bearing upon the subject, I have doubtless overlooked many,
perhaps some of the best, contributions. From most of those I
have seen, I will now give extracts. The newspaper articles it
is impossible to quote from--they are too numerous. Besides,
quotations from them in most cases would be unjust and
unsatisfactory.
The Press of England and the United States has only treated this
great question in a desultory and superficial way, because there
has been no definite question before the two nations for
discussion. So far as I can judge, however, a fair majority of
the newspapers favour the general suggestion of a {211} "closer
bond of sympathy," a "better understanding," and an utter
renunciation of an appeal to arms to settle disputes between the
United States and Great Britain. How these things will be
accomplished they do not consider, except that a majority of the
newspapers favour the adoption of an arbitration treaty.
The Bar, yet representing, shall I say, the serious, sober, best
thought of the two nations, takes no combined action upon public
questions. Its organisation, so far as matters are involved
which do not directly affect its members or its _esprit du
corps_, is merely formal. Its views can be gathered from
individual sources only, and from articles which individual
members contribute to the literature of the day. Those I have
found and quote from, favour an alliance.
The Pulpit has been outspoken and enthusiastic from the
commencement in its advocacy of an alliance.
The Stage, always ready to catch the sentiments of the hour,
has, with its usual aptness and scenic skill, entwined England
and the United States together in friendly embrace; and
grotesque and exaggerated allusions to a coalition "to whip all
the world," have been liberally and vociferously applauded.
I now give the quotations promiscuously. The italics are my own.
They are made to show the very gist of the author's opinion.
The first article that came under my notice is, strangely
enough, the most definite in its purpose {212} and conclusion,
and was published in April, 1897, by Professor Dicey, under the
title of "A Common Citizenship for the English Races."[1]
Professor Dicey states that his "aim is to establish the
possibility and advocate the policy of instituting a common
citizenship for all Englishmen and Americans." He says:
"My proposal is summarily this: That England and the United
States should, by concurrent and appropriate legislation, create
such a common citizenship, or, to put the matter in a more
concrete and therefore in a more intelligible form, that an act
of the Imperial Parliament should make every citizen of the
United States, during the continuance of peace between England
and America, a British subject, and that simultaneously an act
of Congress should make every British subject, during the
continuance of such peace, a citizen of the United States. . . .
"Common citizenship, or isopolity, has no necessary connection
whatever with national or political unity. My proposal is not
designed to limit the complete national independence either of
England or of the United States. _It would be not only an
absurdity, but almost an act of lunacy, to devise or defend a
scheme for turning England and America into one state_. It is as
impossible, as, were it possible, it would be undesirable, that
Washington should be ruled by a government in London, or that
London should be ruled by a government in Washington.
". . . _What my proposal does aim at is, in short, not political
unity, but, in strictness, common citizenship_. Were it carried
into effect, the net result would be that every American citizen
would, on landing at Liverpool, possess the same civil and
political rights as would, say, an inhabitant of Victoria who
landed at the same moment from the same boat; and that an
Englishman who stepped for the first time on American soil would
possess there all the civil and political rights which would
necessarily belong to an American citizen who, having been born
abroad, had for the first time entered the United States."
{213}
Mr. James Bryce, in an article favouring any proper means to
establish an alliance between the two countries, says[2]:
"Meantime there are things which may be done at once to cement
and perpetuate the good relations which happily prevail. One is
the conclusion of a general arbitration treaty providing for the
amicable settlement of all differences which may hereafter arise
between the nations. Another is the agreement to render services
to each other; such, for instance, as giving to a citizen of
either nation the right to invoke the good offices of the
diplomatic or consular representatives of the other in a place
where his own government has no representative; or [following
the proposition of Professor Dicey, heretofore referred to]
_such as the recognition of a common citizenship, securing to
the citizens of each in the country of the other, certain rights
not enjoyed by other foreigners._"
Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, England's Secretary for the Colonies,[3]
states his views upon the subject as follows:
"So far as the United Kingdom is concerned, it may be taken as a
fact that the British nation would welcome any approach to this
conclusion, _that there is hardly any length to which they would
not go in response to American advances_, and that they would
not shrink even from an alliance _contra mundum_, if the need
should ever arise, in defence of the ideals of the Anglo-Saxon
race--of humanity, justice, freedom, and equality of
opportunity.
"It must not be supposed, however, that in accepting an alliance
as a possible and welcome contingency, _anything in the nature
of a permanent or general alliance is either desirable or
practicable_.
"Any attempt to pledge the two nations beforehand to combine
defensive and offensive action in all circumstances must {214}
inevitably break down and be a source of danger instead of
strength. All therefore that the most sanguine advocate of an
alliance can contemplate is _that the United States and Great
Britain should keep in close touch with each other, and that
whenever their policy and their interests are identical they
should be prepared to concert together the necessary measures
for their defence_.
"It is to such a course of action that Washington seems to point
when he says: 'Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable
establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may
safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary
emergencies.'"
Walter Charles Copeland, favouring the proposed Anglo-American
Alliance, says:
"_Nor ought we to remain satisfied with the moral alliance which
is, and always will be, and probably always would have been,
formed at a Pinch between the branches of the Anglo-Saxon race_.
True, it may be considered by our statesmen in their wisdom that
the common interest will be served best by a secret alliance, or
a more subtle understanding. Anyway, there is ample scope for
the work of a league or association, or for more than one,
devoted to the great purpose of correcting misapprehensions and
moulding public opinion on both sides."[4]
Sir Charles Dilke sympathises with the movement, but believes
there is no chance of a permanent alliance with the United
States as matters now stand:
"I have seen," he says, "no inclination expressed across the
Atlantic by the responsible leaders of political opinion
pointing towards the conclusion of any instrument consecrating
so startling a departure from the American policy of the
past."[5]
{215}
The same author concludes an article[6] entitled "The Future
Relations of Great Britain and the United States" as follows:
"The issue which lies behind this interesting, but perplexing,
study of the future relations of our countries is no less than
the decision whether in the second half of the next century the
dominant interest in the world is to be Anglo-American or
Russian. When I say Anglo-American, I in no way forget the
position in the southern hemisphere of our own great colonies;
but I include them under the first half of my compound name,
Germans may be inclined to take offence at the above hint of
prophecy. It is certain that for a long time to come the
Prussian army must be an enormous factor in the Continental
politics of the Old World. On the other hand, considered as a
World-Power, Germany can hardly rank, even in the time of our
remote descendants, on a level with the Russian Empire, or with
the Anglo-Saxon combination, should the latter come into
existence and survive.
"The matter which I have discussed in this article is no new one
for me. Writing on Europe in 1886-87, I said, referring to what
I had written in 1866-67:
"In 'Greater Britain' the doctrine which I attempted to lay down
was that ... the English-speaking ... lands should attract a larger
share of the attention of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom;
that in all these, whether subject or not subject to the British
rule, the English race was essentially the same in its most
marked characteristics; that in the principal English-speaking
country not subject to the Queen--the United States--England had
imposed her tongue and laws upon the offshoots of Germany,
Scandinavia, Spain, and I might now add, Russia; and that the
dominance of our language throughout this powerful and enormous
country . . . must produce in the future political phenomena to
which our attention ought more persistently to be called.
