[Illustration: MOZAMBIQUE.
Lyons Mc. Leod, del. T. Picken, lith.
London, Published by Hurst & Blackett, 1860.
Day & Son, Lithrs. to the Queen.]
TRAVELS IN EASTERN AFRICA;
WITH
THE NARRATIVE OF A RESIDENCE IN
MOZAMBIQUE.
BY
LYONS MCLEOD, ESQ., F.R.G.S.,
HONORARY FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
AND OF THE METEOROLOGICAL SOCIETY, MAURITIUS
LATE H.B.M. CONSUL AT MOZAMBIQUE.
[Illustration: GRAVES OF BRITISH OFFICERS AT MOZAMBIQUE.]
“Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God.”—_Psalm
LXVIII. v. 31._
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,
SUCCESSORS TO HENRY COLBURN,
13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.
1860.
_The right of Translation is reserved._
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTER I.
Governor-General of Mozambique Superseded for Slave-dealing,
and Arrival of His Successor—Trick of Slave-dealers to cause
an Early Misunderstanding between the New Governor-General
and the British Consul—Polite Attentions of the New
Governor-General—Decisive Measure adopted for the Suppression
of the Slave-Trade—The Fort signalizes to a Slaver in the
Offing—Seizure of the “Charles et Georges”—Arrival of H.M.
Frigate “Castor,” and desertion by her of the British
Consul—Combination of Slave-dealers to drive the British Consul
from the Port 1
CHAPTER II.
The Portuguese Merchant and the Governor-General—Arbitrary
Measures adopted towards the Banyans—The Piratical seizure of
the “Ari-passa”—Measures adopted for her Restoration—Comparison
between Wellington’s Soldiers and Mozambique Soldiers—The
“Ari-passa” is restored—Seizure of the British cutter “Herald” 34
CHAPTER III.
Escape of British Consul and Party from the Attack of the
Natives—Supplies Cut Off—Governor-General Protects the
Consul—Insolence of the Portuguese Guard—The Crew of the Cutter
“Herald” Arrive—The Consul’s Position Improved—Insolence of the
Portuguese Coxswain Exposed—The Governor-General furnishes the
Consul with a Guard—The Slave-dealers Disband the Mozambique
Police, and the Consul is without a Guard—Fever Attacks the
Inmates of the Consul’s House—The Portuguese Doctors Refuse to
Render any Assistance—Mr. Duncan Dies—Hurricane at Mozambique 83
CHAPTER IV.
The Negro José—Negro Bread—The Promised Sail of Hope—The
Commander of H. M. Cruiser—The Consul Supplied with a Guard
by H. M. Brig—Jealousy of Slave-dealers—Governor-General
Furnishes a Guard—Consul Renews his Correspondence on the
Slave-trade—House Attacked and Wife Wounded—Governor-General
Declares his Inability to Protect the British Consul—Consul
Embarks on board H. M. S. “Lyra”—Outrage on the Grave of a
British Subject 122
CHAPTER V.
Mauritius—The Introduction of Labour from India—Machinery
and Guano—Population—Revenue Exceeds the Expenditure
Considerably—Immigration Crimps—Coloured Ball—The Key to
India—The Governor of Réunion offers to Garrison “the Isle
of France”—Port Louis—Two Bishops—Bad Hôtels-“Dieu et Mon
Droit”—“Trumpeters before Travellers”—“There, you Poor
Devil!”—The Colonel’s Wedding-day—British Barque “Sutton” Opens
a New Description of Slave-Trade—The Gallant Affair of the
“Sarah Sands” 144
CHAPTER VI.
France and Madagascar—Radama, Sovereign of the whole
Island—Mayotte, the French Gibraltar—Nossi-bé and Hell
Town—Holy Fathers in St. Augustine Bay—Malagasy Children
taken to Réunion and educated by the Jesuits—Recent Attempt
of the French to Revolutionize Madagascar—M. Lambert—Madam
Ida Pfeiffer—Père Jean—Laborde—The Plot thickens—The Queen
discovers all—The Conspirators banished from the Island—Death
of Ida Pfeiffer—Products—Means proposed for securing the
Independence of Madagascar 180
CHAPTER VII.
