such a manner that he could
not doubt that I was fully aware of _all_ that had taken place. I
particularly pointed out that the vessel was seized at anchor at the
entrance of Quicimajulo Bay, which was, at least, twenty miles from
Quitangonha; that she had simply anchored from stress of weather; that it
was usual for dhows working along the coast to anchor every night, and
that the vessel had not communicated with the shore. I then stated the
manner in which the dhow had been boarded by the “19 de Maio,” by dashing
alongside like a pirate, and throwing a party of armed boarders on to
the deck of a peaceful trader, laying emphasis on the manner in which
the soldiers had broken open the boxes containing money, and rifled the
cases containing cargo, and designated the whole affair as an illegal
and piratical seizure. “_Suaviter in modo et fortiter in re_,”—is a good
diplomatic motto; but, in dealing with Portuguese one must not forget the
“_fortiter in re_.”
The Governor-general’s reply is one of the richest things on record. He
commences by stating:—
“That it is with regret that he sees a vessel, the flag of which is
under the protection of Great Britain, engaged in illicit commerce, more
especially as in the province of Mozambique every facility is afforded
for legitimate commerce to ships of all nations, and particularly to
those of a friendly ally.
“That in regard to the deposition of the captain of the ‘Ari-passa,’
which I had sent to him, he doubts its correctness; for the captain does
not mention her stay at Ibo, which was the most important circumstance
connected with his voyage. That the dhows from India bear very suspicious
characters; as a proof of which, one of the dhows from India lately
entered the port with a cargo of fire-wood! But, however the matter
may be, it was not for his Excellency and myself to settle it, but the
tribunals, before which the depositions ought to be made.”
His Excellency then indulged in a geographical disquisition relative to
Quicimajulo and Quitanhonga, and admitted that my knowledge might be
correct as to their relative positions.
With reference to the conduct of the soldiers who boarded the
“Ari-passa,” he reminded me of what the illustrious Lord Wellington
himself states as to the conduct of his soldiers in the Peninsula,
contained in his letters addressed to Viscount Castlereagh; and, also,
begs me to bear in mind that, it is said, similar acts are practised
by the British cruisers on the coast of Angola, and also on that of
Mozambique; and that, in fine, he possesses a document of a recent date,
in which the depositions of the crew and passengers are given, of one
of the Portuguese vessels coming from India, which, being at anchor
in Conducia Bay, was boarded by a boat from a British cruiser; that
the officers searched the Portuguese vessel, broke the seals of the
dispatches addressed to the custom-house, and endeavoured also, during
the night, to introduce chains, or slave-irons, on board the vessel, so
as to seize her as a slaver.
The fact of the matter was, that the Governor-general, at that time, was
hard pressed by me on the subject of the slave-trade. I had discovered,
in the short space of a month, all the ramifications of the slave-trade
which he had established at Mozambique, under the denomination of the
French Free Labour Emigration Scheme, and how the victims for that
traffic were supplied from the interior of Africa, renewing the horrors
of the slave-trade in the heart of that continent.
This letter was evidently written to annoy and irritate the British
consul; but, coming from such a source, I could well afford to smile
at the insult to my country, in comparing the glorious soldiers of
Wellington, who, on their victorious bayonets, carried liberty to Spain
and Portugal, to the convicted and degraded felons who formed the
soldiery of Mozambique. In regard to the statement directed against
the British navy, I simply let that matter rest until the arrival of a
British ship of war, the commander of which considered it beneath notice.
The Scotchman kept his temper, and simply renewed his demand for the
unconditional release of the “Ari-passa.” Some days afterwards I received
an invitation for my wife and myself to drink a cup of tea at the palace;
and a postscript was added by his Excellency, intimating that the
“Ari-passa” was restored!
Yes, the “Ari-passa” was restored, because there was a British consul
there to protect her; but how many “Ari-passas” have been seized
and plundered without redress! Some portion of the money which had
been robbed from this vessel could not be found when restoration was
ordered; this was put down to the soldiers, who had been compared to the
companions of Wellington; but the Banyan appeared well contented with
what was given back to him, and begged me to let the matter drop.