"The prophecy has come true. _It is for the Americans of the
United States to decide how far toward firm alliance what I
{216} called 'the tie of blood and tongue and history and
letters' shall be carried_."
Mr. A. W. Tourgee, in an article entitled "The Twentieth Century
Peacemakers,"[7] discussed with great power the subject involved
here. _Inter alia_ he says:
"So well known and universally acknowledged is this
characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon family, that one wonders how
so much stress should have been laid on community of origin and
identity of civilisation by the advocates of a better
understanding between its two branches, and so little attention
given to the one thing needful to efficient co-operation between
political organisms--to wit, _a common aim and purpose_.
Especially is this notable when we reflect that conditions not
difficult to define clearly demonstrate that some closer
relation between Great Britain and the United States _is not
only a desirable possibility, but an inevitable and quick-coming
necessity_. Instead of requiring advocacy at the hands of any
party or individuals, the public sentiment of two great nations
has outrun the sagacity of leaders, and with that curious
instinct which often controls what seems to be a blind emotion,
has truly forecast world-conditions, that must, in a very brief
time, compel the two countries to strike hands for the
preservation of the peace of the world, and the maintenance of
those ideals which the Anglo-Saxon holds above any consideration
of material or political advantage. For despite his enterprise
and greed, the Anglo-Saxon, more willingly than any other stock,
lends ear to Ruskin's 'strange people who have other loves than
those of wealth, and other interests than those of commerce.'
. . .
"The Anglo-Saxon alone offers to the semi-civilised peoples that
come under his control the advantages of intellectual and
material development. The schoolhouse, the free press,
agricultural and commercial development, are inseparable
incidents of Anglo-Saxon sway. Political and material betterment
are {217} the prizes it offers to the laggards in civilisation
who come beneath its rule. This is what England offers in India,
Egypt, and the Soudan; what the United States offers in the West
Indies and the Philippines."
In speaking of the possibility of a combination of other powers
against the Anglo-Saxon race, the same author says:
"Eliminate the United States from the problem, guarantee her
neutrality, and there is little doubt that before the dawn of
the twentieth century the civilised world would be arrayed in
arms against Great Britain."
"Whether they desire it or not, the necessities of the world's
life, the preservation of their own political ideals, and the
commercial and economic conditions which they confront must soon
compel a _closer entente_ between these two great peoples. They
are the peacemakers of the twentieth century, the protectors of
the world's liberty, of free economic development, and of the
weak nationalities of the earth. With nations as with men, peace
is usually the result of apprehension of consequences that might
ensue from conflict. A free people, a government based on public
opinion, a people whose interests demand commercial opportunity,
is always in favour of peace. They may be stirred to war by
injustice or oppression or in assertion of the rights and
liberties of others, but are rarely moved to a war of aggression
or for mere national aggrandisement. Commercial character is the
surest guarantee of peaceful purpose, and the closer union of
the two greatest commercial nations of the world is the
strongest possible security for the world's peace."
Sir Richard Temple, in an article[8] entitled "An Anglo-American
_vs._ a European Combination," makes an interesting analysis of
the physical and {218} material elements which would enter into
such a struggle. He concludes as follows:
"To us who believe in the superior power of the two
English-speaking nations in comparison with other races taken
together, the question may be put whether such a condition is
morally and intellectually beneficial to us. I am not concerned,
however, here to attempt any answer to such a question, which is
wholly a matter of opinion. This article relates not at all to
opinion, but only to facts.
"I will conclude the Anglo-American case with a metaphor.
Britain is like a Grand Old Dame, well preserved and still
maintaining the vigour and activity of her youth. Her eye is not
dimmed by age; her strong hand is not weakened by the lapse of
centuries. She has been the mother of many children, and has
sometimes had troubles in her family. But in recent times she
has been on good terms with all her offspring, all over the
world. She would not suffer them to be beaten in the race of
nations. If any of them were to fall into danger, she would
bring out her stores, collected through many generations, in
their support. If, on the other hand, she were to be hard
pressed by any hostile combination, then her stalwart sons would
gather round her."
Hon. David Mills, Canadian Minister of Justice,[9] under the
title of "Which Shall Dominate--Saxon or Slav?", makes a very
intelligent analysis of the question of the relative position of
the Anglo-Saxon race against the continental powers of Europe.
He says:
"In the highest sense the United States has not, and cannot
have, an independent existence. Her fortune is inseparably
associated with the race to which she belongs, in which her
future is wrapt up, and in which she lives and moves and has her
being. The unity between the United States and the {219} British
Empire is a matter both of race and growth. They touch each
other, and as peoples unite and great states rise, they must be,
for all great international purposes, one people. They are parts
of the same race, whose extension is being pushed more and more
rapidly forward by the sleepless energy of individual men, under
the protection of the United Kingdom, into barbarous regions
where they are acquiring new standing-room for the formation of
new states. In science, in literature, in government, in
religion, in industrial pursuits, and in the conception of human
rights and of human duties, they are one people, having common
aims, a common origin, and from their necessary relations a
common destiny. . . .
_"The interests of the world call for Anglo-Saxon alliance_. Let
not the British Empire and the United States revive, after the
lapse of centuries, the old contest of Judah and Ephraim; but,
remembering that their interests are one, as the race is one,
_let them stand together_, to maintain the ascendency which they
will hold as long as Providence fits them to lead; which will be
as long as, in their dealings with those beneath them, they are
actuated by principles of justice and truth."
Rear-Admiral Lord Charles Beresford, in an article entitled "An
Anglo-American Alliance,"[10] exclaims:
"Much has been said for an Anglo-American alliance. Perhaps
'alliance' is not the right word. We are already of the same
blood, the same feeling, the same religion, and the same
language. Now all that is necessary is to know each other
better. England and America could form the most powerful
alliance possible, because they are the two most patriotic
countries in the world; because they alone, of all the nations,
have an army and navy without conscription. . . . With the
United States and England combined, we could well afford to
smile at our enemies."
{220}
An article which deserves to be carefully read is that by Prof.
George Burton Adams[11] entitled "A Century of Anglo-Saxon
Expansion."
"The simple truth is," says this writer, "that, great as have
been the demands upon the race to create the history of the past
in which we rejoice, the demands of the future will be even
greater. It is the result of this history, the proper and
fitting result, that we are now brought to the supreme test of
racial ability. The nineteenth century, truly considered, is but
an age of preliminary and introductory expansion. If the genius
of the race fail not; if calm submission to the law, unwavering
devotion to the task in hand, steady refusal to follow
glittering allurements or hasty choices, may still be our
leading traits; if we may trust our sons to equal our fathers'
deeds of self-devotion without the hope of fame, then is the
achievement of the nineteenth century but a preparing of the way
for the vaster expansion of the twentieth,--for the founding,
not of the empire of the race, but of the united commonwealth of
all nations.
