by his last will and testament made in the year 1579, gave the Royal
Exchange, and all the buildings thereunto appertaining; that is to
say, the one moiety to the mayor and commonalty of London and their
successors, upon trust that they perform as shall be declared; and the
other moiety to the mercers in like confidence. The mayor and commonalty
are to find four to read lectures of divinity, astronomy, music, and
geometry, within his dwelling-house in Bishopsgate street, and to bestow
the sum of two hundred pounds; to wit, fifty pounds the piece, etc.
The mercers likewise are to find three readers, that is, in civil law,
physic, and rhetoric, within the same dwelling-house, the sum of one
hundred and fifty pounds; to every reader, fifty pounds, etc.: which
gift hath been since that time confirmed by parliament, to take effect
and begin after the decease of the Lady Anne Gresham, which happened
in the year 1596, and so to continue for ever. Whereupon the lecturers
were accordingly chosen and appointed to have begun their readings
in the month of June, 1597; whose names were, Anthony Wootton, for
divinity; Doctor Mathew Guin, for physic; Doctor Henry Mountlow, for
the civil law; Doctor John Bull, for music; Beerewood, for astronomy;
Henry Brigges, for geometry; and Caleb Willis, for rhetoric. These
lectures are read daily, Sundays excepted, in the term times, by every
one upon his day, in the morning betwixt nine and ten, in Latin; in
the afternoon, betwixt two and three, in English; save that Dr. Bull
is dispensed with to read the music lecture in English only upon two
several days, Thursday and Saturday, in the afternoons, betwixt three
and four of the clock.
FOOTNOTE:
[89] “Howsoever the same be now fallen, both in number and
estimation.”--_1st edition_, p. 56.
HOUSES OF STUDENTS IN THE COMMON LAW
But besides all this, there is in and about this city a whole
university, as it were, of students, practicers or pleaders, and judges
of the laws of this realm, not living of common stipends, as in other
universities it is for the most part done, but of their own private
maintenance, as being altogether fed either by their places or practice,
or otherwise by their proper revenue, or exhibition of parents and
friends; for that the younger sort are either gentlemen or the sons of
gentlemen, or of other most wealthy persons. Of these houses there be at
this day fourteen in all; whereof nine do stand within the liberties of
this city, and five in the suburbs thereof; to wit:
_Within the liberties_
Serjeants’ inn in Fleet Street, Serjeants’ inn in Chancery lane; for
judges and sergeants only.
The Inner temple, the Middle temple, in Fleet street; houses of court.
Clifford’s inn in Fleet street, Thavies inn in Oldborne, Furnival’s inn
in Oldborne, Barnard’s inn in Oldborne, Staple inn in Oldborne; houses
of Chancery.
_Without the liberties_
Gray’s inn in Oldborne, Lincoln’s inn in Chancery lane by the old
Temple;[90] houses of court.
Clement’s inn, New inn, Lion’s inn; houses of Chancery, without Temple
bar, in the liberty of Westminster.
There was sometime an inn of sergeants in Oldborne, as you may read of
Scrop’s inn over against St. Andrew’s church.
There was also one other inn of Chancery, called Chester’s inn, for the
nearness of the Bishop of Chester’s house, but more commonly termed
Strand inn, for that it stood in Strand street, and near unto Strand
bridge without Temple bar, in the liberty of the duchy of Lancaster.
This inn of Chancery, with other houses near adjoining, were pulled
down in the reign of Edward VI. by Edward Duke of Sommerset, who in
place thereof raised that large and beautiful house, but yet unfinished,
called Sommerset house.
There was moreover, in the reign of King Henry I., a tenth house of
Chancery, mentioned by Justice Fortescue in his book of the laws of
England, but where it stood, or when it was abandoned, I cannot find,
and therefore I will leave it, and return to the rest.
