mayor, made a request, for that clothes of ray (as he alleged) were evil
wrought, his officers might be permitted (contrary to custom) for that
year to wear gowns of one colour; to the which, in a common council,
one answered and said, “Yea, it might be permitted,” and no man said,
“Nay,” and so it passed. Thus much for party coloured and ray gowns have
I read: but for benevolence to the mayor, I find that of later time that
each man giving forty shillings towards his charges, received four yards
of broad cloth to make him a gown, for Thomas White performed it in
the 1st of Queen Mary; but Sir Thomas Lodge gave instead of four yards
of broad cloth, three yards of satin to make them doublets, and since
that the three yards of satin is turned into a silver spoon, and so it
holdeth.
The days of attendance that the fellowships do give to the mayor at his
going to Paules were seven, as followeth:--
1. Alhallowen day.
2. Christmasse day.
3. St. Stephen’s day.
4. St. John’s day.
5. New Year’s day.
6. Twelfth day.
7. Candlemasse day.
The 23rd of Henry VIII., these companies had place at the mayor’s feast
in the Guildhall, in order as followeth; I speak by precedent, for I was
never feast-follower:--
1. Mercers, the wardens, and seventeen persons, five messes.
2. Grocers, the wardens, and sixteen persons, four messes.
3. Drapers, the wardens, and twelve persons, four messes.
4. Fishmongers, the wardens, and twelve persons, four messes.
5. Goldsmiths, the wardens, and ten persons, three messes.
6. Skinners, the wardens, and eight persons, three messes.
7. Merchant-tailors, the wardens, and nine persons, three messes.
8. Vintners, the wardens, and six persons, two messes.
9. Ironmongers, the wardens, and four persons, four messes and a
half.
10. Merchant-haberdashers, the wardens, and fourteen persons, four
messes and a half.
11. Salters, the wardens, and eight persons, two messes and a half.
12. Dyers, the wardens, and six persons, two messes.
13. Leathersellers, the wardens, and eight persons, three messes.
14. Pewterers, the wardens, and five persons, two messes.
15. Cutlers, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
16. Armourers, the wardens and three persons, one mess.
17. Waxchandlers, the wardens and six persons, two messes.
18. Tallow-chandlers, the wardens and three persons, two messes.
19. Shiremen, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
20. Fullers, the wardens and nine persons, two messes.
21. Sadlers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
22. Brewers, the wardens and twelve persons, four messes.
23. Scriveners, the wardens and six persons, two messes.
24. Butchers, the wardens and seven persons, three messes.
25. Bakers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
26. Poulterers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
27. Stationers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
28. Inholders, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
29. Girdlers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
30. Chirurgeons, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
31. Founders, the wardens and one person, one mess.
32. Barbers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
No Clothing. Upholders, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
34. Broiderers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
35. Bowyers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
36. Fletchers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Turners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
38. Cordwainers, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
39. Painters-stainers, the wardens and five persons, two messes.
40. Masons, the wardens and one person, one mess.
41. Plumbers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
42. Carpenters, the wardens and four persons, two messes.
43. Pouch-makers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
44. Joiners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
45. Coopers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
No Clothing. Glaziers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Linendrapers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Woodmongers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
49. Curriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Foystors, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Grey Tanners, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
52. Tilers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
53. Weavers, the wardens and one person, one mess.
54. Blacksmiths, the wardens, and one mess.
No Clothing. Lorimars, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
56. Spurriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
57. Wiresellers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Fruiterers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
No Clothing. Farriers, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
60. Bladesmiths, the wardens and two persons, one mess.
These companies severally, at sundry times, purchased the king’s
favour and license by his letters patents, to associate themselves
in brotherhoods, with master and wardens for their government: many
also have procured corporations, with privileges, etc.; but I read
not of license by them procured for liveries to be worn, but at their
governor’s discretion to appoint, as occasion asketh, some time in
triumphant manner, some time more mourning like, and such liveries have
they taken upon them, as well before, as since they were by license
associated into brotherhoods, or corporations. For the first of these
companies that I read of to be a guild, brotherhood, or fraternity,
in this city, were the weavers, whose guild was confirmed by Henry
II. The next fraternity, which was of St. John Baptist, time out of
mind, called of tailors and linen-armourers of London; I find that King
Edward I., in the 28th of his reign, confirmed that guild by the name of
tailors and linen-armourers, and gave to the brethren there of authority
yearly to choose unto them a governor, or master, with wardens, etc. The
other companies have since purchased license of societies, brotherhoods,
or corporations, in the reigns of Edward III., Richard II., Henry IV.,
Henry V., Henry VI., and Edward IV., etc.