The Vale Estate—Departure from Mauritius—Réunion—Ex-mayor of
St. Denis—History of Seychelles—Equable Temperature—Magnificent
Harbour of Refuge in the Centre of the Indian Ocean—Actors
in the Reign of Terror—Products—Sperm Whale—Turtle—Coco de
Mer—Exports 207
CHAPTER VIII.
Arrival at Aden—Arabia the Ancient Nursery of Commerce—How Aden
became a British Possession—Description of the Peninsula, Town,
Tanks, &c—Departure from Aden—Perim—Sight the Comet—Crossing
the Desert—Arrival in England. 231
CHAPTER IX.
On the Resources of Eastern Africa 258
APPENDIX A 283
” B 304
” C 321
TRAVELS IN EASTERN AFRICA.
CHAPTER I.
Governor-general of Mozambique Superseded for Slave-dealing,
and Arrival of His Successor—Trick of Slave-dealers to cause
an Early Misunderstanding between the New Governor-general
and the British Consul—Polite Attentions of the New
Governor-general—Decisive Measure adopted for the Suppression
of the Slave-Trade—The Fort signalizes to a Slaver in the
Offing—Seizure of the “Charles et Georges”—Arrival of H.M.
Frigate “Castor,” and desertion by her of the British
Consul—Combination of Slave-dealers to drive the British Consul
from the Port.
On the afternoon of the 22nd September, 1857, the city of Mozambique
was in a great state of excitement, for in the offing was the frigate
“Don Ferdinand,” having on board the new Governor-general, sent by the
government of Portugal to supersede Vasco Guedes de Carvalho e Menezes,
for carrying on the slave-trade in the province of Mozambique.
Slowly the old frigate threaded her way into the harbour, and took up a
berth, opposite the town, between Fort San Sebastian and the Palace of
the Governor-general.
On the next day invitations were issued for the principal personages
at Mozambique to attend the ceremony of the installation of the new
Governor-general, on the following Saturday, the 29th, at eleven o’clock.
An invitation was sent to the British consul as a matter of course, but
it was for Saturday the 30th, at half-past eleven o’clock. The object
of wording his invitation in this manner was that it was hoped he would
attend on the 30th instead of on the 29th, by which he would be “a day
after the fair,” and by this means a misunderstanding might be at once
created between the new Governor-general and the British consul. The
consul found that he was evidently asked for the wrong day, but hoping
that this might be a mistake, he proceeded to the palace at a few
minutes before half-past eleven, as invited.
On his arrival, he found that the ceremony of presentation to his
Excellency was almost finished; and, while elbowing his way through
the reception-rooms of the palace, crowded with brilliant uniforms,
the Jesuit secretary of Vasco Guedes met him, and informed him that he
“regretted exceedingly that the British consul had arrived too late to
be presented to the new Governor-general.” The British consul quietly
replied by pulling the letter of invitation out of his pocket, and
pointing out that by reading it in one way, he was just five minutes and
a quarter before the time invited; and reading it another way, he was at
the palace twenty-four hours, five minutes, and one quarter before the
hour indicated in the letter. The secretary smiled, apologized, wished to
explain, and, in fact, do anything to cause delay until the presentation
was over. But the British consul at once requested him to present him
to the new Governor-general; when this nephew of a cardinal positively
declined, alleging, as an excuse, that it was too late. Hereupon the
British consul produced his commission, and, politely bowing to the
cardinal’s nephew, reminded him that the Exequatur of the King of
Portugal, &c., gave access at all times to the Governor-general of
Mozambique. The secretary smiled, showing all his white teeth, and bowed
low in acknowledgment of his defeat. The consul passed on, and at last,
just before the ceremony was over, reached the astonished Vasco Guedes,
to whom, after paying the usual compliments of the day, he preferred
a request that he would at once present him to his successor, Colonel
Almeida, who was standing on his left hand.
The new Governor-general shook hands with the British consul, and
requested him to take his proper place, on his left hand, and then
inquired if he had brought over with him, from the mainland, a machilla,
for the purpose of attending the ceremony, which was to take place in the
principal church. A machilla, I ought to explain, is a sort of cot, or
swinging sofa, with an awning over it, in which persons are carried by
four slaves, bearing on their shoulders the large bamboo pole to which it
is attached.