The houses of court be replenished partly with young students, and
partly with graduates and practisers of the law; but the inns of
Chancery, being, as it were, provinces, severally subjected to the inns
of court, be chiefly furnished with officers, attorneys, solicitors, and
clerks, that follow the courts of the King’s Bench or Common Pleas; and
yet there want not some other being young students, that come thither
sometimes from one of the Universities, and sometimes immediately from
grammar schools; and these having spent some time in studying upon
the first elements and grounds of the law, and having performed the
exercise of their own houses (called Boltas Mootes,[91] and putting of
cases), they proceed to be admitted, and become students in some of
these four houses or inns of court, where continuing by the space of
seven years or thereabouts, they frequent readings, meetings, boltings,
and other learned exercises, whereby growing ripe in the knowledge of
the laws, and approved withal to be of honest conversation, they are
either, by the general consent of the benchers or readers, being of
the most ancient, grave, and judicial men of every inn of the court,
or by the special privilege of the present reader there, selected and
called to the degree of utter barristers, and so enabled to be common
counsellors, and to practice the law, both in their chambers and at the
bars.
Of these, after that they be called to a further step of preferment,
called the Bench, there are twain every year chosen among the benchers
of every inn of court to be readers there, who do make their readings at
two times in the year also; that is, one in Lent, and the other at the
beginning of August.
And for the help of young students in every of the inns of Chancery,
they do likewise choose out of every one inn of court a reader, being
no bencher, but an utter barrister there, of ten or twelve years’
continuance, and of good profit in study. Now, from these of the said
degree of counsellors, or utter barristers, having continued therein the
space of fourteen or fifteen years at the least, the chiefest and best
learned are by the benchers elected to increase the number, as I said,
of the bench amongst them; and so in their time do become first single,
and then double, readers to the students of those houses of court;
after which last reading they be named apprentices at the law, and, in
default of a sufficient number of sergeants at law, these are, at the
pleasure of the prince, to be advanced to the places of sergeants; out
of which number of sergeants also the void places of judges are likewise
ordinarily filled; albeit, now and then some be advanced, by the special
favour of the prince, to the estate, dignity, and place, both of
sergeant and judge, as it were in one instant. But from thenceforth they
hold not any room in those inns of court, being translated to one of the
said two inns, called Sergeante’s inns, where none but the sergeants and
judges do converse.
FOOTNOTES:
[90] “In Oldborne.”--_1st edition._
[91] Cowell, in his _Law Dictionary_, says, “Bolting is a term of art
used in Gray’s Inn, and applied to the bolting or arguing of _moot_
cases.” He endeavours to show that the bolting of cases is analogous
to the _boulting_ or sifting of meal through a bag. All readers of
Shakspeare must be familiar with the use of the word in the latter sense.
OF ORDERS AND CUSTOMS
Of orders and customs in this city of old time, Fitzstephen saith as
followeth: “Men of all trades, sellers of all sorts of wares, labourers
in every work, every morning are in their distinct and several places:
furthermore, in London, upon the river side, between the wine in ships
and the wine to be sold in taverns, is a common cookery, or cooks’ row;
there daily, for the season of the year, men might have meat, roast,
sod, or fried; fish, flesh, fowls, fit for rich and poor. If any come
suddenly to any citizen from afar, weary, and not willing to tarry till
the meat be bought and dressed, while the servant bringeth water for his
master’s hands, and fetcheth bread, he shall have immediately from the
river’s side all viands whatsoever he desireth: what multitude soever,
either of soldiers or strangers, do come to the city, whatsoever hour,
day or night, according to their pleasures may refresh themselves; and
they which delight in delicateness may be satisfied with as delicate
dishes there as may be found elsewhere. And this Cooke’s row is very
necessary to the city; and, according to Plato in Gorgius, next to
physic, is the office of cooks, as part of a city.