It is necessary to show how this affair affected the owner of the
“Ari-passa.” In consequence of her seizure, and the delay in restoring
the vessel, she could not get away from Mozambique for her return voyage
to Bombay, whither she was bound, until late in the month of September.
On the voyage across the Indian Ocean the south-west monsoon failed
her, and she was obliged to bear up for Zanzibar, from which place
she returned to Mozambique in the month of December, 1857. She was in
Mozambique harbour during the hurricane on the 1st of April, 1858, during
which she suffered considerable damage, and was nearly lost. Had she
reached Bombay in the end of 1857, her valuable cargo would have arrived
at a good market; but as she could not leave Mozambique until after the
setting in of the south-west monsoon, she did not reach her destination
until late in 1858, when we all know she found a depreciated market for
her cargo, owing to the Indian mutiny. Add to this the loss sustained by
the depreciation of the value of her cargo by being so long in her hold,
the wages and keep of her crew, and the loss of the vessel’s earnings
during twelve months.
At Mozambique I obtained her release; and the same sense of duty to my
country induces me to make the affair known in England, in order that
the merchants of Great Britain may urge upon the British government that
redress to which the mercantile community of this country are entitled.
Be it remembered that these dhows frequenting Mozambique from Bombay, and
other places in India, are laden with British goods sent to supply the
Indian markets, and thence exported to East Africa.
I have already mentioned that when at Natal, on my way to Mozambique, a
deputation from the Chamber of Commerce of Natal did me the honour of
waiting upon me, in order to bring forcibly before my notice the great
desire of the enterprising merchants of that young and energetic colony
to trade with the neighbouring Portuguese possessions, and to explain
the great and apparently insurmountable obstacles to carrying on any
relations with the rich tract of country lying between Cape Delgado and
Delagoa Bay.
The following letter, among others, was addressed to me by Mr. Cato of
that place:—
(Copy.)
“PORT NATAL, 6th July, 1857.
“DEAR SIR,
“I am glad that H.M.S. ‘Hermes’ called off this port, as it has
afforded me the pleasure of paying my respects to you on your
way to your Consulate, which I trust will be the commencement
of more extended relations.
“I have long been anxious to see a trade established between
this port and some of the ports to the northward; but the
difficulties, official and others, have been so great, that no
honest man could overcome, and make his trading speculation pay
him. The duties and port charges demanded at the said ports
have been the cause of complaint with every person that I have
known attempt to trade in that direction.
“Should you at any time wish to send letters overland to this
place, I would advise that they be sent to the Norwegian
mission station in the Zulu country, addressed to me.
“The head of the mission in that country is the Rev. H.
Schreuder—the farthest station from this is the Empangeni.
“On your arrival at your destination, and at your convenience,
if you would favour me with the tariff of duties and charges
at the different ports within your jurisdiction, I should
feel obliged;—also—if not asking too much—add the facilities
at those ports—pilots, boats, depth of water on the bars,
produce obtainable, articles in demand, with any information
you may think proper, or likely to lead to a trade. Placing my
services at your disposal,
“I have the honour to be, dear Sir,
“Yours obediently,
“G. C. CATO.
“To LYONS M’LEOD, ESQ., H.M. Consul, East Coast of Africa.
“Allow me to mention that I have the honour to represent
at this port—Swedish and Norwegian Vice-Consul, Danish
Vice-Consul, American Consular Agent, and Lloyd’s Agent.
“G. C. CATO.”
From the above letter it will be observed what a strong desire there
was for trade with the province of Mozambique, and an anxious inquiry
as to the capabilities of the country, of which little is known even at
Natal, and much less in the mother country. It is to be hoped that this
work will supply the wants of the mercantile community as to information
regarding the productions of this rich country, and also as to the proper
means of establishing commercial relations on a healthy basis.
Various attempts have been made to establish trade between Natal and
Delagoa Bay; and it is openly stated by the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay,
that more Englishmen have perished in these attempts from the poisoned
cup than from the deleterious climate. In England people may be startled
at this statement, but the Natal people will be only too glad to hear
that such a statement has gone forth to the world, as it may call for
a searching inquiry into the fate of those who have perished, and give
some hope that property, belonging to British subjects, now lying there,
may be restored. Any one who will visit Delagoa Bay may make himself
satisfied with the correctness of these statements; and, once for all,
let it be said, that nothing is asserted in this work which, if an
opportunity is given, cannot be proved.