"But if these things fail us, if this so rapid growth has
exhausted the moral stamina of the race, if by its unsettling
hurry it has destroyed our power of patient self-control, then
shall we repeat the history of other empires. This great fabric
of ours, which, as far as human judgment can discern, _needs but
closer union to be secure against the shock of every danger from
without_, will in that case break asunder and fall, from its own
inner decay. History will then record that the nineteenth
century was our greatest but our final era of expansion."
Mr. Carl Schurz[12] ends an article upon the subject as follows:
"As to the manner in which the friendly feeling now existing can
be given a tangible expression, Mr. Bryce has made {221} some
valuable suggestions. The first thing to be accomplished is the
conclusion of an arbitration treaty covering all kinds of
differences, and thus recognising that no quarrels can possibly
arise between the two nations which would not be capable of
amicable composition, and that under no circumstances will any
less pacific method of settlement be desired on either side. In
fact, the amendments disfiguring beyond recognition the
arbitration treaty which two years ago was before the Senate,
and its final defeat, were the last effective stroke of the old
anti-British jingoism, for which amends should now be made by a
prompt resumption of negotiations for the accomplishment of that
great object. In this way the Anglo-American friendship will
signalise itself to the world by an act that will not only
benefit the two countries immediately concerned, but set an
example to other nations which, if generally followed, will do
more for the peace and happiness of mankind and the progress of
civilisation than anything that can be effected by armies and
navies."
"The Proposed Anglo-American Alliance" is strongly advocated by
Charles A. Gardiner, Esq., of the New York Bar, in a forcibly
written pamphlet[13] in which he says:
"_An alliance between England and America to adjust their
controversies by means of enlightened arbitration has already
been introduced into practical politics_. The time is opportune
for its re-introduction. If the friendly sentiments at
Westminster and Washington should be promptly utilised to enact
a treaty of arbitration, such an alliance would be justified on
every ground of common and reciprocal interests, would have the
moral and political support of both nations, would establish a
most beneficent precedent for the international adjustment of
the affairs of mankind, and would do more than any other single
act to make possible the disarmament of nations and the
maintenance of universal peace. . . .
{222}
"The grandest thought of the century is this convergence of the
Anglo-Saxon race. What more ennobling conception can engage the
attention of any association of scholars and thinkers? As
citizens and individuals our duties ally us with this beneficent
movement. Let us promote a unity already begun; let us encourage
the common interests and sentiments of the nations; let us, so
far as in us lies, consummate in our day that alliance of kin
predicted by the wise and good of three generations, as the
'noblest, most beneficial, most peaceful primacy ever presented
to the heart and understanding of man.'"
In an article called "The English-speaking Brotherhood,"
Professor Charles Waldstein,[14] after summarising the elements
that exist in common between the two countries, says:
"Now, when any group of people have all these eight elements in
common, _they ought of necessity to form a political unity_; and
when a group of people have not the first of these factors [the
same country], but are essentially kin in the remaining seven,
they ought to develop some close form of lasting amity. In the
case of the people of Great Britain and of the United States,
seven of these leading features are actively present.
"It may even be held that the first condition, a common country,
which would make of the two peoples one nation, in some sense
exists for them. At all events, a country is sufficiently common
to them to supply sentimental unity in this direction. . . .
"Leaving the question of a common country, the bond of union
becomes closer the further we proceed with the other essential
influences which make for unity, when once we drop the
misleading and wholly illusory ethnological basis of
nationality, and take into account the process of real history.
We then must acknowledge that the people of Great Britain and of
the United States are of one nationality."
{223}
"The Basis of an Anglo-American Understanding," by the Rev.
Lyman Abbott,[15] concludes as follows:
"Thus far I have suggested only 'a good understanding,' because
this is immediately practicable, yet I have in my imagination an
ideal toward which such a good understanding might tend, but
which would far transcend anything suggested by that somewhat
vague phrase. Let us suppose, then, that Great Britain and the
United States were to enter into _an alliance_ involving these
three elements: first, _absolute reciprocity of trade; second, a
tribunal to which should be referred for settlement, as a matter
of course, all questions arising between the two nations_, as
now all questions arising between the various states of this
Union are referred to the Supreme Court of the United States;
_third, a mutual pledge that an assault on one should be
regarded as an assault on both, so that as towards other nations
these two would be united as the various states of this Union
stand united towards all other states. Such an alliance would
include not only our own country and the British Isles, but all
the colonies and dependencies of Great Britain--Canada_,
Australasia, and in time such provinces in Asia and Africa as
are under British domination and administration. It would unite
in the furtherance of a Christian civilisation all the
Anglo-Saxon peoples, and all the peoples acting under the
guidance and controlling influence of Anglo-Saxon leaders, it
would gradually draw into itself all other peoples of like
minds, though of foreign race, such as, in the far east, the
people of Japan. It would create _a new confederation_ based on
principles and ideas not on tradition, and bounded by the
possibilities of human development not by geographical lines. It
would give a new significance to the motto _E Pluribus Unum_,
and would create a new United States of the World of which the
United States of America would be a component part."
Mr. Julian Ralph ends an article,[16] in which he {224} closely
examines the causes of the present prejudice existing between
the two countries, with this sentence:
"As a last word upon the subject of the _mooted alliance_, my
own belief is that it _is not as practicable or as advisable as
the good understanding_ that seems to have already been brought
about without too suspicious a show of anxiety on either side,
without elaborate discussion, and without formal agreement, I
agree with the wisest American to whom I have spoken on the
subject, and who said a year ago, when there was no such roseate
outlook as this of to-day, 'It may be delayed, and we may even
quarrel with England before it is brought about, but,
nevertheless, the certain destiny of the two peoples _is to
stand together for the maintenance of order, justice, and
humanity, and for the extension of a higher form of civilisation
than any other nations stand for_."
Mr. James K. Hosmer, in an article entitled "The American
Evolution: Dependence, Independence, Interdependence,"[17] after
presenting a number of contemporaneous English authorities,"1 to
show that the American Revolution was inevitable, and in the
true interests of the English people themselves, and after
quoting a letter which John Bright wrote in 1887 to the
Committee for the Celebration of the Centennial of the American
Constitution, wherein he states--" As you advance in the second
century of your national life, may we not ask _that our two
nations may become one people?"_ closes as follows:
"The townships make up the county, the counties the state, the
states the United States. What is to hinder a further extension
of the federal principle, _so that finally we {225} may have a
vaster United States, whose members shall be, as empire State,
America; then the mother, England; and lastly the great English
dependencies, so populous and thoroughly developed that they may
justly stand co-ordinate?_ It cannot be said that this is an
unreasonable or Utopian anticipation. Dependence was right in
its day; but for English help colonial America would have become
a province of France. Independence was and is right. It was well
for us, and for Britain too, that we were split apart.
