and then descend to later histories. Cornel. Tacitus, lib. 4. Annal.,
saith, “_Londinum copia negociatorum, et comeatu maxime celebris_,” and
Herodian, in the Life of Severus the emperor, saith, “_Londinum urbs
magna et opulenta_.” Beda, lib. Ecclesiastic. 10. chap. 29, showeth
that Pope Gregory appointed two archbishops’ sees in England, the one
at London, the other at York. King Ethelstane, in his laws, appointing
how many mint-masters should be in each city, allotteth eight to London,
and not so many to any other city. The penner of those laws, that are
said to be made by Edward the Confessor, and confirmed by William the
Conqueror, saith, “_London est caput Regni, et Legum_.” King Henry I.,
in the third chapter of his Laws, commandeth that no citizen of London
should be amerced above one hundred shillings for any pecuniary pain.
The great charter of England, that Helena for which there was so long
and so great war and contention, in the ninth chapter, saith, “_Civitas
London. habeat omnes suas Libertates antiquas_,” etc. About the time of
King John London was reputed “_regni firmata Columna_,” as Alexander
Neckham writeth; and in the beginning of the reign of Richard II. it was
called “_Camera regis_,” as Thomas Walsingham reporteth. I pass over the
recital of the Saxon charter of King William the Conqueror, the Latin
charter of Henry I. and II., of Richard I., of John, and of Edward I.,
all which gave unto the citizens of London great privileges, and of
Edward III., who reciting all the grants of his predecessors, not only
confirmed but also increased the same, and of the latter kings, who
have likewise added many things thereunto. Only I wish to be noted by
them, that during all this time, all those wise and politic princes have
thought it fit, not only to maintain London in such plight as they found
it, but also to adorn, increase, and amplify it with singular tokens
of their liberal favour and good liking. And whether there be not now
the same or greater causes to draw the like, or better estimation and
cherishing, let any man be judge, that will take the pains to compare
the present estate of London, yet still growing to better, with the
former condition of the same.
It were too much to recite particularly the martial services that this
city hath done from time to time; neither do I think that they be all
committed to writing; only for a taste, as it were, I will note these
few following.
Almost sixty years before the Conquest a huge army of the Danes (whereof
King Sweyne was the leader) besieged King Etheldred in London (than the
which, as the story saith, then he had none other refuge), but they were
manfully repulsed, and a great number of them slain.
After the death of this Sweyne, his son Canutus (afterward king of
England) besieged London, both by land and water; but after much labour,
finding it impregnable, he departed; and in the same year repairing his
forces, he girded it with a new siege, in the which the citizens so
defended themselves, and offended him, that in the end he went away with
shame.
In the dissension that arose between King Edward the Confessor and his
father-in-law, Earl Goodwin (which was the mightiest subject within
this land that ever I have read of), the earl with a great army came
to London, and was for all that by the countenance of the citizens
resisted, till such time as the nobility made reconciliation between
them. About seventy years after the Conquest, Maude, the empress, made
war upon King Stephen for the right of the crown, and had taken his
person prisoner; but, by the strength and assistance of the Londoners
and Kentishmen, Maude was put to flight at Winchester, and her brother
Robert, then earl of Gloucester, was taken, in exchange for whom King
Stephen was delivered: I dispute not whose right was better, but I
avouch the service, seeing Stephen was in possession.
The history of William Walworth, the mayor of London, is well known; by
whose manhood and policy the person of King Richard II. was rescued,
the city saved, Wat Tiler killed, and all his straglers discomfited; in
reward of which service, the mayor and other aldermen were knighted.
Jack Cade also having discomfited the king’s army that was sent against
him, came to London, and was there manfully and with long fight
resisted, until that by the good policy of the citizens his company was
dispersed.
Finally, in the 10th year of the reign of King Edward IV., and not many
days before the death of Henry VI., Thomas Nevill, commonly called the
bastard of Fauconbridge, armed a great company against the king, and
being denied passage through London, he assaulted it on divers parts;
but he was repulsed by the citizens, and chased as far as Stratford,
with the loss of a great many.