“Without one of the gates is a plain field, both in name and deed,
where every Friday, unless it be a solemn bidden holy day, is a notable
show of horses to be sold; earls, barons, knights, and citizens repair
thither to see or to buy; there may you of pleasure see amblers pacing
it delicately; there may you see trotters fit for men of arms, sitting
more hardly; there may you have notable young horses, not yet broken;
there may you have strong steeds, well limbed geldings, whom the buyers
do specially regard for pace and swiftness; the boys which ride these
horses, sometimes two, sometimes three, do run races for wagers, with
a desire of praise, or hope of victory. In another part of that field
are to be sold all implements of husbandry, as also fat swine, milch
kine, sheep, and oxen; there stand also mares and horses fit for ploughs
and teams, with their young colts by them. At this city, merchant
strangers of all nations had their keys and wharfs; the Arabians sent
gold; the Sabians spice and frankincense; the Scythian armour, Babylon
oil, Indian purple garments, Egypt precious stones, Norway and Russia
ambergreece and sables, and the Frenchmen wine. According to the truth
of Chronicles, this city is ancienter than Rome, built of the ancient
Troyans and of Brute, before that was built by Romulus and Rhemus; and
therefore useth the ancient customs of Rome. This city, even as Rome,
is divided into wards; it hath yearly sheriffs instead of consuls; it
hath the dignity of senators in aldermen. It hath under officers, common
sewers, and conduits in streets; according to the quality of causes,
it hath general courts and assembles upon appointed days. I do not
think that there is any city wherein are better customs, in frequenting
the churches, in serving God, in keeping holy days, in giving alms,
in entertaining strangers, in solemnising marriages, in furnishing
banquets, celebrating funerals, and burying dead bodies.
“The only plagues of London are immoderate quaffing among the foolish
sort, and often casualties by fire. Most part of the bishops, abbots,
and great lords of the land have houses there, whereunto they resort,
and bestow much when they are called to parliament by the king, or to
council by their metropolitan, or otherwise by their private business.”
Thus far Fitzstephen, of the estate of things in his time, whereunto may
be added the present, by conference whereof the alteration will easily
appear.
Men of trades and sellers of wares in this city have oftentimes since
changed their places, as they have found their best advantage. For
whereas mercers and haberdashers used to keep their shops in West
Cheape,[92] of later time they held them on London Bridge, where partly
they yet remain. The goldsmiths of Gutheron’s lane and Old Exchange
are now for the most part removed into the south side of West Cheape,
the peperers and grocers of Soper’s lane are now in Bucklesberrie, and
other places dispersed. The drapers of Lombard street and of Cornehill
are seated in Candlewick street and Watheling street; the skinners from
St. Marie Pellipers, or at the Axe, into Budge row and Walbrooke; the
stock fishmongers in Thames street; wet fishmongers in Knightriders
street and Bridge street; the ironmongers, of Ironmongers’ lane and Old
Jurie, into Thames street; the vintners from the Vinetree into divers
places. But the brewers for the more part remain near to the friendly
water of Thames; the butchers in Eastcheape, St. Nicholas shambles,
and the Stockes market; the hosiers of old time in Hosier lane, near
unto Smithfield, are since removed into Cordwayner street, the upper
part thereof by Bow church, and last of all into Birchoveris lane by
Cornehill; the shoe-makers and curriers of Cordwayner street removed
the one to St. Martin’s le Grand, the other to London wall near unto
Mooregate; the founders remain by themselves in Lothberie; cooks,[93]
or pastelars, for the more part in Thames street, the other dispersed
into divers parts; poulters of late removed out of the Poultrie, betwixt
the Stockes and the great Conduit in Cheape, into Grasse street and St.
Nicholas shambles; bowyers, from Bowyers’ row by Ludgate into divers
places, and almost worn out with the fletchers; pater noster makers of
old time, or bead-makers, and text-writers, are gone out of Pater noster
row, and are called stationers of Paule’s churchyard;[94] patten-makers,
of St. Margaret, Pattens’ lane, clean worn out; labourers every work-day
are to be found in Cheape, about Soper’s land end; horse-coursers and
sellers of oxen, sheep, swine, and such like, remain in their old market
of Smithfield, etc.