Washington, as the main agent in the separation, is justly the
most venerated name in our history. But _inter_dependence, too,
will in its day be right; and great indeed will be that
statesman of the future who shall reconstitute the family bond,
conciliate the members into an equal brotherhood, found the
vaster union which must be the next great step towards the
universal fraternity of man, when patriotism may be merged into
a love that will take in all humanity.
"Such suggestions as have just been made are sure to be opposed
both in England and America. We on our side cite England's
oppression of Ireland, the rapacity with which in all parts of
the world she has often enlarged her boundaries, the brutality
with which she has trampled upon the rights of weaker men. They
cite against America her 'century of dishonour' in the treatment
of the Indians, the corruption of her cities, the ruffian's
knife and pistol, ready to murder on slight provocation, the
prevalence of lynch law over all other law in great districts,
her yellow journalism. Indeed, it is a sad tale of shortcoming
for both countries. Yet in the case of each the evil is balanced
by a thousand things great and good, and the welfare of the
world depends upon the growth and prosperity of the
English-speaking lands as upon nothing else. The welfare of the
world depends upon their accord; and no other circumstance at
the present moment is so fraught with hope as that, in the midst
of the heavy embarrassments that beset both England and America,
the long-sundered kindred slowly gravitate toward alliance."[18]
{226}
Mr. B. O. Flower contributes an article to the discussion,[19]
entitled "The Proposed Federation of the Anglo-Saxon Nations,"
favouring an alliance. The key-note of his views is contained in
this passage[20]:
"But beyond a common blood, language, and mutual interests,
rises the factor which above all others is fundamental, and
which more than aught else makes such an alliance worthy of
serious consideration, and that _is the common ideal or goal to
which all the moral energies of both people are moving, the
spirit which permeates all English-speaking nations, namely,
popular sovereignty, or self-government; that is, republicanism
in essence_."[21]
Mr. Richard Olney, in a convincing argument[22] on international
isolation of the United States, explains the doctrine of
Washington's warning to his countrymen, "It is our true policy
to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the
foreign world," as follows:
"The Washington rule of isolation, then, proves on examination
to have a much narrower scope than the generally accepted
versions given to it. Those versions of it may and undoubtedly
do find countenance in loose and general and unconsidered
statements of public men both of the Washington era and of later
times, . . . Nothing can be more obvious, therefore, than that
the conditions for which Washington made his rule no longer
exist. . . . There is a patriotism of race as well as of
country--and the Anglo-American is as little likely to be
indifferent to the one as to {227} the other. Family quarrels
there have been heretofore and doubtless there will be again,
and the two peoples, at a safe distance which the broad Atlantic
interposes, take with each other liberties of speech which only
the fondest and dearest relatives indulge in. Nevertheless, they
would be found standing together against any alien foe by whom
either was menaced with destruction or irreparable calamity, it
is not permissible to doubt. Nothing less could be expected of
the close community between them in origin, speech, thought,
literature, institutions, ideals--in the kind and degree of the
civilisation enjoyed by both."
In an article entitled "Shall the United States be
Europeanised?"[23] Mr. John Clark Ridpath violently opposes an
alliance. He states:
"The time has come when the United States must gravitate rapidly
_towards_ Europe or else diverge _from_ Europe as far and as
fast as possible.
"This is an overwhelming alternative which forces itself upon
the American people at the close of the nineteenth century; in
the twentieth we shall be either Europeanised or
democratized--the one or the other. There is no place of stable
equilibrium between the two. This is true for the reason that
there can be no such thing as a democratic monarchy; no such
thing as a monarchical republic; no such thing as a popular
aristocracy; no such thing as a democracy of nabobs.
"The twentieth century will bring us either to democracy
unequivocal or to empire absolute. All hybrid combinations of
the two are unstable; they break and pass away. Either the one
type or the other must be established in our Western hemisphere.
The democratic Republic which we _thought_ we had, and which we
so greatly prized and fought for, must now sheer off _from_
Europe altogether, or else sail quietly back _to_ Europe and
come to anchor. Shall we or shall we not go thither?"
{228}
In another article, entitled "The United States and the Concert
of Europe,"[24] he says:
"In the first place, I inquire, what is the _meaning_ of the
proposed alliance between the United States and Great Britain?
What _kind_ of an alliance is it that we are asked to enter? Is
it an alliance of mere sympathies between the people of the
United States and the people of the British Isles? Or is it a
league which contemplates a union of military resources,
defensive and offensive, one or both? Is it a temporary joining
of forces for specific purposes in relation to the existing
Spanish War? Is it a coalescence of British and American
institutions? Is it a civil and political union which is
contemplated? Is it a government alliance in the sense that the
government of Great Britain and the government of the United
States shall be and act as one? And if so, _which one_ shall it
be? Under which flag is the alliance to be made? Are we, when
the union shall be effected, to follow the standard of St.
George, or are we to march under the star-banner of our fathers?
Whose flag is to prevail? Whose institutional structure is to be
accepted for both nations? Of a certainty, we cannot march under
both flags. It must be under the one or the other. Which shall
it be? Shall we take the flag of the British Empire, or the flag
of American Democracy?"
Mr. R.E. Kingsford, in an article entitled "Roma! Cave
Tibi!"[25] which he commences with a fervent declaration of love
for England and Englishmen, continues:
"Do you care to be warned, or do you wish to continue in a
course which will split up your Empire? It is time to speak
plainly and it is time for us to understand one another. No
matter how much we admire you, no matter how much we reverence
you, no matter how much we are ready to submit to neglect at
your hands, the time has come when the future {229} course of
our relations must be settled. We feel very sore at your
preference for the United States. We have been brought up to
think that you are right and that they are wrong. We believe in
your system of government as opposed to theirs. Both cannot be
right. We have always thought that the people ruled in England,
while the mob ruled in the United States. But, alas! We are
beginning to think that we have been wrong. We see you
Englishmen caressing the Americans, flattering them, submitting
to them, backing out of declarations made as to what you were
going to do until they stepped in and told you to stop. We see
our public men, almost without exception, in every speech they
make, allude fondly in round set terms to their 'kin beyond the
seas.' Will nothing open your eyes? Will you not see that these
people are not your kin? They are aliens. Will you not
understand that they do not care two straws about you? Their
idea is that they are the mightiest nation upon earth. They
consider that they own the Continent of North America and that
your presence on that continent is an anachronism and an
absurdity. Surely they have told you so plainly enough. Do you
think that by protesting so much admiration for them you will
disarm them? If you do, you are making a huge mistake which you
will bitterly pay for. . . .
"I warn you, Englishmen, you are treading on dangerous ground.
The British Lion is hugging and slobbering over the American
Eagle. But that scrawny bird is only submitting to be embraced.