I have already drawn attention to an able letter which appeared in the
_Natal Mercury_, from Mr. G. W. Duncan,[2] of Natal, on his return from
a trading voyage to Delagoa Bay. Not many months afterwards—viz., on the
15th of November, 1857, a small cutter named the “Herald,” of eleven
tons burthen, set sail from Port Natal, duly registered, and licensed for
a trading coast voyage. She was bound to the river King George, which
discharges itself into Delagoa Bay. The cutter was commanded by Mr. G. W.
Duncan, and his friend, Mr. Charles Hilliard, who had been on a former
voyage with Mr. Duncan, accompanied him as mate. The crew consisted of
three men.
To make this affair clearly understood, it will be necessary to explain
that the southern extreme limit of the Portuguese claim to possession
on the east coast of Africa was but ill defined until, in 1823, it was
settled by Captain W. F. Owen, R.N., when making his remarkable survey
of that coast. Without entering into minute details of the arrangement
made on that occasion, which it will be found is fully entered into in
another part of this work,[3] it will be necessary to state that a line
drawn due west from Cape Iniack marks the boundary of the Portuguese
and British possessions in that bay; the territory to the south of the
said line having been ceded to the British government by the natives of
the country in 1823. To the northward of that line lies that extensive
and valuable tract of country claimed by the Portuguese, to which the
natives everywhere dispute their right, and along which the Portuguese
have, as already explained at the opening of this chapter, a few insular
positions, from which they interfere with legitimate, and carry on slave,
trade.
The mouth of the river King George, to which the cutter “Herald” was
bound, is in Delagoa Bay, to the northward of the line already described,
and, consequently, within the line of coast claimed by the Portuguese.
The river King George is called by the natives Manakusi; they claim sole
right of dominion over the river, and acknowledge no superior power but
that of their king, Manakusi, and his subordinate chiefs.
It will be seen by the letter of Mr. Duncan, already referred to, that he
was fully aware that the Portuguese, in the adjoining small settlement
of Lourenço Marques, claimed the entrance to the river King George, and
that they informed him, in reply to a request to trade there, that if he
attempted to enter the river he was liable to seizure going in and coming
out. Nevertheless, the “Herald,” on this voyage, entered the river from
the sea, by a channel discovered by Mr. Duncan, and proceeded up it.
The object of the expedition was to open friendly relations with the
natives; to engage a hunting party, and establish an ivory trade, for
which purpose a piece of ground was to be purchased, and a wooden house
built for a depôt of goods and ivory.
The cargo of the “Herald” was well selected for the trade proposed to
be established. The cutter and cargo were valued at 1,200_l._, and
the estimated clear profit, after paying the amount invested, and all
expenses and charges, was 2,400_l._, being a return of 200 per cent. on
the original outlay. This instance alone will show what immense profits
would be derived from trading with the natives, if the east coast of
Africa was thrown open to legitimate traffic; and how the immediate
neighbouring British colony of Natal would be enriched.
The Portuguese, from their neighbouring settlement of Lourenço Marques,
are occasionally permitted to ascend the river in boats; this permission
must first be obtained from the king of the river. When the application
is made, it is always accompanied by a present; and if granted, which
is only done in the trading season, the king demands a present from
each boat ascending the river. Whenever the Portuguese have attempted
to ascend the river without permission from the king, they have been
attacked by the natives, and, if captured, compelled to pay a heavy
ransom.
The “Herald” proceeded up the river, and the king, Manakusi, having heard
of the arrival of an English vessel in the river to trade, immediately
sent messengers with a welcome, who were returned with presents for their
master.