Thus much of certain their principal and personal services in war
only, for it were infinite to repeat the particular aids of men and
money which London hath ministered; and I had rather to leave it to be
conjectured at, by comparison to be made between it and other cities,
whereof I will give you this one note for an example. In the 12th year
of the reign of King Edward II., it was ordered by parliament that every
city of the realm should make out soldiers against the Scots; at which
time London was appointed to send two hundred men, and Canterbury, being
then one of our best cities, forty, and no more: and this proportion
of five to one is now in our age increased, at the least five to one,
both in soldiers and subsidy. As for the other services that London hath
done in times of peace, they are to be measured by consideration of the
commodities, whereof I will speak anon. In the mean season, let the
estate and government of this city be considered, to the end that it may
appear that it standeth well with the policy of the realm.
Cæsar, in his Commentaries, is witness, that in his time the cities
of Britain had large territories annexed unto them, and were several
estates of themselves, governed by particular kings, or potentates,
as in Italy and Germany yet be; and that Mandubratius was king of the
Trinobants, whose chief city London is taken to have been. And I find
not that this government was altered either by Cæsar or his successors,
notwithstanding that the country became tributary unto them: but that
it continued until at length the Britons themselves reduced all their
peoples into one monarchy; howbeit, that lasted not any long season,
for upon Vortiger their king came the Saxons our ancestors, and they
drave the Britons into Wales, Cornwall, and Bretagne in France, and
in process of war divided the country amongst themselves into an
heptarchy, or seven kingdoms; of the which one was called the kingdom
of the East Saxons, which having in manner the same limits that the
bishopric of London now enjoyeth, contained Essex, Middlesex, and a part
of Hertfordshire, and so included London. Again, it appeareth, that
in course of time, and about eight hundred years after Christ, Egbert
(then king of the West Saxons), _ut pisces sæpe minutos magnus comest_,
overcame the rest of the kings, and once more erected a monarchy; the
which till the coming in of the Normans, and from thence even hitherto
hath continued.
Now I doubt not (whatsoever London was in the time of Cæsar), but
that under the heptarchy and monarchy it hath been a subject, and no
free city, though happily endowed with some large privileges, for
King William the Conqueror found a portreeve there, whose name was
Godfrey (by which name he greeteth him in his Saxon Charter), and his
office was none other than the charge of a bailiff or reeve, as by the
self-same name continuing yet in Gravesend, and certain other places,
may well appear: but the Frenchmen, using their own language, called
him sometimes a provost and sometime a bailiff: whatsoever his name and
office were, he was _perpetuus magistratus_, given by the prince, and
not chosen by the citizens, as it seemeth; for what time King Richard
I. needed money towards his expedition in the Holy Land, they first
purchased of him the liberty to choose yearly from amongst themselves
two bailiffs; and King John, his successor, at their like suit, changed
their bailiffs into a mayor and two sheriffs. To these Henry III. added
aldermen, at the first eligible yearly, but afterward by King Edward
III. made perpetual magistrates and justices of the peace within their
wards, in which plight of government it presently standeth. This,
shortly as I could, is the historical and outward estate of London; now
come I to the inward pith and substance.
The estate of this city is to be examined by the quantity and by the
quality.
The quantity therefore consisteth in the number of the citizens which
is very great, and far exceedeth the proportion of Hippodamus, which
appointed ten thousand, and of others which have set down other numbers,
as meet stintes in their opinions to be well governed; but yet seeing
both reason and experience have freed us from the law of any definite
number, so that other things be observed, let that be admitted: neither
is London, I fear me, so great as populous; for well saith one, “_Non
idem est magna civitas et frequens, magna est enim quæ multos habet qui
arma ferre possunt_:” whatsoever the number be, it breedeth no fear of
sedition; forasmuch as the same consisteth not in the extremes, but in a
very mediocrity of wealth and riches, as it shall better appear anon.