Finding that the British consul had no machilla with him, and would,
consequently, have to walk in the sun, Colonel Almeida asked Vasco Guedes
if a machilla could not be procured for the consul; to which the latter
replying in the negative, his Excellency called a young aide-de-camp, a
nephew of the Sa de Bandeira, and asked him to procure a machilla; but
this the polite young aide-de-camp found impossible, for every one had
made up his mind to make the British consul walk.
The ceremony being ended, and no machilla making its appearance for my
use, the new Governor-general said, “Now, gentlemen, we will repair to
the church; but, as Mozambique cannot provide a machilla for the use of
the British consul, we must all accompany that gentleman on foot.”
I have been particular in mentioning the above, to show the animosity of
the slave-dealers towards myself; and how it was at once perceived by the
new Governor-general.
On the way to the church, Colonel Almeida insisted that I should take
my place with himself and Vasco Guedes, under the large purple velvet
umbrella, which, on state occasions, is held over the Governor-general of
the province.
After the religious ceremony in the church was over, I was requested to
repair to the palace, with the officers of H.M.S.V. “Geyser,” who were
present at the ceremony, and there to await the return of the procession
from Fort San Sebastian, to which the new Governor-general had to repair
for the purpose of receiving the keys of the fort.
On his Excellency’s return, we were again presented, and congratulated
him on his taking possession of the government of the province. In
the evening there was a ball, where all the “beauty and fashion” of
Mozambique attended.
On the following Monday I called the attention of the new
Governor-general to some serious charges preferred by me against the
Governor of Ibo, in being openly engaged in the slave-trade.
Vasco Guedes had told me that he could not supersede the Governor of
Ibo for these practices, as he was appointed directly by the King, but
Colonel Almeida made short work of it, by appointing another governor to
Ibo, and requesting me to obtain a passage for him in H.M.S.V. “Geyser.”
This request I was not able to comply with, as an urgent order had
arrived from the Cape of Good Hope, recalling the “Geyser.” At that time
I had only just heard of the Indian mutiny. I expected that Sir George
Grey would send every regiment and vessel on to India, and that he would
be anxiously looking out for the “Geyser.” Although I saw hot work for
the new Governor-general and myself, I hurried the “Geyser” to the Cape,
where, I hoped, she would be useful to my country.
On the arrival of the new Governor at Ibo, he found a vessel under French
colours lying there waiting for slaves, which his predecessor was about
to supply. This vessel, called the “Marie et Caroline,” the new Governor,
Lieutenant J. Romeiro, sent down to Mozambique; and there being a French
Delegate on board, who stated that she had sailed from Réunion for the
purpose of embarking free labourers from the east coast of Africa, he was
informed by the Governor-general of Mozambique that this traffic in human
beings was forbidden, and had to enter into a bond that he would not
endeavour to carry on this species of slave-trade within the precincts of
the province of Mozambique. The “Marie et Caroline” was then released;
and another vessel, named the “Maria Stella,” under the French flag,
being sent down from Ibo to Mozambique, was treated in the same manner.
The new Governor-general had thus shown himself determined to put an end
to the slave-trade, and to carry out faithfully the treaties entered into
by Portugal and Great Britain, for the suppression of the slave-trade in
these seas.
In the middle of November I had received intelligence that slaves were
to be shipped close to Mozambique, and had communicated this fact to the
Governor-general, during an interview which I had with his Excellency.
On the evenings of the 17th, 18th, and 19th of November, I observed from
my house that signals were being made from Cabaçeira Point, by means of
fires, to some sail in the offing. On the last of those evenings the
Fort San Sebastian was communicating with the vessel in the offing by
means of lights; and I afterwards found that for these three days a large
three-masted vessel was in sight from the fort. The commandant of the
fort, an old colonel of artillery, I knew to be a notorious slave-dealer,
and when he was telegraphing to the vessel in the offing I felt convinced
that the rumour which I had heard relative to slaves being about to be
shipped in the neighbourhood of the fort was but too true.