SOMEWHAT OF LIVERIES WORN BY CITIZENS OF LONDON, IN TIME OF TRIUMPHS AND
OTHERWAYS
1236. The 20th of Henry III., the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and
citizens of London, rode out to meet the king and his new wife, Queen
Elianor, daughter to Reymond Beringarius of Aragon, earl of Provence and
Narbone. The citizens were clothed in long garments, embroidered about
with gold, and silk in divers colours, their horses finely trapped, to
the number of three hundred and sixty, every man bearing a golden or
silver cup in his hand, the king’s trumpets before them sounding, etc.,
as ye may read in my _Annales_.
1300. The 29th of Edward I., the said king took to wife Margaret, sister
to Philip Le Beau, king of France; they were married at Canterbury. The
queen was conveyed to London, against whom the citizens to the number of
six hundred rode in one livery of red and white, with the cognizances of
their mysteries embroidered upon their sleeves, they received her four
miles out of London, and so conveyed her to Westminster.
1415. The 3rd of Henry V., the said king arriving at Dover, the mayor of
London with the aldermen and crafts-men riding in red, with hoods red
and white, met with the king on the Blacke hith, coming from Eltham with
his prisoners out of France.
1432. The 10th of Henry VI., he being crowned in France, returning
into England, came to Eltham towards London, and the mayor of London,
John Welles, the aldermen, with the commonalty, rode against him on
horseback, the mayor in crimson velvet, a great velvet hat furred,
a girdle of gold about his middle, and a bawdrike of gold about his
neck trilling down behind him, his three henxemen, on three great
coursers following him, in one suit of red, all spangled in silver,
then the aldermen in gowns of scarlet, with sanguine hoods, and all the
commonality of the city clothed in white gowns, and scarlet hoods, with
divers cognizances embroidered on their sleeves, etc.
1485. The 1st of Henry VII., the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and
commonality, all clothed in violet (as in a mourning colour), met the
king at Shorditch, and conveyed him to Powles church, where he offered
his banners.
Thus much for liveries of citizens in ancient times, both in triumphs
and otherwise, may suffice, whereby may be observed, that the coverture
of men’s heads was then hoods, for neither cap nor hat is spoken of,
except that John Welles mayor of London to wear a hat in time of
triumph, but differing from the hats lately taken in use, and now
commonly worn for noblemen’s liveries. I read that Thomas earl of
Lancaster in the reign of Edward II. gave at Christmas in liveries, to
such as served him, a hundred and fifty-nine broad cloaths, allowing to
every garment furs to fur their hoods: more near our time, there yet
remaineth the counterfeits and pictures of aldermen, and others that
lived in the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV., namely alderman Darby
dwelling in Fenchurch street, over against the parish church of St.
Diones, left his picture, as of an alderman, in a gown of scarlet on
his back, a hood on his head, etc., as is in that house (and elsewhere)
to be seen: for a further monument of those late times, men may behold
the glass windows of the mayor’s court in the Guildhall above the
stairs, the mayor is there pictured sitting in habit, party-coloured,
and a hood on his head, his swordbearer before him with a hat or cap
of maintenance: the common clerk, and other officers bare-headed,
their hoods on their shoulders; and therefore I take it, that the use
of square bonnets worn by noblemen, gentlemen, citizens, and others,
took beginning in this realm by Henry VII. and in his time, and of
further antiquity, I can see no counterfeit or other proof of use.