Meanwhile, the Portuguese at Lourenço Marques heard of the entrance
of this small English vessel into the river King George, and in her
immediately recognized the “Herald,” which had been trading with
themselves some months previous. Governor Mochado had received a copy
of Mr. Duncan’s letter, which appeared in the _Natal Mercury_, and so
fearfully exposed what was going on at Lourenço Marques; and he longed
to be revenged on the Englishman who had dared to publish what he had
seen. Lieutenant Silva was despatched in charge of nearly the whole of
the available force at Lourenço Marques, and that officer found himself
placed at the head of a formidable force, consisting of about 100 men,
armed with old flint muskets, principally negroes belonging to the
Crown, assisted by a few of the convict soldiers who formed the garrison
of that place. They were embarked in three large launches, without any
sails, and a very short supply of oars, ammunition, and provisions. It is
therefore not surprising that they took more than two weeks to overtake
the “Herald,” which, at that time, was about 120 miles up the river.
On the 6th of December, the “Herald” was overtaken by this formidable
party. The advanced force consisted, of course, of armed negroes; and
Captain Duncan, imagining that they might be the natives of the country
meditating an attack, anchored the cutter, and prepared to defend the
vessel. But on the other two launches, with troops in them, making
their appearance, he began to surmise whence the hostile force had
come. Observing the “Herald” anchor, and prepare to defend herself, the
Portuguese launches dropped down the river, landed a party on each bank,
and took up a position on either side, abreast of the cutter. Mr. Duncan
hereupon hailed the soldiers in Portuguese, to request their commandant
to come alongside, informing them that he was not a pirate, but a trader.
The commandant accordingly came alongside, and informed Mr. Duncan that
he had orders from the Governor of Lourenço Marques to take the cutter,
and all she contained, together with all on board, to Governor Mochado.
Mr. Duncan, believing that he was in native waters, over which King
Manakusi had dominion, asked Lieutenant Silva for his authority. That
officer replied that intelligence had been received from a native chief
that a boat, unlike any which had been seen before, had gone up the
river; and that the chief, fearing those on board, had solicited the
assistance of the Portuguese government at Lourenço Marques. Mr. Duncan
replied that he was quite sure that such was not the impression at that
time, for he had already established friendly relations. To which the
commandant replied that he had his orders, and must comply with them.
Mr. Duncan now informed his captor that he had two men on shore, and
that he could not consent to leave without them; and Lieutenant Silva
consented to their being sent for.
The news soon spread of the interruption to the trade which was just
about opening between the natives and the English, and a formidable
number of negroes collected from all parts. The position of the English
was soon made known to the natives, by the negroes belonging to the
Portuguese; and the natives claimed the cutter for their prize, alleging
that she was in their waters, where the Portuguese had never been before.
Shortly afterwards, a conference took place between the contending
parties, viz., the Portuguese officers and the native chiefs. The native
chiefs declared that if they gave up their claim to the vessel, they
certainly would have a handsome ransom. Lieutenant Silva sent for
Mr. Duncan, and informing him what had passed at the conference with
the chiefs, stated that he thought Mr. Duncan would have to sacrifice
half, if not the whole, of the cargo to get out of the river, and
begged him earnestly to sacrifice the cargo to save the lives of the
party. Mr. Duncan said it was too late that night to do anything; he
would consider the matter, and give his decision next morning. On the
following morning, December the 8th, Mr. Duncan took an early opportunity
of informing Lieutenant Silva that he considered himself his prisoner,
and the vessel his capture—whether illegal or otherwise, was a matter
for after-consideration; that he consequently ceased to exercise any
authority over the cargo, and the commandant might do as he pleased. But
that, although a prisoner, if it was the commandant’s intention to fight
his way, he might depend upon him for assistance.
Meanwhile, the natives had not been idle. Under the direction of their
king they had made the river impassable, until such time as their wants
were satisfied. During the previous day, and on the morning of the
8th, canoes were observed floating down the river—sometimes one alone,
at other times two or three lashed together; these were collected at a
narrow part of the river, and with them a boom was formed, rendering all
exit from the river impossible. Above this boom, on each side of the
river, an army (as the natives called it) was placed; and the king gave
Lieutenant Silva to understand that it was his intention to enforce his
sovereign rights, and make the commandant pay handsomely for the ransom
of himself and party, when he might take the cutter with him; warning
him that next time he came up the river, without previously receiving
permission from King Manakusi, the consequences would be more serious.
Another attempt was made to induce Mr. Duncan to pay the ransom, but he
simply replied that he was no longer a free agent, but a prisoner.