On the following day I received an intimation in writing from the city of
Mozambique that a three-masted vessel was lying in Conducia Bay, shipping
slaves; and having, on the 21st November, satisfied myself that two
refractory slaves belonging to my neighbour, Brigadier Candido de Costa
Soares, had been shipped on board a slaver in Conducia Bay, I no longer
hesitated to address the Governor-general on the subject, simply writing
to his Excellency “that I had received intelligence that a three-masted
vessel was at anchor in Conducia Bay; and that there was reason to
suppose that she was shipping a cargo of slaves.”
Now, this vessel was the celebrated “Charles et Georges,” and she was
visible from the fort during the whole time that she was at anchor in
Conducia Bay. Slaves were taken from the city of Mozambique, and put on
board of her, and everyone in Mozambique was aware what trade she was
engaged in.
No one moved in the matter until I addressed an official intimation to
the Governor-general, and it is quite certain that if there had been no
British consul at Mozambique she would never have been seized.
As soon as the Governor-general received my despatch, he sent a force
overland, past my house, to Conducia Bay; and one of the _obliging_
merchants of Mozambique offered his Excellency the use of the “Enigma”
schooner to take the troops to Conducia Bay to seize the slaver. The
troops embarked on board the “Enigma” at one o’clock in the afternoon,
and that vessel did not raise her anchor until five in the evening. She
dropped her anchor again in about an hour’s time, and remained in harbour
until the next morning.
When the “Enigma” reached Conducia Bay, the slaver was gone; of course
she was warned off, and the “Enigma” had been offered simply to detain
the soldiers until the slaver escaped.
The Governor-general refitted the “Zambesi” schooner, already well known
to the reader, and she was sent to sea in three days’ time.
The “Charles et Georges” had shipped some portion of her slaves, and as
she left four thousand dollars on shore with the Portuguese official, the
Sheik at Matabane, for the purchase of more slaves, it was natural that
she should return.
Accordingly, while cruising off the coast, the “Zambesi” observed a
strange three-masted vessel at anchor in Conducia Bay, and, bearing down
on the stranger, boarded her on the 29th of November.
She was conveyed to Mozambique, and handed over to the judge, who
condemned her, as he found that there were four thousand dollars on
board of her, the handling of which he would of course have.
A small French war schooner was sent from Réunion to demand her
restoration. The judge immediately represented that the slave barque
“Charles et Georges” was improperly condemned, and advised the
Governor-general to restore her.
The reason for the head of the law reconsidering his decision was that
he was told he might retain the four thousand dollars found on board the
“Charles et Georges,” and that one thousand more would be added if the
vessel was restored.
The Governor-general was not to be trifled with in this manner, and
decided that, as the judge had condemned her, he would send the “Charles
et Georges” to Lisbon.
So far so good. The slave-trade was being effectually suppressed, as the
British consul urged the Governor-general of Mozambique to do his duty.
But another actor appeared on the scene, and soon altered the position of
H.M. Consul at Mozambique.
On the 3rd of December H.M. frigate “Castor” called at Mozambique. The
captain of that vessel, Henry Lyster, Esq., was quite astonished at the
energy and determination displayed by the Governor-general of Mozambique,
acting under the advice of the British consul. The day after his arrival
he called upon the latter functionary, and remained with him about ten
minutes.
In this short space of time H.M. Consul informed Captain Lyster, R.N.,
that on the night the “Charles et Georges” anchored in Mozambique
harbour, the slaves belonging to the slave-dealers stoned the band of
the Governor-general, while playing before the palace, and that he
was obliged to flog a number of the slaves of the town, to prevent a
repetition of this offence; that the slave-dealers, baffled in their
attack on the Governor-general, twice attacked the consul’s house,
through the medium of their slaves, whom they sent to stone the consul
in his house; that he was served with a notice to quit the house he was
then residing in, and that there was not one in the town which he could
get to live in; that some short time previous, having gone to look at a
house in the country, which he was told was to let, he was attacked by
infuriated natives, who had been urged to this act by the slave-dealers,
and that he escaped with his party by having been shown a road which led
him from the natives to his own house.
He further showed Captain Henry Lyster, R.N., that he was without
servants—all the slaves, with the exception of a child, which would not
leave, having been taken from the house. He claimed his protection, and
also asked him for a small boat by which he could communicate with the
Governor-general.