Henry VIII. (towards his latter reign) wore a round flat cap of scarlet
or of velvet, with a bruch or jewel, and a feather; divers gentlemen,
courtiers, and others, did the like. The youthful citizens also took
them to the new fashion of flat caps, knit of woollen yarn black, but so
light, that they were obliged to tie them under their chins, for else
the wind would be master over them. The use of these flat round caps so
far increased (being of less price than the French bonnet) that in short
time young aldermen took the wearing of them; Sir John White wore it in
his mayoralty, and was the first that left example to his followers;
but now the Spanish felt, or the like counterfeit, is most commonly of
all men both spiritual and temporal taken to use, so that the French
bonnet or square cap, and also the round or flat cap, have for the most
part given place to the Spanish felt; but yet in London amongst the
graver sort (I mean the liveries of companies), remaineth a memory of
the hoods of old time worn by their predecessors: these hoods were worn,
the roundlets upon their heads, the skirts to hang behind in their necks
to keep them warm, the tippet to lie on their shoulder, or to wind about
their necks, these hoods were of old time made in colours according to
their gowns, which were of two colours, as red and blue, or red and
purple, murrey, or as it pleased their masters and wardens to appoint
to the companies; but now of late time, they have used their gowns to
be all of one colour, and those of the saddest, but their hoods being
made the one half of the same cloth their gowns be of, the other half
remaineth red as of old time. And so I end, as wanting time to travel
further in this work.
Now since that I have given you an outward view of this city, it shall
not be impertinent to let you take an insight also of the same, such
as a Londoner born discoursed about twenty years gone, for answer (as
it seemeth) to some objections that then were made against the growing
greatness thereof. The author gave it me, and therefore, howsoever I
conceal his name (which itself pretendeth not), I think I may without
his offence impart it to others, that they may take pleasure in the
reading, as I doubt not but he did in the writing. Long may they (that
list) envy, and long may we and our posterity enjoy the good estate of
this city.
A DISCOURSE OF THE NAMES AND FIRST CAUSES OF THE INSTITUTION OF CITIES
AND PEOPLED TOWNS AND OF THE COMMODITIES THAT DO GROW BY THE SAME; AND,
NAMELY, OF THE CITY OF LONDON
WRITTEN BY WAY OF AN APOLOGY (OR DEFENCE) AGAINST THE OPINION OF
SOME MEN, WHICH THINK THAT THE GREATNESS OF THAT CITY STANDETH NOT
WITH THE PROFIT AND SECURITY OF THIS REALM
Cities and well-peopled places be called _Oppida_, in Latin; either _ab
ope danda_, or _ab opibus_, or _ab opponendo se hostibus_. They be named
also _Civitates a cöeundo_, and _urbes_, either of the word _urbare_,
because the first inclosure of them was described with the draught of a
plough, or else _ab orbe_, for the round compass that they at the first
had.
In the Greek a city is termed πόλις, either of the word πολὺς, _multus_,
or of πολεῖνω πολένεον,[306] _id est_, _habitare_, _alere_, _gubernare_.
In the Saxon (or old English) sometimes _Tun_, which we now call town,
derived of the word _Tynan_, to inclose or tyne, as some yet speak.
But forasmuch as that word was proper to every village and inclosed
dwelling, therefore our ancestors called their walled towns _Burh_ or
_Byrg_, and we now Bury and Borough, of the Greek word πύργος (as I
think), which signifieth a tower or a high building.
The walls of these towns had their name of _vallum_, because at the
first they were but of that earth which was cast out of the trench,
or ditch, wherewith they were environed. But afterward, being made of
matter more fit for defence, they were named _a muniendo mœnia_. By
the etymology of these names, it may appear that common weals, cities,
and towns, were at the first invented, to the end that men might lead
a civil life amongst themselves, and be saved harmless against their
enemies; whereupon Plato saith, “_Civitates ab initio utilitatis causa
constitutæ sunt_.” Aristotle, 1. Politicorum, 2. saith, “_Civitas a
natura profecta est: homo enim animal aptum est ad cœtus, et proinde
civitatis origo ad viuendum, institutio ad bene viuendum refertur._”
And Cicero, _lib. primo de Inventione_, in the beginning, saith, “_Fuit
quoddam tempus cum in agris homines passim bestiarum more vagabantur,
etc. quo quidem tempore, quidam (magnus, viz. vir et sapiens) dispersos
homines in agris, et tectis silvestribus abditos, ratione quadam
compulit in unum locum, atque eos in unamquamq; rem induxit utilem et
honestam. Urbibus vero constitutis fidem colere, et justitiam retinere
discebant, et aliis parere sua voluntate consuescebant_,” etc. The same
man discourseth notably to the same effect in his Oration _Pro Sestio_,
a little after the midst thereof, showing that in the life of men
dispersed, _vis_, beareth all the sway; but in the civil life, _ars_ is
better maintained, etc. This thing well saw King William the Conqueror,
who in his laws, fol. 125, saith, “_Burgi et civitates fundata, et
edificata sunt, ad tuitionem gentium et populorum Regni, et idcirco
observari debent cum omni libertate, integritate et ratione_.” And his
predecessors, King Ethelstane and King Canutus, in their laws, fol. 62
and 106, had commanded thus: “_Oppida instaurantur_,” etc.