And if the causes of English rebellions be searched out, they shall be
found in effect to be these twain, ambition and covetousness; of which
the first reigneth in the minds of high and noble personages, or of
such others as seek to be gracious and popular, and have robbed the
hearts of the multitude; whereas in London, if any where in the world,
_honos vere onus est_, and every man rather shunneth than seeketh the
mayoralty, which is the best mark amongst them; neither hath there been
any strong faction, nor any man more popular than the rest, forasmuch
as the government is by a pattern, as it were, and always the same, how
often soever they change their magistrate. Covetousness, that other
sire of sedition, possesseth the miserable and needy sort, and such as
be naughty packs, unthrifts, which although it cannot be chosen, but
that in a frequent city as London is, there shall be found many, yet
bear they not any great sway, seeing the multitude and most part there
is of a competent wealth, and earnestly bent to honest labour. I confess
that London is a mighty arm and instrument to bring any great desire to
effect, if it may be known to a man’s devotion; whereof also there want
not examples in the English history. But forasmuch as the same is, by
the like reason, serviceable and meet to impeach any disloyal attempt,
let it rather be well governed than evil liked therefore; for it shall
appear anon, that as London hath adhered to some rebellions, so hath
it resisted many, and was never the author of any one. The quality of
this city consisteth either in the law and government thereof, or in the
degrees and condition of the citizens or in their strength and riches.
It is besides the purpose to dispute, whether the estate of the
government here be a democracy or aristocracy; for whatever it be, being
considered in itself, certain it is, that in respect of the whole realm,
London is but a citizen and no city, a subject and no free estate, an
obedienciary and no place endowed with any distinct or absolute power;
for it is governed by the same law that the rest of the realm is, both
in causes criminal and civil, a few customs only excepted, which also
are to be adjudged or forejudged by the common law. And in the assembly
of the estates of our realm (which we call parliament) they are but a
member of the commonalty, and send two burgesses for their city, as
every poor borough doth, and two knights for their county, as every
other shire doth; and are as straitly bound by such laws as any part of
the realm is, for if contribution in subsidy of money to the prince be
decreed, the Londoners have none exemption; no, not so much as to assess
themselves, for the prince doth appoint the commissioners.
If soldiers must be mustered, Londoners have no law to keep themselves
at home; if provision for the prince’s household be to be made, their
goods are not privileged. In sum, therefore, the government of London
differeth not in substance, but in ceremony, from the rest of the
realm, as, namely, in the names and choice of their officers, and in
their guilds and fraternities, established for the maintenance of
handicrafts and labourers, and for equity and good order to be kept in
buying and selling. And yet in these also are they to be controlled by
the general law; for by the statutes, 28 Edward III. chap. 10, and 1
Henry IV. chap. 15, the points of their misgovernment are inquirable by
the inhabitants of the foreign shires adjoining, and punishable by such
justiciars as the prince shall thereunto depute: to conclude, therefore,
the estate of London, for government, is so agreeable a symphony with
the rest, that there is no fear of dangerous discord to ensue thereby.
The multitude (or whole body) of this populous city is two ways to
be considered, generally and specially: generally, they be natural
subjects, a part of the commons of this realm, and are by birth
for the most part a mixture of all countries of the same; by blood
gentlemen, yeomen, and of the basest sort, without distinction, and by
profession busy bees, and travailers for their living in the hive of
this commonwealth; but specially considered, they consist of these three
parts,--merchants, handicraftsmen, and labourers.
Merchandise is also divided into these three sorts,--navigation, by the
which merchandizes are brought, and carried in and out over the seas;
invection, by the which commodities are gathered into the city, and
dispersed from thence into the country by land and negotiation, which I
may call the keeping of a retailing or standing shop. In common speech,
they of the first sort be called merchants, and both the other retailers.
Handicraftsmen be those which do exercise such arts as require both
labour and cunning, as goldsmiths, tailors, and haberdashers, skinners,
etc.
Labourers and hirelings I call those _quorum operæ non artes emuntur_,
as Tullie saith; of which sort be porters, carmen, watermen, etc.