To which Captain Lyster replied that he must immediately return to the
Cape of Good Hope, and apprize the admiral of the serious state of
affairs at Mozambique; and requested the consul to close his despatches,
as his departure was immediate. He promised to send over in the evening
for the consul’s despatches, if they did not reach him; and hurried out
of the consul’s house, stating that he had to make arrangements for
watering the ship at once.
The next morning at daylight, the “Castor” was observed, under her
topsails, standing out to sea. It was imagined that H.M. frigate had
gone in chase of some strange sail in the offing, but as day passed after
day, the fearful and humiliating truth dawned on the inmates of the
British consulate, that they had been abandoned to their fate.
The captain of H.M. frigate “Castor” left Mozambique without the
consul’s despatches, either for the admiral at the Cape, or the British
government. On the arrival of the “Castor” in England, Captain Lyster,
R.N., was made superintendent of a naval dock-yard. Comment is needless,
but sometimes truth is stranger than fiction.
Soon after the desertion of the British consul and the Governor-general
of Mozambique by H.M. frigate “Castor,” a marked change took place in the
conduct of the Governor-general of Mozambique; for he anticipated that
the British government would not support Portugal in the struggle which
he saw that weak power would have with France. Those who have studied
this subject may pronounce their own opinion, but one thing is certain,
that to the base desertion of the British consul at that critical period
may be traced the subsequent insolence of the slave-dealers, the
increase of the slave-trade, and the sufferings of H.M. Consul and family.
As long as Vasco Guedes remained at Mozambique, the slave-trade party
felt that they had nothing to fear; but now that Colonel Almeida had
arrived, and had published the Portarias of the King of Portugal,
forbidding the French Free Labour Emigration, and his own declaration
that it was his determination to persecute that traffic wherever he might
find it in the province of Mozambique, the slave-dealers found that the
British Consul and the Governor-general united were too much for them;
they therefore determined to do all in their power to drive the former
out of the colony, believing that afterwards they would be able to do as
they pleased with the new Governor-general.
Three days after the sailing of H.M.S.V. “Geyser,” by which vessel
Mr. Soares believed I had sent an application to England to have
him appointed H.M. Vice-Consul at Mozambique, (but which I did not
forward in consequence of learning to what extent he was engaged in
the slave-trade, and by his own admission to me that he had been the
principal person in establishing the French Free Labour Scheme at
Mozambique):—Mr. Soares sent me a written intimation that he would
require both his houses, the one on the island in twenty-four hours, and
that on the mainland in a month or forty days. Until I received this
intimation, I had not the slightest knowledge of anything of this sort
which was going on, and, indeed, looked forward daily to getting into the
house on the island.
I immediately called Mr. Soares to an account for treating me in this
manner. His reply was, “They say, Mr. M’Leod, that I give you all the
information about the slave-trade, and that I must leave the place, or
that you must.” I asked him who _they_ were, but he would not answer my
question.
He told me that his father said that he must put me out of his house,
to clear himself of the charge that had been brought against him by the
Mozambique people. I asked him to tell me—if I was so foolish as to give
up to him a house which I had taken for twelve months—where I could find
another house vacant? He told me that there was not one in Mozambique;
and that, if there was, the people had determined among themselves not to
let me even have a room for an office, much less a house to live in.
I reminded him that he was differently treated at the Cape of Good Hope;
he begged me, with tears in his eyes, not again to allude to what he
could never forget; and stated that what he was doing he was compelled to
do, and that if he left Mozambique it would be much worse for me.
Finding that he was quite insensible to reason, I gave him to understand
that since, under numerous pretexts, he had prevented my taking absolute
possession of that portion of the house on the island which was let to
me, and that he was now in possession of it, why, I must submit to be
deprived of it; but that, with regard to the house on the mainland, I
intended to remain in it until the time agreed upon was completed, or
until such time as I obtained another house. He got into a great rage,
and told me that “he would remove all the slaves, and that I would be
unable to live in the house then.” To which I replied “that then he
would break his agreement with me.” This caused him to answer that he
“did not care what he did to get me out of the house, for that his father
said I must leave the place.”
From that day the slaves were gradually removed, until there was only one
little child, called Azinte, left, who refused to leave.