At last, after much disputation with the natives, Lieutenant Silva,
commandant of the Portuguese force, took from the cargo of the British
cutter “Herald” sixty pounds sterling worth of goods, to pay for the
release of himself and party, and to be permitted to take with him the
“Herald.” The boom was then removed, and King Manakusi bade him “go!”—at
the same time warning him what the consequences would be, not only to any
Portuguese whom he might find in the river without his permission, but to
the settlement at Lourenço Marques, if they again attempted to infringe
on his territory. This Lieutenant Silva knew was no idle threat; for the
fort, as it is called, at Lourenço Marques, is frequently in imminent
peril from the natives, who generally inflict some punishment on the
Portuguese annually, after the trading season is ended, as a return for
some injury inflicted during that period.
Previous to getting under weigh, the two men who were missing from the
“Herald” joined the party, one being ill with fever.
Soon after weighing, it became apparent that the captors were quite
incompetent to manage the prize, and Lieutenant Silva was obliged to ask
Mr. Duncan to navigate the “Herald” to Lourenço Marques. The following
remarks are from Mr. Duncan’s journal, and show the relative position of
the English and the Portuguese in this affair:—
“On our way down the river, it was somewhat novel that, although
prisoners, we were left on board to enjoy our floating home, contrary
to all instructions; a condescension worthy of esteem, had it emanated
from a feeling of sympathy or kindness; for although the accommodation on
board our cutter was far from being sufficient for any length of time,
yet it was a palace compared with the wretched condition which those
miserable creatures were in, in their open boats, and which we should
have had to endure, had it not been that on us alone they depended to
take their cutter with a deck-load of their vermin to Lourenço Marques;
for though so many in number, there was not one sailor among them who
could work the craft.
“This doubtless will appear strange, especially to persons who understand
the nature of such an expedition, not to be provided with a few mariners
to carry out, to the strict letter, their orders. What could be more
absurd than to entrust those whom they considered their prisoners to take
the cutter, and a host of their force on board, to where they had orders
to take her? Doubtless it was to their overwhelming numbers compared
with us, more especially as they were armed to the teeth, that they
trusted. But could they have conceived the danger they placed themselves
in, they would have been glad to take to their boats when we got into
the open bay, and let us go; for nothing could have been more easy, with
a strong breeze blowing from the southward and eastward, having a good
offing, and the sea running considerably high, than to have washed the
deck, and rid ourselves of the nuisance. Nothing but an opinion of their
proceedings being unlawful, and a hope of having full damages awarded
through the official interposition of H.M. Consul, Mr. M’Leod, prevented
me ridding the world of an intolerable portion of its offscourings.
“On the evening of the third day’s sail down the river we arrived at
Lourenço Marques harbour, and shortly after coming to an anchor, an order
came for the rudder of the cutter to be unshipped and sent on shore;
between ten and eleven o’clock another order, for her mainsail to be
unbent and sent on shore, together with the guns, which had been kept
loaded in the cabin, and the ship’s papers. Next day, an order came
for the cutter to be got under weigh and laid on the beach, without her
rudder and mainsail, and a fresh breeze blowing off the land.
“As it was to me the Governor sent the orders, I refused to comply,
telling him that I would not undertake to do any such thing—that I
considered his orders absurd,—that I thought I had done sufficient in
bringing the vessel, cargo, Portuguese troops, and his people safe into
port—that if he wished to humbug the boat about, he must send men of his
own, and at his own risk. Shortly afterwards, a large barge was sent off,
manned with negroes, to tow her on shore, which was accomplished, but not
without considerable difficulty.
“On the following day, Saturday, the 12th December, everything was taken
out of her and carried into the fort. That done, we were all ordered to
land, and marched into the fort, the sick among us being placed in the
same room.
“In the afternoon, myself and two others were ordered back to the boat,
the sick sent to a place on the opposite side of the square in the fort,
called an infirmary, a most wretched apology for one; it was far inferior
to the one attached to the D’Urban Gaol in comfort, although much larger.
The scenes witnessed there by our sick I leave them to describe, should
they be disposed to do so. As to the district surgeon, his attention, and
the use of means placed at his disposal, nothing can be said against him.