Again, these three sorts may be considered, either in respect of their
wealth or number: in wealth, merchants and some of the chief retailers
have the first place; the most part of retailers and all artificers the
second or mean place; and hirelings the lowest room: but in number they
of the middle place be first, and do far exceed both the rest; hirelings
be next, and merchants be the last. Now, out of this, that the estate of
London, in the persons of the citizens, is so friendly interlaced, and
knit in league with the rest of the realm, not only at their beginning
by birth and blood, as I have showed, but also very commonly at their
ending by life and conversation, for that merchants and rich men (being
satisfied with gain) do for the most part marry their children into the
country, and convey themselves, after Cicero’s counsel, “_Veluti ex
portu in agros et possessiones_:” I do infer that there is not only
no danger towards the common quiet thereby, but also great occasion
and cause of good love and amity. Out of this, that they be generally
bent to travel, and do fly poverty, “_Per mare, per saxa, per ignes_,”
as the poet saith: I draw hope that they shall escape the note of many
vices which idle people do fall into. And out of this, that they be
a great multitude, and that yet the greatest part of them be neither
too rich nor too poor, but do live in the mediocrity, I conclude with
Aristotle, that the prince needeth not to fear sedition by them, for
thus saith he: “_Magnæ urbes magis sunt a seditione liberæ, quod in eis
dominetur mediocritas; nam in parvis nihil medium est, sunt enim omnes
vel pauperes vel opulenti._” I am now to come to the strength and power
of this city, which consisteth partly in the number of the citizens
themselves, whereof I have spoken before, partly in their riches, and
in their warlike furniture; for as touching the strength of the place
itself, that is apparent to the eye, and therefore is not to be treated
of.
The wealth and warlike furniture of London is either public or private,
and no doubt the common treasure cannot be much there, seeing that the
revenue which they have hardly sufficeth to maintain their bridge and
conduits, and to pay their officers and servants. Their toll doth not
any more than pay their fee farm, that they pay to the prince. Their
issues for default of appearances be never levied, and the profits of
their courts of justice do go to particular men’s hands. Arguments
hereof be these two: one, that they can do nothing of extraordinary
charge without a general contribution; another, that they have suffered
such as have borne the chief office amongst them, and were become
bankrupt, to depart the city without relief, which I think they neither
would nor could have done, if the common treasure had sufficed to cover
their shame; hereof therefore we need not be afraid. The public armour
and munition of this city remaineth in the halls of the companies, as
it doth throughout the whole realm, for a great part in the parish
churches; neither is that kept together, but only for obedience to the
law, which commandeth it, and therefore if that threaten danger to the
estate, it may by another law be taken from them, and committed to a
more safe armoury.
The private riches of London resteth chiefly in the hands of the
merchants and retailers, for artificers have not much to spare, and
labourers have need that it were given unto them. Now how necessary
and serviceable the estate of merchandise is to this realm, it may
partly appear by the practice of that peaceable, politic, and rich
prince, King Henry VII., of whom Polidore (writing his life) sayeth
thus: “_Mercatores ille sæpenumero pecunia multa data gratuite juvabat,
ut mercatura ars una omnium cunctis æque mortalibus tum commoda,
tum necessaria, in suo regno copiosior esset_.” But chiefly by the
inestimable commodities that grow thereby: for who knoweth not that we
have extreme need of many things, whereof foreign countries have great
store, and that we may spare many things whereof they have need: or who
is ignorant of this, that we have no mines of silver or gold within
our realm, so that the increase of our coin and bullion cometh from
elsewhere; and yet nevertheless we be both fed, clad, and otherwise
served with foreign commodities and delights, as plentiful as with our
domestical; which thing cometh to pass by the mean of merchandise only,
which importeth necessaries from other countries, and exporteth the
superfluities of our own.