Azinte was about eight years of age; she was a melancholy child, with
intelligence far above her years. Her face was good, and there was a
sweet resigned smile upon it, which interested the commonest observer.
She came especially under my wife’s notice in the following manner:—
The grown up slaves, while employed at their work, left one of the little
ones always to watch their meal while it was cooking, and to keep a good
fire under the pot.
On one of these occasions Azinte was left guardian; and, whether it was
the pangs of hunger, or the curiosity inherent to her sex, and inherited
from our common mother, Eve, which urged her, I know not, but she
uncovered the pot to look at its contents, and, like many children of an
older growth and a fairer skin, the temptation was too much for her, and
she was caught in the act of helping herself to the old folks’ dinner.
To the Mozambique negro mercy is never shown; and therefore, in the hour
of his might, we cannot expect him to be merciful. Nay, cruelty for
successive ages has made him cruel. Azinte’s little hand was seized by a
powerful grasp, and held upon the burning faggots.
For three days and three nights she endured excruciating torments. Rosa,
my wife’s maid, inquiring for her little favourite, found her hid away
in an outhouse, neglected by all her companions, who would not even take
her a drink of water. Rosa took the suffering child to her mistress.
The little hand was in a frightful state; but by careful dressing and
constant attention it was saved. The little Azinte was ever afterwards
kept in the house. She would never point out the monster who had seared
her hand. The little negress was very grateful, and loved my wife dearly.
Many attempts were made to steal the child from us, but she escaped them
all. At last, the hour of parting came; I asked Mr. Soares to give the
child her freedom. He told me to buy it, and to name my own price. He
would have sold me the child for one shilling; but not even to liberate
could I buy a slave. Poor Azinte, you were sacrificed to a stern sense
of duty. Here was a little being humanized, if not civilized; those who
had raised her to that state had no control over her. She was a chattel
belonging to a Portuguese of Mozambique descent, and was to be used as
such. We often think what may be her fate!
When the slaves were removed from Mr. Soares’ house, in the hope of
driving us away, I used every endeavour to hire some from persons in the
city of Mozambique. A German merchant would have procured me the services
of some, but as he could not hold slaves more than myself, he was
dependent on the will of the Mozambique people, who hired their slaves to
him on the express condition that he would not lend them to the British
consul. On all sides, I was now beset with offers of slaves, cheap slaves
to sell.
In this dilemma, I applied to the Governor-general for the loan of
government slaves. At first he said he would, of course, give me what I
required; but afterwards, he stated that he found it was impossible to
supply me with a crew for my boat, or even one government slave.
Anticipating that things might come to this, when the Mozambique people
found that what I did on my arrival to suppress the slave-trade, I
continued during my sojourn among them, I had written to a Parsee house
at Bombay to send me a suitable number of servants. Since my arrival in
England, I have received a letter from the Parsee merchant, containing
the envelope of my letter from Mozambique, to show me by the post-mark
the date of its arrival at Bombay, and to prove that my order not being
executed was no fault of his. The simple fact is that my letter was
detained at Mozambique.
Being without any assistance in the house, if I except a sick Portuguese
soldier, who used to oblige us occasionally by attending on table, I
was obliged to face the work manfully. The Portuguese refused to light
the fire, alleging that it was negroes’ work, and so the British consul
had to do it. For months, I drew water from the well and cut up the
fire-wood. The Portuguese said his arms were not strong enough to draw
water from the well, and that cutting up fire-wood made his back ache;
so, of course, this necessary work devolved upon me.
But there were some things I could not do—for example, cook our meals;
this devolved on my wife and Rosa. Those who have a fancy to know what
this was like must get some mangrove-wood, the arsenical fumes from
which, after suffocating and blinding them, will render them unfit to eat
anything for that day. Hard-earned was the morsel that was cooked for
dinner; but the day came when we had no wood and no food, and God, in his
mercy, sent our countrymen, who were the survivors of the crew of the
unfortunate “Herald,” to save us.
At Mozambique, no one would wash our clothes; and for months this
necessary work was performed by my wife and poor weak Rosa, with no
assistance but the little Azinte, who, poor child, learned in the course
of time to lay the clothes upon the grass. This necessary labour had to
be performed by two delicate Englishwomen, with the thermometer ranging
from 80° to 96° in the shade, and yet they are both alive at this moment.