The situation is an illustration of the French Proverb, that
there is always one who loves (England), and one who is loved
(the United States.) Presently the Eagle's beak will tear the
Lion's flesh, and the Eagle's talons tear the Lion's side. Then
there will be a roar of astonished anger. But the mistake will
have been made, the mischief will have been done. Cease this
Anglo-American nonsense. Rely on your own colonies. Establish
inter-Imperial tariffs. . . .
"If you persist in allowing yourselves to be cozened by your
belief or trust in American good-will, so that you neglect or
slight your loyal and true Canadian fellow-subjects, you will
lose Canada, you will lose your West India Islands, and {230}
then how long will the rest of your Empire last? Roma! Cave
Tibi!"
In an editorial from the _Canadian Magazine_ for August, 1898,
entitled "A Hasty Alliance," the learned editor writes as
follows:
"During the past two months the proposed Anglo-American
Understanding has occupied a great deal of attention in Great
Britain and Canada, and a very fair amount of similar enthusiasm
in the United States. The idea of an understanding which will
enable both branches of the English race--if it may be called
such--to work side by side, with one aim and one mission, is
certainly most worthy. If it can be successfully carried into
performance, it will be the most important political development
of the nineteenth century.
"The officials of Great Britain have always been courteous, and
kind, and considerate to the United States. These gentlemen have
gone so far as to pay the United States a million dollars more
for Alabama claims than was actually necessary. They gave up
half the State of Maine because they did not care to remark that
a certain map was a forgery. They have always used respectable
language about or to the United States. When, therefore, they
now say that they value United States friendship and approve of
Anglo-Saxon unity, I cannot accuse them of inconsistency. Nor
can I in my own mind feel that they are insincere. . . .
"Personally, I have no objection to Lord Wolseley, Lord
Dufferin, Sir Wilfred Laurier, and Sir Charles Tupper expressing
their appreciation of the United States, and their desire to see
permanent friendly relations between the two countries. These
gentlemen represent the officialdom of Great Britain and of
Canada, and are speaking semi-officially. They are, without
doubt, quite sincere in their desire to have the two branches of
the nation act in unison. But I do object to their pushing Mr.
Chamberlain's idea with too much cheap publicity. Let them say
what they think and feel without descending to fulsome flattery
which they may some day wish they had left unsaid."
{231}
In "Commercial Relations between Canada and the United States,"
by Robert McConnell, editor of the _Halifax Morning Herald_,[26]
the writer states:
"We believe further that the time has gone by when American
politicians can woo Canada into a political union even by a
policy of friendliness and close commercial relations. Without
in any way seeking to disparage the United States as a great
nation, and her people as worthy of the Anglo-Saxon stock from
which they sprang, the Canadian people feel that theirs is a
higher national and political destiny--to be one of the great
family of Anglo-Saxon nations comprising a worldwide British
Empire, whose mission is to civilise, enlighten, and
christianise the people who come under her sway, and by the
genius of free institutions and the influence of a world-wide,
peace-producing, and humanising commerce to raise strong
barriers against the demon of war and promote peace and
good-will among the nations. Why should not the United States
come into the Anglo-Saxon family of nations, and have a share in
such noble work? There is room enough and scope enough on this
continent for the two Anglo-Saxon nations--Canada and the United
States--daughters of a common mother, custodians of a common
liberty--to work out their separate destinies without being
jealous of each other or coveting each other's patrimony and
birthright. They can maintain a friendly and honourable rivalry
in the world of industry and commerce, and at the same time
co-operate heartily in promoting the arts of peace and
civilisation, and the welfare of our common humanity the world
over."
In an article entitled "The Anglo-American Alliance and the
Irish-Americans," by Rev. George McDermot, C.S.P.,[27] the
writer opens his article with the following sentence:
"I was tempted to call the alliance proposed by certain persons
between England and America 'the Chamberlain-American {232}
Alliance'; but stating this thought will answer the purpose of
such a heading. I take the subject up as a parable, now that the
Local Government Bill for Ireland has passed the Lower House.
. . .
"I ask, where is the advantage to America to spring from such an
alliance? I have spoken of the subject with reference to Mr.
Chamberlain; I shall discuss it in the abstract and show, if
space permits, that such an alliance is based on the suggestion
of an immoral compact, and is intended for the promotion of a
wicked policy, the main advantage of which would be found to
rest with England. The idea stated is that the United States
will give to England the part of the Philippines they do not
mean to retain; and the justification for this is the
Pecksniffian one that 'British Civilisation and British Rule
will be for the benefit of the islanders.' It is hard to avoid
reference to other islanders who have had a long experience of
that rule and civilisation. We are informed in this publication,
which is sometimes favoured with the lucubrations of Mr.
Chamberlain, and never without glosses on his high policy by
faithful hands, that 'if it is any advantage to England to own a
new Asiatic possession she can probably add to the Empire
without much trouble.' This bid for an alliance in pursuance of
Mr. Chamberlain's aims is audacious in its candour. It is made
at the very moment the 'touling' of the right honourable
gentleman has become the subject of dignified and regretful
criticism on the part of English public men and the raillery of
the Continental press. The honour of the radical section of the
Liberal party is saved. It was that section which stood by
America in the Civil War, when the ruling and moneyed classes
were equipping privateers to prey upon her commerce and trying
to compel a recognition of the independence of the Confederacy.
. . . "
The author closes with the following sentence:
"However, to pull the chestnuts out of the fire in China is one
of the advantages America is to obtain by the proposed alliance;
and to me, indeed, the putting of it forward {233} affords the
clearest indication that the Secretary for the Colonies,
notwithstanding debating talents of no common order, is
incapable of forming a policy, wider than the area of a borough,
and unable to take the measure of relations and interests,
difficulties and complications, larger than those which surround
a scheme for lighting or paving a prosperous municipality in
England."
Then I must not forget two quotations from articles by Mr. A.
Maurice Low, "America's Debt to England"[28] where he says:
"An Anglo-American alliance--not merely an 'understanding,' but
formal, definite alliance--I hope to see in the near future. It
would mark an epoch in the world's history; it would mean the
elevation, the happiness, the advancement of the whole world; it
would bring us one step nearer the ideal. In the language of the
British Secretary of State for Colonial affairs:
"'Our imagination must be fired when we contemplate the
possibility of such a cordial understanding between the seventy
million people of the United States and our fifty million
Britons, an understanding which would guarantee peace and
civilisation to the world.'"
In another article, entitled "Russia, England and the United
States,"[29] he writes:
"In language, in thought, in habits, in manners, in morals, in
religion there is nothing in common between the great mass of
the people of the United States and the great mass of the people
of the Czar's dominions. Our law is based on the common law of
England; our literature is derived from the same inspiration;
even when we have been foes our common blood has made our deeds
and heroism soften the bitterness of war. Perry's victory on
Lake Erie thrills the English boy as much as the recital of
Broke's capture {234} of the _Chesapeake_ does the American.