For seeing we have no way to increase our treasure by mines of gold or
silver at home, and can have nothing without money or ware from other
countries abroad, it followeth necessarily, that if we follow the
counsel of that good old husband, Marcus Cato, saying, “_Oportet patrem
familias vendacem esse, non emacem_,” and do carry more commodities in
value over the seas than we bring hither from thence, that then the
realm shall receive that overplus in money; but if we bring from beyond
the seas merchandise of more value than that which we do send over may
countervail, then the realm payeth for that overplus in ready money,
and consequently is a loser by that ill husbandry; and therefore in
this part great and heedful regard must be had that symmetry and due
proportion be kept, lest otherwise either the realm be defrauded of her
treasure, or the subjects corrupted in vanity, by excessive importation
of superfluous and needless merchandise, or else that we feel penury,
even in our greatest plenty and store, by immoderate exportation of our
own needful commodities.
Other the benefits that merchandise bringeth shall hereafter appear
in the general recital of the commodities that come by London; and
therefore it resteth that I speak a word of retailers, and finally
show that much good groweth by them both. The chief part of retailing
is but a handmaid to merchandise, dispersing by piecemeal that which
the merchant bringeth in gross; of which trade be mercers, vintners,
haberdashers, ironmongers, milliners, and all such as sell wares growing
or made beyond the seas; and therefore so long as merchandise itself
shall be profitable, and such proportion kept as neither we lose our
treasure thereby, nor be cloyed with unnecessary foreign wares, this
kind of retailing is to be retained also.
Now that merchants and retailers of London be very rich and great,
it is so far from any harm, that it is a thing both praiseworthy and
profitable; for “_Mercatura_ (saith Cicero), _si tenuis est, sordida
putanda est; sin magna est et copiosa, non est vituperanda_.” And truly
merchants and retailers do not altogether _intus canere_, and profit
themselves only, for the prince and realm both are enriched by their
riches: the realm winneth treasure, if their trade be so moderated by
authority that it break not proportion, and they besides bear a good
fleece, which the prince may shear when he seeth good.
But here, before I conclude this part, I have shortly to answer the
accusation of those men, which charge London with the loss and decay
of many (or most) of the ancient cities, corporate towns, and markets
within this realm, by drawing from them to herself alone, say they, both
all trade of traffic by sea, and the retailing of wares and exercise
of manual arts also. Touching navigation, which I must confess is
apparently decayed in many port towns, and flourisheth only or chiefly
at London, I impute that partly to the fall of the Staple, the which
being long since a great trade, and bestowed sometimes at one town and
sometimes at another within the realm, did much enrich the place where
it was, and being now not only diminished in force, but also translated
over the seas, cannot but bring some decay with it, partly to the
impairing of havens, which in many places have impoverished those towns,
whose estate doth ebb and flow with them, and partly to the dissolution
of religious houses, by whose wealth and haunt many of those places were
chiefly fed and nourished. I mean not to rehearse particular examples of
every sort, for the thing itself speaketh, and I haste to an end.
As for retailers, therefore, and handicraftsmen, it is no marvel if they
abandon country towns, and resort to London; for not only the court,
which is now-a-days much greater and more gallant than in former times,
and which was wont to be contented to remain with a small company,
sometimes at an abbey or priory, sometimes at a bishop’s house, and
sometimes at some mean manor of the king’s own, is now for the most part
either abiding at London, or else so near unto it, that the provision
of things most fit for it may easily be fetched from thence; but also by
occasion thereof, the gentlemen of all shires do fly and flock to this
city; the younger sort of them to see and show vanity, and the elder to
save the cost and charge of hospitality and house-keeping.
For hereby it cometh to pass, that the gentlemen being either for a
good portion of the year out of the country, or playing the farmers,
graziers, brewers, or such like, more than gentlemen were wont to do
within the country, retailers and artificers, at the least of such
things as pertain to the back or belly, do leave the country towns,
where there is no vent, and do fly to London, where they be sure to
find ready and quick market. And yet I wish, that even as many towns in
the low countries of King Philip do stand, some by one handy art, and
some by another; so also that it might be provided here that the making
of some things might (by discreet dispensation) be allotted to some
special towns, to the end, that although the daintiness of men cannot
be restrained, which will needs seek those things at London, yet other
places also might be relieved, at the least by the workmanship of them.