All this had to be endured; we were in the hands of the Philistines, and
we had to do battle with them; ours was the battle of patient endurance.
The Portuguese wished to degrade us in the eyes of the negroes; to show
them what an inferior race the English were; that they could not keep one
slave, whilst the Portuguese had hundreds.
After the severe toil of the day, we were all glad when night came, and
thankful that health and strength were granted to us.
Such was the state of affairs in my house, when my German friend offered
me a passage in one of the vessels belonging to his firm, which was then
in port, and proceeding to Zanzibar.
Although resolved to remain at Mozambique, and maintain my post, despite
all persecution, I reasoned with myself on the sinfulness of sacrificing
the lives of two other persons, and, therefore, determined to avail
myself of this opportunity of sending my wife and her maid to Zanzibar,
to await my arrival there; as, in that case, I would have been able
to find accommodation for myself on board some vessel or dhow in the
harbour, until such time as the hour of deliverance arrived, by the
presence of one of Her Majesty’s ships.
On proposing to my wife a visit to Zanzibar, her countenance revealed
with what joy she hailed any change from that continued toil under which
herself and her maid were rapidly failing. But, instantly divining that
it was my intention to remain at Mozambique, and maintain my post, while
she and her maid were expected to proceed to Zanzibar, with her eyes
suffused with tears, she claimed, and successfully pleaded, her wife’s
privilege to share her husband’s trials.
Soon afterwards my wife sent for her maid, and told her that there was a
passage provided for her to Zanzibar, where arrangements would be made
for her conveyance to the Cape of Good Hope, where her mother lived. But
that noble girl, Rosa Smith, refused to desert her mistress; and, when
this offer was again made to her, after the desertion of H.M. frigate
“Castor,” she adhered to the same resolution.
From that evening, during our stay at Mozambique, in all our sufferings
and privations, with sickness, hunger, and even death in my house, I
never heard a murmur. Both these Englishwomen felt that they were called
upon to perform a sacred duty. They suffered in a holy cause—that of
the slave—and HE who “tempereth the wind to the shorn lamb” gave them
strength to endure.
The following is an account of an act of brutality towards a domestic
slave which came under my own eye, and the particulars of which I extract
from my journal at Mozambique:—
“On Monday, the 15th of March, 1858, at 8.30 A.M., we were greatly
distressed by screams, which proceeded from some fellow-being in the
compound of the next house, the wall of which was about thirty yards
distant from our own. Mrs. M’Leod was at the time slowly recovering from
the effects of the fever, and the treatment she had received from Dr.
Fonseca, and it may be easier imagined than described, what a serious
effect this affair had on her system. The screams proceeding from that
house were, on this occasion, more alarming than those that were heard
from time to time, daily, when the female overseer was employed in
punishing the slaves under her control. At last, they became so alarming
that we came to the conclusion that the slaves had risen upon Portuguese
Rosa, the overseer, and having succeeded in getting her into one of the
outhouses, they were employed in avenging themselves for the gross and
continued wrongs which they had suffered at her hands.
“Believing that this was the case, and urged by the entreaties of my wife
and her maid to endeavour to save the woman from the fury of the negroes,
I repaired to Mr. Soares’ house, in the court-yard of which the following
revolting scene met my view:—
“Portuguese Rosa was lying on a native bed, or sofa, which was placed
with its head about three feet from the doorway of an outhouse, in which
cocoa-nuts were stored until required for the use of the house.
“This Portuguese woman was reclining at full length on the sofa, her
chin supported by her hand, and contemplating, with evident pleasure,
the disgusting scene of barbarity which was being enacted inside of the
cocoa-nut house. A negro, one of the finest specimens of man I have
ever looked upon, and one that an artist would have wished for a model
of Apollo, was lashed up to a ladder by his hands and legs; two negroes
were castigating him on his posteriors; two spare ones were waiting to
relieve them, and one old negro stood by, who appeared to be a doctor,
witnessing how much the sufferer could bear without being killed. The
poor creature’s posteriors and thighs were covered with blood, and a pool
of blood was around his feet. There lay the Portuguese woman, calmly
enjoying this scene of blood, occasionally instructing the actors where
to strike, when a cry of more thrilling anguish would testify to her
refinement in torment.