“A Portuguese who had shipped with us as cook was kept in the fort,
and allowed greater latitude than any of us who were sent on board the
cutter. He was allowed to walk in and out of the fort at pleasure, and
to dispose of a number of articles which, with the assistance of the
Portuguese guard, he had stolen from the cargo of the ‘Herald.’
“Why this Portuguese should be allowed to remain in the vessel when all
were ordered on shore, he being one of the crew, seems strange, and
more so that he should be kept in the fort when we were ordered back
to the ‘Herald;’ except it is, as I have since imagined, to make him
an instrument to effect some purpose for which he is very capable; for
a more unmitigated scoundrel never could exist. I said that he is an
instrument to effect some purpose; for, on our embarking on board the
brig ‘Clara,’ all the officers belonging to Lourenço Marques were on
board; and on their leaving the vessel I heard the Commandant-Lieutenant
Silva say, ‘You know what has been said to you, take care!’ To which he
replied that he would.
“On Monday, the 21st December, 1857, we set sail for Mozambique, on board
of a Portuguese brig, called ‘Clara,’ commanded by Señhor José Antonio
de Olliveira. Their object in sending us is as yet a mystery, nothing
having been said to us by any of the authorities. Nor was I summoned to
appear before any one to answer for myself, except before the Collector
of Customs, to whose office I was marched under a guard of four soldiers
and a corporal, armed with muskets and fixed bayonets,—treated more like
a brigand than a man endeavouring to establish friendly and peaceable
commercial relations among that portion of the uncivilized inhabitants
dwelling on the banks of the river King George.
“Our passage to Mozambique was more than persons in our circumstances
could possibly expect. Strange to say, after the barbarous treatment
I had received during my stay of nine days, a close prisoner on board
the cutter, with a guard of four soldiers over me, that a cabin passage
should have been provided for me, with everything necessary for my
support and comfort at discretion. Those of the crew, five in number,
were not so comfortable as I should have wished, there being no other
accommodation for them than the longboat, with a tarpaulin for an
awning. Two of them were very ill from the effects of marsh fever, one
especially being, as I considered, in a dangerous state; but who has up
to the present gradually improved, by taking the medicines that I had
fortunately provided, their properties being very efficacious.
“With respect to the kindness of Captain José Antonio Olliveira, his
officers and crew, to assist in promoting the comfort of our party while
on board the ‘Clara,’ too much cannot be said; more especially the
captain, who was a perfect gentleman, and worthy of that name in its
purest sense, the very opposite, indeed, of almost all of his countrymen
at Lourenço Marques, Governor Mochado included. I had, indeed, many
fears, on embarking, that ill-treatment would have been continued during
our passage; but happy am I to state that, amidst many troubles, the
passage to Mozambique was an interval of ease and plenty, added to which
was the pleasure derived from delightful weather. Nothing could have
proved a greater relief and change (except that of being homeward-bound
in our little craft), from what we had suffered under the Russian
despotism of the Portuguese Governor Mochado, at Lourenço Marques.
“The care of those of our party who were sick, and the fear that they
would not survive the passage, caused me great anxiety; but when in
that I was favoured, having the daily pleasure of seeing them rapidly
improving, nothing, at last, seemed to burden my mind, excepting a strong
desire of arriving at Mozambique, buoyed with the hope that through the
official interposition of H.B.M.’s Consul, Mr. M’Leod, we would meet with
a speedy settlement of the affair, and thereby enable me the sooner to
return to Natal.
“This composure and satisfaction for myself, and for those who were
with me, was not continued to me long, for on the 31st December I had
the pain of reading the burial-service over the remains of one of my
crew, John Fysh, a young man, aged nineteen years, who not many days
previous enjoyed perfect health, and who was remarked by all on board as
a fine, healthy young man. On the 23rd December, about ten o’clock in the
evening, I was pacing the deck, when the deceased appeared coming from
the forepart of the ship; I seriously reproved him for his imprudence in
being on deck so late in a heavy cold dew, after an excessively hot day,
with nothing on but light trousers and a very thin flannel. The following
day he did not appear well, but did not complain; the day after I went to
see him, found him very feverish, and gave searching medicine.