Only the other day American and British naval officers, fighting
a common foe, fell side by side; and this was not the first time
the blood of the two races had mingled facing the enemy; in
fact, the Russian and the American are antagonistic. It is, as
Senator Lodge points out, the conflict of the Slav and the
Saxon--a conflict which has been waging for centuries, and must
eventually be fought to the bitter end, until the freedom of the
Saxon is so firmly planted that it can never be assailed, or the
militarism of the Slav crushes the world under its iron heel
and, for a second time, the 'Scourge of God' dominates."
Last in time, but not in strength and eloquence of language,
comes Mr. Stead, with a perfect torrent of ideas in favour of
the quick nationalisation of the Anglo-Saxon peoples. His book
must be read as a whole, and cannot be adequately portrayed by
short quotations.[30]
I have now finished what I know to be an imperfect attempt to
bring this great subject adequately before the mind of the
reader. I must be satisfied merely to open it. The aim of the
book is to show that the unification of the English-speaking
peoples means the elevation and enlightenment of mankind, the
mitigation of suffering, and the opening of new roads to human
happiness. This is the mission of the race, and the twentieth
century--the Anglo-Saxon Century--should behold its
accomplishment.
To aid Anglo-Saxon union I appeal to philosophers, historians,
and all other writers to espouse a cause which calls into
exercise the best instincts and noblest impulses of mind and
soul; I appeal {235} to lawyers to combine in favour of a union
which preserves and enlarges a system of jurisprudence, which,
properly administered, means exact justice and true equality to
all men; I appeal to individual priests and preachers everywhere
to advocate a text which will draw men nearer to true religion;
I appeal to all the Churches, whose holy mission is peace and
good-will to the world; and I finally appeal to the organs of
public opinion, individually and collectively: the Pulpit, the
Press, the Bar, and the Stage, to help the great Anglo-Saxon
peoples consummate their destiny in one combined effort to
perform the duty with which God has charged them.
"All power
I give thee; reign for ever, and assume
Thy merits; under thee, as Head Supreme, Thrones, Princedoms,
Powers, Dominions,
I reduce,"[31]
[1] _Contemporary Review_, April, 1897.
[2] _Atlantic Monthly_, July, 1898.
[3] _Scribner's Magazine_, December, 1898.
[4] _Westminster Review_, August, 1898.
[5] _Pall Mall Magazine_, September, 1898.
[6] _Forum_, January, 1899.
[7] _Contemporary Review_, June, 1899.
[8] _North American Review_, September, 1898.
[9] _North American Review_, June, 1898.
[10] _The Independent_, February 23, 1899.
[11] _Atlantic Monthly_, April, 1897.
[12] _Ibid._, October, 1898.
[13] _Questions of the Day_, No. XCII., p. 27. published by G.
P. Putnam's Sons.
[14] _North American Review_, August, 1898.
[15] _North American Review_, May, 1898.
[16] _Harper's New Monthly Magazine_, February, 1899.
[17] _Atlantic Monthly_, July, 1898.
[18] See, also, by the same author, _A Short History of
Anglo-Saxon Freedom_, 1890.
[19] _Arena_, August, 1898.
[20] Pp. 225, 226.
[21] See, also, "The Anglo-American Future," by Frederick
Greenwood, _The Nineteenth Century_, July, 1898.
[22] _Atlantic Monthly_, May, 1898.
[23] _Arena_, December, 1897.
[24] _Arena_, August, 1898.
[25] _Canadian Magazine_, January, 1899
[26] _Canadian Magazine_, January, 1899.
[27] _Catholic World_, October, 1898.
[28] _Anglo-American Magazine_, March, 1899.
[29] _Forum_, October, 1899.
[30] _The Americanization of the World_, W.T. Stead.
[31] Paradise Lost, Book III.
{236}
{237}
Index
A
Abbott, Rev. Lyman, article "The Basis of an Anglo-American
Understanding," 223
Act of Congress, April 20, 1898, 45
Adams, Prof. George Burton, article "A Century Anglo-Saxon
Expansion," 22
Adams, John, is descent, 105
Adams, John Quincy, his descent, 105
Adams, Samuel, his descent, 100
Alfred the Great, his millennium, 73, 74; his work, 75
Anglo-American League, resolution of same, 57; its officers, 57;
its brief history, 152
Anglo-Saxon alliance, origin of suggestion, 48; first limited to
an offensive and defensive treaty, 54; growth of alliance, 54,
55; indefiniteness of same, 55, 58, 59; motive of alliance, 57,
58; present condition of subject, 59; first step in the
movement, 59, 60; how the subject will be treated by
politicians, 60, 61; impracticability of defensive and offensive
treaty, 61, 62, 152; basis of alliance, 67, 68; commemorated by
some instrument, 68; Revolution of 1776 said to be a barrier to
alliance, 84; past should be forgotten, 94, 95; England has
changed since 1776, 95, 96; alliance is natural as to time, 100;
alliance is natural as to people, 100, 101; first place ought to
be given to family nationality, 102; same language, 108-112;
same literature, 116; same political institutions, 124; same
laws, legal customs, general modes of judicial procedure, 133,
134; same tendency of religious thought, 137, 138; value of
intermarriage, 138; value of a common drama, 139, 140; natural
community in everything important, 141; commercial reasons, 143,
144; self-preservation leads to same, 145, 146; effect of recent
years upon the two nations, 153; state of public opinion, 209,
210; majority of newspapers favour alliance, 210; pulpit favours
same, 210; the stage favours same, 210; quotations favouring
alliance, 212 _et seq._; _see_ Methods of union; _see_ Subjects
of treaty
Anglo-Saxon race, European combination _vs._ same, 50;
accusations against, 51; its striking characteristic, 63, 76,
77; corroborations by eminent authority, 63, 64; all of one
family, 101, 102; vigour due to admixture of blood, 103; another
characteristic, 147; its ideals have never been destroyed, 148;
its unselfish progress, 148, 149; duty of race, 150
Arbitration court, 207, 208
Arthur, Chester A., his descent, 100
B
Bacon, Lord, importance of commercial freedom, 203, 204
Bainbridge, William, his descent, 107
{238}
Beresford, Lord Charles, article "An Anglo-American Alliance,"
219
Bright, John, his wish for unity, 224
Bryce, James, advocating common citizenship, 188, 213
Buchanan, James, his descent, 106 Burke, Edmund, commends
English colonial government, 88
C
Calhoun, John C., his descent, 106 Canada, bond with England
merely sentimental, 100; her present relation to England, 100;
her constitution, 163; effect of same, 163; her value to
England, 164; England formal sovereign and actual champion, 165,
166; how affected by war between England and United States, 166,
167; relation to United States, 172, 173; lesson from Scotch
history, 173-175; originally embraced in plan of American
Republic, 175; attempts towards annexation, 176, 177; apathy in
United States, 177; benefits of union, 195
Carlyle, Thomas, the power of literature, 124
Chamberlain, Joseph, article favouring alliance, 213, 214