Seeing, therefore, that as Cicero, 2. _Officior._ saith, “_Proxime et
secundum Deos, homines hominibus maxime utiles esse possunt_;” and
that men are congregated into cities and commonwealths for honesty
and utility’s sake, these shortly be the commodities that do come by
cities, commonalties, and corporations. First, men by this nearness
of conversation are withdrawn from barbarous feritie and force to a
certain mildness of manners, and to humanity and justice; whereby they
are contented to give and take right, to and from their equals and
inferiors, and to hear and obey their heads and superiors. Also the
doctrine of God is more fitly delivered, and the discipline thereof
more aptly to be executed, in peopled towns than abroad, by reason of
the facility of common and often assembling; and consequently such
inhabitants be better managed in order, and better instructed in
wisdom: whereof it came to pass, that at the first, they that excelled
others this way, were called _astuti_, of the Greek word ἄστυ, which
signifieth a city, although the term be now declined to the worst
part, and do betoken evil, even as _tyrannus_, _sophista_, and some
such other originally good words are fallen; and hereof also good
behaviour is yet called _urbanitas_, because it is rather found in
cities than elsewhere. In some, by often hearing men be better persuaded
in religion, and for that they live in the eyes of others, they be
by example the more easily trained to justice, and by shamefastness
restrained from injury.
And whereas commonwealths and kingdoms cannot have, next after God, any
surer foundation than the love and goodwill of one man towards another,
that also is closely bred and maintained in cities, where men by mutual
society and companying together, do grow to alliances, commonalties, and
corporations.
The liberal sciences and learnings of all sorts, which be _lumina
reipublicæ_, do flourish only in peopled towns; without the which a
realm is in no better case than a man that lacketh both his eyes.
Manual arts, or handicrafts, as they have for the most part been
invented in towns and cities, so they cannot anywhere else be either
maintained or amended. The like is to be said of merchandise, under
which name I comprehend all manner of buying, selling, bartering,
exchanging, communicating of things that men need to and fro. Wealth and
riches, which are truly called _subsidia belli, et ornamenta pacis_, are
increased chiefly in towns and cities both to the prince and people.
The necessity of the poor and needy is in such places both sooner to be
espied, and hath means to be more charitably relieved.
The places themselves be surer refuges in all extremities of foreign
invasion, and the inhabitants be a ready hand and strength of men, with
munition to oppress intestine sedition.
Moreover, forasmuch as the force of the wars of our time consisteth
chiefly in shot, all other soldiers being either horsemen or footmen,
armed on land, or mariners at the sea, it seemeth to me that citizens
and townsmen be as fit to be employed in any of these services, that on
horseback only excepted, as the inhabitants that be drawn out of the
country.
Furthermore, even as these societies and assemblies of men in cities
and great towns are a continual bridle against tyranny, which was the
cause that Tarquin, Nero, Dionysius, and such others, have always sought
to weaken them: so, being well tempered, they are a strong fort and
bulwark, not only in the aristocracy, but also in the lawful kingdom or
just royalty.