“Anxious to put an end to this revolting scene, I asked—nay, I
begged—this fiend in woman’s form to pardon and release the man.
“Instantly her dark eye was lighted up with the frenzy of intense hatred,
and, turning to me, she said, ‘For anything with a white skin, I would
pardon—but for you, THOU CHAMPION OF THE SLAVE!—NEVER!’ Then turning to
the executioners, she yelled, ‘Flog, sons of hell, flog! or else I’ll
pour the boiling oil upon you.’ This drew my attention to a neighbouring
fire, on which stood a pot, which, I afterwards learned, contained
boiling oil. To have remained longer would have only added to the
sufferings of the slave. This was a case of domestic slavery, in which,
of course, I could not interfere. A late Portaria of the King of Portugal
declares that this slavery shall cease in twenty years time; that is to
say, continues it for that period. Subsequently, I heard that this slave
was punished for disobedience of orders. Inquiring further into the
matter, I learned that this noble black had refused to castigate his own
mother. Women of England, and mothers of Portugal, hear me; and when you
hear, speak—so that Don Pedro the Fifth, of Portugal, shall cause slavery
to cease in his African dominions, and leave to his dynasty a name, the
memory of which shall awaken prouder associations than those even of the
Era of Conquest.”
A few days after witnessing the frightful atrocity just related, I had a
letter sent to me from the master of the cruel Portuguese woman, and the
owner of the godlike manly form, with a black skin, whose ignominious
tortures I had witnessed, in which I was called a spy, and sundry other
equally complimentary epithets, for having unfortunately witnessed a
scene revolting to humanity, when I imagined I was bound on an errand
of mercy, in an endeavour to save the life of a fellow-being. Of this
I took no notice; but, from that moment, I felt convinced that my
neighbours’ slaves were more rigorously dealt with than even before. With
a refinement of devilment, during the remainder of my stay at Mozambique,
the Sabbath of the Lord was set aside specially for the punishment of Mr.
Soares’ negroes; and, as that Portuguese gentleman knew that the Consul
of Protestant England performed the service of the Church of England,
every Sunday, at eleven o’clock in the forenoon, that hour was chosen for
the commencement of these harrowing tortures, which were continued until
one P.M., when he imagined that the prayers of the heretic were ended.
Where those cries of anguish ascended to the throne of the Omnipotent,
the song of praise will, assuredly, be heard at no distant period.
The Portuguese, entirely devoted to slavery, have neglected the natives
in religion, as in all other matters; and as the Makuas have not imbibed
Mahometan principles from the Moors or Arabs, who do not here attempt any
proselytism, there is an admirable opening at Mozambique for Protestant
missionaries; but MOLOCH, in the shape of the slave-trade, must first be
done away with, when a noble field for missionary labour will be laid
open.
As a further example of the cruelty which Portuguese women perpetrate on
their slaves, the following barbarity was related to me as having been
inflicted in the city of Mozambique:—
A Mozambique lady, having been clearly convicted of some delinquency,
by the evidence of one of her female slaves, adopted this method of
punishment, which,—even among those who are in the habit of burning their
slaves with red hot iron, pulling out the nails of the fingers and toes
for punishment, and otherwise perpetrating, in that remote region, the
horrors of the Inquisition—is spoken of with disgust. The unhappy girl
was seized and firmly secured; an egg was boiled, and, on being removed
from the pot, was forcibly placed in the mouth of the wretched slave. A
sail-needle was then driven as a skewer through both lips, when the girl
was released, and the lady owner viewed her torments. This she-devil, not
yet satisfied with the punishment inflicted on her fellow-being, ordered
the slave-girl to be struck on both cheeks until the egg was broken, and
the scalding contents went down her throat.
The slave-trade thrives only in the African dominions of the King of
Portugal; and the late Portaria of that monarch at once places His
Majesty foremost among the advocates of slavery. Until slavery is
entirely abolished in the African dominions of Don Pedro the Fifth, the
slave-trade will flourish, while outraged humanity and the suffering
Africans exclaim to that potentate, “_Thou art the man!_”