“On Sunday, the 27th, according to his own statement, feeling as well as
he ever did, he dressed himself, and in the hottest part of the forenoon
I saw him under the port-bow of the longboat, on his knees, cutting out a
pair of trousers for one of the ship’s company. I reproved him, telling
him that it was the Sabbath-day, and that the scorching heat of the sun
under the lee of the boat might affect him more than the dew had a few
days previous. On Monday he complained of not being well, but did not
seem much indisposed. On Tuesday he was very bad. I gave him medicine,
and blistered him on the back of the head, kept him on low diet, &c., but
the treatment adopted had no effect.”
On the 3rd January, 1858, the Portuguese brig “Clara” arrived at
Mozambique, when Mr. Duncan and his unfortunate companions claimed the
protection of the British consul, and the next day they were provided for
by me.
The following extract from the statement of Mr. Charles Hilliard, a
highly intelligent man, who accompanied Mr. Duncan as his mate, in the
“Herald,” throws additional light on this affair, and shows us that
considerable changes among the Portuguese on the east coast of Africa
must take place if commercial relations are to be established with the
interior of the country by way of the magnificent rivers on that coast:—
“On a previous trip to Lourenço Marques, Captain Duncan had, out of
charity, taken three poor starving wretches, by permission of the
Portuguese Governor of that place, to Natal. One of these men, João
Alberto, shipped with us on this voyage as cook and interpreter,
pretending also to a knowledge of the language of the natives to whom
we were going. After the seizure of the vessel by the Portuguese on our
way to Lourenço Marques, he ingratiated himself with the half-starved
soldiers who were on board, by stealing the ship’s bread for them at
night, in which he was several times detected. On the removal of the
cargo from the vessel to the fort, at Lourenço Marques, he gained the
patronage of the guard by treating them with liquor he had stolen from
the cabin, part of which I took from him while serving it out; and
in the confusion and pillage that took place, and which neither the
captain, myself, nor the custom-house officers could restrain, he was
leader, throwing articles out on the beach, breaking, and wasting their
contents. And in a scuffle that ensued for some private articles between
him, assisted by the guard, and a fellow from the shore called the
harbour-master, and one of the crew, John Fysh, he attempted the life of
Fysh, by stabbing him twice with a clasp knife; and I got some blows on
the breast from the butt of the corporal’s musket in endeavouring to save
Fysh.
“When we were sent back to the vessel, he was allowed to remain in
the fort, and to keep for his own use a number of articles, beads,
handkerchiefs, pieces of blue calico, &c., belonging to the cargo of
the vessel, which he had stolen with the assistance of the guard, and
afterwards sold; and in a few days many of the Portuguese troops were
dressed in new blue cotton jackets, the property of J. D. Koch, Esq., of
Natal.
“At Lourenço Marques he wanted to leave the cutter’s crew, but, finding
that if he did so the Portuguese would make him carry the musket again,
and give him a sound flogging into the bargain, he claimed the protection
of the British flag, and was sent on board the ‘Clara,’ where he again
refused to do anything, even to carry refreshments from the galley to
his sick shipmates; for which he was treated with just contempt by his
countrymen.
“During our stay at Delagoa Bay, no examination of any one, not even the
captain, took place respecting our voyage, nor were any questions asked
upon the subject.
“The object of the expedition was to open friendly commercial intercourse
with the natives of Manakusi, or River King George, for which we had an
assorted cargo, to engage a hunting party and obtain a place from the
natives, or build a house for a depôt of goods and ivory.
“As great stress has been laid on the monstrous ingratitude of Captain
Duncan (in the Portuguese despatches) in firing a pistol at Lieutenant
Silva (who had so generously come to save him), I assert that it is a
base falsehood, as Captain Duncan neither burnt a grain of gunpowder, nor
had a pistol in his hands during the affair. What did take place was done
by myself. One barrel of my rifle, which I was loading, not being clear,
I blew some loose powder out of it to clear it, but which I don’t believe
either the lieutenant, or any of his party, so much as saw the smoke of,
they having pulled away round a bend of the river below us, and were
wholly hidden from view by a thick border of high reeds.”
How it fared with the master and crew of the “Herald” at Mozambique will
be related in the following chapters. Meanwhile, enough has been stated
in this one to show the restrictions which are thrown in the way of
legitimate trade.