At once the propagation of religion, the execution of good policy, the
exercise of charity, and the defence of the country, is best performed
by towns and cities; and this civil life approacheth nearest to the
shape of that mystical body whereof Christ is the head, and men be the
members; whereupon both at the first, that man of God Moses, in the
commonwealth of the Israelites, and the governors of all countries, in
all ages since, have continually maintained the same; and to change it
were nothing else but to metamorphose the world, and to make wild beasts
of reasonable men. To stand longer upon this it were, _in re non dubia,
uti oratione non necessaria_; and therefore I will come to London.
FOOTNOTE:
[306] Sic in Stow; Strype corrects it into πολεύω.
THE SINGULARITIES OF THE CITY OF LONDON
Whatsoever is said of cities generally, maketh also for London
specially; howbeit, these things are particularly for our purpose to be
considered in it. The situation; the former estimation that it hath had;
the service that it hath done; the present estate and government of it,
and such benefits as do grow to the realm by the maintenance thereof.
This realm hath only three principal rivers, whereon a royal city may
well be situated: Trent, in the north, Severn in the south-west, and
Thames in the south-east; of the which Thames, both for the straight
course in length reacheth furthest into the belly of the land, and for
the breadth and stillness of the water is most navigable up and down the
stream; by reason whereof London, standing almost in the middle of that
course, is more commodiously served with provision of necessaries than
any town standing upon the other two rivers can be, and doth also more
easily communicate to the rest of the realm the commodities of her own
intercourse and traffic.
This river openeth indifferently upon France and Flanders, our mightiest
neighbours, to whose doings we ought to have a bent eye and special
regard; and this city standeth thereon in such convenient distance
from the sea, as it is not only near enough for intelligence of the
affairs of those princes, and for the resistance of their attempts,
but also sufficiently removed from the fear of any sudden dangers that
may be offered by them; whereas for the prince of this realm to dwell
upon Trent were to turn his back or blind side to his most dangerous
borderers; and for him to rest and dwell upon Severn were to be shut up
in a cumbersome corner, which openeth but upon Ireland only, a place of
much less importance.
Neither could London be pitched so commodiously upon any other part
of the same river of Thames as where it now standeth; for if it were
removed more to the west it should lose the benefit of the ebbing and
flowing, and if it were seated more towards the east it should be nearer
to danger of the enemy, and further both from the good air and from
doing good to the inner parts of the realm; neither may I omit that none
other place is so plentifully watered with springs as London is.
And whereas, amongst other things, corn and cattle, hay and fuel, be of
great necessity; of the which cattle may be driven from afar, and corn
may easily be transported. But hay and fuel, being of greater bulk and
burthen, must be at hand: only London, by the benefit of this situation
and river, may be sufficiently served therewith. In which respect an
alderman of London reasonably (as me thought) affirmed, that although
London received great nourishment by the residence of the prince, the
repair of the parliament and courts of justice, yet it stood principally
by the advantage of the situation upon the river; for when, as on a
time, it was told him by a courtier that Queen Mary, in her displeasure
against London, had appointed to remove with the parliament and term to
Oxford, this plain man demanded whether she meant also to divert the
river of Thames from London, or no? and when the gentleman had answered
“No,” “Then,” quoth the alderman, “by God’s grace, we shall do well
enough at London, whatsoever become of the term and parliament.” I
myself being then a young scholar at Oxford, did see great preparation
made towards that term and parliament, and do well remember that the
common opinion and voice was, that they were not holden there, because
provision of hay could not be made in all the country to serve for ten
whole days together, and yet is that quarter plentifully stored with hay
for the proportion of the shire itself.
For proof of the ancient estimation of London, I will not use the
authority of the British history, nor of such as follow it (although
some hold it credible enough that London was first _Trinobantum
civitas_, or _Troja nova_, that famous city in our histories, and then
Ludstoune, and by corruption London, as they report), because they be
not of sufficient force to draw the gainsayers. Neither will I stand
much upon that honourable testimony which Gervas. Tilburiens. giveth to
London in his book, _De Otiis Imperialibus_, saying thus, concerning
the blessing of God towards it:--“_In Urbe London. exceptione habet
divulgatum id per omnes æquè gentes Lucani proverbium_:
Invida fatorum series summisque negatum
Stare diu.
“_Nam ea annis 354 ante Romam condita nunquam amisit principatum, nec
bello consumpta est._”