Chase, Salmon P., his descent, 100 China, commercial relations
to Western Powers, 16; policy of Western Powers towards China,
17, 20; her internal condition, 18-20; conduct of Powers in late
difficulty, 21, 22
Choate, Rufus, his descent, 107 Christianity, introduction into
England, 72; its relation to government, 72; its part in
England, 73; first step in English progress, 73
Civilisation, its primary meaning, 64; its secondary meaning,
65, 66; third meaning, 66
Clay, Henry, his descent, 100 Cleveland, Grover, his descent,
106
Commercial relations of England and America, an early glimpse,
143; one business community, 144; statistics of imports and
exports, 144; advantages of free commercial relations, 202-204;
two benefits from commercial reciprocity, 205
Common citizenship, scheme of same, 180-182; effects of same,
182, 189, 199, 200; Constitution to be amended, 183; rights and
duties resulting from establishment of common citizenship, 183,
184; advocacy of same, 188, 189; _see_ Naturalisation Laws
Constitution of United States, comparison with Magna Charta,
127-131; for the people, 128; agreement between thirteen
independent States, 128; the legislative power regulated, 128;
distinction between it and English charters, 130, 131; source of
inspiration, 132; Bill of Rights copied from English charters,
132; new matter in same, 132; Gladstone's eulogy, 133
Copeland, Walter Charles, article favouring alliance, 214
Cuba, short-sighted policy of United States towards Cuba, 45
D
Davis, Jefferson, his descent, 100 Decatur, Stephen H., his
descent, 107
De Tocqueville, language the strongest tie, 110
Dewey, George, his descent, 107 Dicey, Professor, advocating
common citizenship, 188; article, "A Common Citizenship for the
English Races," 212
Dilke, Sir Charles, article on alliance, 214; article, "The
Future Relations of Great Britain and the United States," 215,
216
E
Egbert, union brought about by, 74
Ellsworth, Oliver, his descent, 107
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, quotation from _English Traits_, 73; his
descent, 108
England, predictions of decline, 5; predictions refuted, 5, 6;
amelioration of society in nineteenth century, 8; checking
Russia in the East, 12, 13; conduct in late {239} Chinese
difficulty, 21; future policy towards China, 22; her aid to
United States in Spanish-American War, 49. 50, 52, 53; accused
of leading United States into Imperialism, 54;--History:
commencement of national life:, 71, 72; Christianity in England,
first step in her progress, 72, 73; consolidation of kingdoms,
second step in her progress, 74; drift towards unity arrested,
75, 76; causes which finally resulted in alliance, 76;
comparison with Grecian cities, 76, 77; influence of Roman law,
third step in her progress, 77, 78; the Great Charter, the
Petition of Right, the Habeas Corpus Act, the Bill of Rights,
the Act of Settlement, fourth span in English development, 79,
80; union with Scotland, fifth span in English development, '80;
opposition in Scotland to union, 81; discovery of America, sixth
span in English development, 81, 82; independence in the
colonies, seventh great span in English development, 83, 84;
England has changed since 1776, 95, 96; English welcome to
American literature, 123; English political development,
124-131; time of Alfred, 125; seeds of parliamentary birth, 125,
126; germs of Magna Charta, 126; the grants of Henry I. and
Stephen, 127; origin of House of Commons, 129; separation from
Church of Rome, 130; despotism under Tudors, 130; reforms in
reign of William III., 130;--state of religion, 137, 138; her
position in Europe, 145, 146; her relation to Canada, 163, 164;
formal sovereign and actual champion, 165-167; _see_
Revolutionary War; _see_ Magna Charta
English race, _see_ England
Evarts, William M., his descent, 107
Evolution, definition of, 48, 49
F
Farragut, David Glascoe, his descent, 107
Fillmore, Millard, his descent, 106
Flower, B. O., article., The Proposed Federation of the
Anglo-Saxon Nations," 226
Foote, Andrew Hull, his descent, 107
France, her internal decay, 22, 23; mistakes in government, 23;
incongruous position of French Cabinet, 24; deplorable condition
of Republicanism, 25, 29; effect of Franco-Prussian War, 26, 27;
origin of alliance with Russia, 27; hurtful effect of alliance,
28; her true policy, 28, 30; potency of militarism, 29, 30
Franco-Russian alliance, origin of, 27; effect of, 28
Franklin, Benjamin, his descent, 106 Freeman, Professor, nation
defined by language, 113; system of separate free cities, 170;
his hope for common citizenship, 188
G
Gallatin, Albert, his descent, 108
Gardiner, Charles A., article "The Proposed Anglo-American
Alliance," 221, 222
Garfield, James A., his descent, 106 Gibbon, Edward, narrow
policy of preserving, without mixture, pure blood of the ancient
citizens, 103
Gladstone, William E., eulogy on American Constitution, 133
Government, its primary ends, 62; the ideal commonwealth, 62,
63; government has character like individual, 69, 70; isolation
is unnatural, 147; government is made for man, 200; distinction
between democracy and republic, 201, 202
Grant, U. S., his descent, 106
Grecian states, deficient in political unity, 187; Roman policy
compared, 187
Greene, Nathanael, his descent, 107
Grote, language a tie among the Greeks, 113
H
Hamilton, Alexander, his descent, 108; neighbouring nations
natural enemies of each other, 171
{240}
Harrison, Benjamin, his descent, 106 Harrison, William H., his
descent, 106
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, his descent, 108
Hayes, Rutherford B., his descent, 106
Henry, Patrick, his descent, 106 History, its underlying forces,
46, 47
Holmes, Oliver Wendell, descent of, 108
Hosmer, James K., article, "Dependence, Independence,
Interdependence," 224, 225
I
Immigration, sentiment against, 194; sentiment not against
English-speaking peoples, 194, 195
Ireland, common citizenship a benefit to, 190
Irving, Washington, his descent, 108
Isopolity, description of same, 185, 186; _see_ Common
citizenship
J
Jackson, Andrew, his descent, 106 Jackson, Thomas Jonathan, his
descent, 107
Jay, John, his descent, 107 Jefferson, Thomas, his descent, 105
Johnson, Andrew, his descent, 106
Johnston, Joseph E., his descent, 107
K
Kent, James, descent of, 107
Kingsford, R. E., article "Roma! Cave Tibi!" 228-230; "A Hasty
Alliance," 230
L
Language, power of, 109, 110; bond of sympathy, III; tie among
the Greeks, 113-115
Laurier, Sir Wilfred, interview with same concerning Canadian
question, 171
Law, similarity of laws in United States and England, 133-135;
differences in same, 136
Lea, Charles Henry, article. "The Decadence of Spain," 35
Lecky, the dream of many English and Americans, 154, 155;
sentiment of nationality, 100
Lee, Robert Edward, his descent, 107
Lincoln, Abraham, his descent, 100
Literature, its function, 116, 117; its imperishableness, 117;
universal medium of communication, 118; English literature
compared, 118; consequences of its development, 119; derivation
of English literature, 120; its native quality, 121, 122;
English welcome to American literature, 123
Longfellow, Henry W., his descent, 108
Low, A. Maurice, article "America's Debt to England," 233;
"Russia, England, and the United States," 233,234
Lowell, James Russell, his descent, 108
M
McConnell, Robert, article "Commercial Relations between Canada
and the United States," 231
McDermot, Rev. George, article "The Anglo-American Alliance and
the Irish-Americans," 231-233
McFadden, Theodore, article on William Penn, 73
McKinley, William, his descent, 100 Madison, James, his descent,
105
Magna Charta, comparison with Constitution of United States,
127-131; enacted in a single day. 127; brief summary of its
provisions, 127; parties to charter, 127; Deed of Confirmation,
128; rights of persons and things, 128; limitation of kingly
power, 129
Marshall, John, his descent, 107 Methods of union,
impracticability of one nation for all Englishmen and Americans,
154; impracticability of federation, 154, 155; treaty binding
upon all a feasible method of union, 155-157; contents of
treaty, 157
Mexico, her peculiar position, 42; power of President Diaz, 42;
incapability of people for republican government, 43
{241}
Miles, Nelson A., his descent, 107
Mills, Hon. David, article, _North American Review_, "Which
Shall Dominate, Saxon or Slav?" 13-16
Mommsen, admission with reference to English, 63; sins of
fathers not visited upon children, 95; common citizenship in
Grecian communities, 180; Hellenic system of common money, 200
Money, influence of common standard, 205. 206
Monroe Doctrine, application to confederation of
Spanish-speaking countries, 40, 41
Monroe, James, his descent, 105 Montesquieu, quotation from
_Spirit of Laws_, 63
Morgan, J. Pierpont, his descent, 108
Morris, Robert, his descent, 108
N
Naturalisation laws, their general policy, 191; history of, in
United States, 191, 192; object of same, 193; laxity of their
enforcement, 196; objections to curtailment answered, 196;
foreigners cannot interfere, 197, 198; _see_ Common citizenship
O
Olney, Richard, article explaining Washington's policy of
isolation, 226, 227
P
Perry, Oliver H., his descent, 107
Peter the Great, his dream of conquest, 13
Pierce, Franklin, his descent, 106
Poe, Edgar Allan, his descent, 108
Polk, James K., his descent, 106
Preble, Edward, his descent, 107
R
Ralph, Julian, article favouring alliance, 224
Randolph, John, his descent, 100
Revolutionary War, natural result of existing conditions, 85,
86; apology for same, 86, 87; antecedent conditions prior to
same justified, 88, 89; war a blessing to the United States, 90;
England fought for union with us, 93
Ridpath, John Clark, article "Shall the United States be
Europeanised?" 227; article "The United States and the Concert
of Europe," 228
Roman law, third span in English civilisation, 77; influence in
England, 77, 78; comparison with common law, 78; instrument of
despotism, 78
Roosevelt, Theodore, his descent, 106
Russia, internal condition, II; external policy, 11,12,14,15;
her adaptability to govern China, 15: her Chinese policy, 17
S
Schurz, Carl, article advocating alliance, 220, 221
Scotland, union with England, 80; opposition to same, 81; wisdom
of union, 174, 175; Bacon's advocacy of same, 179
Scott, Winfield, his descent, 107 Self-preservation, nature of,
explained, 145
Semmes, Raphael, his descent, 107
Seward, William H., his descent, 106
Sheridan, Philip H., his descent, 107
Sherman, William Tecumseh, his descent, 107
Smith, Goldwin, union of Canada with United States, 176
South American republics, condition of same, 41
Spain, financial depletion, 37; dissatisfaction with government,
38; natural advantages, 39; strong monarchical tendency, 39, 40
Spanish-American War, its significance, 2, 3; England's aid to
the United States, 49, 50, 52, 53: importance of war, 55
Spanish, and Portuguese people, number of persons who speak
language, 31-33; territory occupied by same, 31-33; absence of
political unity, 33; their past history contrasted with present,
34, 35; {242} individual characteristics, 35; comparison with
Anglo-Saxons, 35, 36; difficulties of establishing federation
between Spanish-speaking countries, 39-41; _see_ Spain
Stead, W, T., the Americanisation of the world, 234
Story, Joseph, his descent, 107 Subjects of treaty, Canada to
come into the United States, 159, 160; union must be voluntary,
161; interest plus sentiment, 162; treaty of common citizenship
sustainable, 198; proviso to treaty under certain conditions,
199; free commercial relations between English-speaking
countries, 202, 203; same gold, silver, nickel, and copper
money, 205, 200; uniform standard of weights and measures, 207;
arbitration court, 207, 208; _see_ common citizenship
Sumner, Charles, his descent, 106
Sympolity, meaning of same, 185, 186
T
Taney, Roger Brooke, his descent, 107
Taylor, Zachary, his descent, 100
Temple, Sir Richard, article "An Anglo-American _vs._ a European
Combination," 218
Thomas, George Henry, his descent, 107
Thucydides, quotation from, 162
Tilden, Samuel J., his descent, 107
Tourgee, A. W., article "The Twentieth Century Peacemakers,"
216, 217
Tyler, John, his descent, 100
U
United States, effect of Spanish War upon, 3, 4; conduct in late
Chinese difficulty, 21; future policy towards China, 22; assent
to federation of Spanish-speaking countries, 40, 41; weak policy
towards Cuba, 45; England's support to United Slates in
Spanish-American War, 49, 50,52, 53; population is
heterogeneous, 103, 104; foreign element quickly assimilated,
104; loyalty of these new citizens to the Republic, 104, 105;
predominant element is of English, Scotch, and Irish descent,
105; statement illustrated, 105-108; English welcome to American
literature, 123; colossal development explained, 134; barrier to
creation of Republic, 134; similarity between English laws and
laws of United States, 135-137; state of religion, 137, 138;
English financial support built up the country, 143; Canada bone
of contention between England and United States, 172; Canada's
relation to United States, 172, 173; indifference in United
States towards union with Canada, 177; history of naturalisation
laws, 191; _see_ Canada; _see_ Revolutionary War; _see_
Constitution of the United States
V
Van Buren, Martin, his descent, 106
W
Waldstein, Prof. Charles, article "The English-Speaking
Brotherhood" 222
Washington, George, his descent, 105
Wealth, its true meaning, 6; its relation to the State, 7
Webster, Daniel, speech at Plymouth, 63, 64; his descent, 106;
speech at Oxford, 122; speech at public dinner of New England
Society of New York, 149, 150
Whittier, John Greenleaf, his descent, 108
[Transcriber's Note: All spellings have been preserved as
printed. Footnotes have been re-numbered to convert them to
chapter endnotes.]
End of Project Gutenberg's The Anglo-Saxon Century, by John Dos Passos