That merchants of all nations had their keys and wharfs at this city,
whereunto they brought their merchandises before and in the reign of
Henry II., mine author wrote of his own knowledge to be true, though for
the antiquity of the city he took the common opinion. Also that this
city was in his time and afore divided into wards, had yearly sheriffs,
aldermen, general courts, and assemblies, and such like notes by him set
down, in commendation of the citizens; whereof there is no question,
he wrote likewise of his own experience, as being born and brought up
amongst them.
And to confirm his opinion, concerning merchandises then hither
transported, whereof happily may be some argument, Thomas Clifford[95]
(before Fitzstephen’s time), writing of Edward the Confessor, saith
to this effect: “King Edward, intending to make his sepulchre at
Westminster; for that it was near to the famous city of London, and
the river of Thames, that brought in all kind of merchandises from all
parts of the world, etc.” And William of Malmesbury, that lived in
the reign of William I. and II., Henry I., and King Stephen, calleth
this a noble city, full of wealthy citizens, frequented with the trade
of merchandises from all parts of the world. Also I read, in divers
records, that of old time no woad was stowed or harboured in this city,
but all was presently sold in the ships, except by license purchased
of the sheriffs, till of more later time; to wit, in the year 1236,
Andrew Bokerell, being mayor, by assent of the principal citizens, the
merchants of Amiens, Nele, and Corby, purchased letters insealed with
the common seal of the city, that they when they come might harbour
their woads, and therefore should give the mayor every year fifty
marks sterling; and the same year they gave one hundred pounds towards
the conveying of water from Tyborn to this city. Also the merchants
of Normandie made fine for license to harbour their woads till it was
otherwise provided, in the year 1263, Thomas Fitz Thomas being mayor,
etc., which proveth that then as afore, they were here amongst other
nations privileged.
It followeth in Fitzstephen, that the plagues of London in that time
were immoderate quaffing among fools, and often casualties by fire. For
the first--to wit, of quaffing--it continueth as afore, or rather is
mightily increased, though greatly qualified among the poorer sort, not
of any holy abstinence, but of mere necessity, ale and beer being small,
and wines in price above their reach. As for prevention of casualties
by fire, the houses in this city being then built all of timber, and
covered with thatch of straw or reed, it was long since thought good
policy in our forefathers wisely to provide, namely, in the year of
Christ 1189, the first of Richard I., Henry Fitzalwine[96] being then
mayor, that all men in this city should build their houses of stone up
to a certain height, and to cover them with slate or baked tile; since
which time, thanks be given to God, there hath not happened the like
often consuming fires in this city as afore.
But now in our time, instead of these enormities, others are come
in place no less meet to be reformed; namely, purprestures, or
encroachments on the highways, lanes, and common grounds, in and
about this city; whereof a learned gentleman and grave citizen[97]
hath not many years since written and exhibited a book to the mayor
and commonalty; which book, whether the same have been by them read
and diligently considered upon, I know not, but sure I am nothing is
reformed since concerning this matter.
Then the number of cars, drays, carts, and coaches, more than hath
been accustomed, the streets and lanes being straitened, must needs be
dangerous, as daily experience proveth.
The coachman rides behind the horse tails, lasheth them, and looketh not
behind him; the drayman sitteth and sleepeth on his dray, and letteth
his horse lead him home. I know that, by the good laws and customs of
this city,[98] shodde carts[99] are forbidden to enter the same, except
upon reasonable cause, as service of the prince, or such like, they be
tolerated. Also that the fore horse of every carriage should be lead by
hand; but these good orders are not observed. Of old time coaches were
not known in this island, but chariots or whirlicotes, then so called,
and they only used of princes or great estates, such as had their
footmen about them; and for example to note, I read that Richard II.,
being threatened by the rebels of Kent, rode from the Tower of London to
the Myles end, and with him his mother, because she was sick and weak,
in a whirlicote, the Earls of Buckingham, Kent, Warwicke, and Oxford,
Sir Thomas Percie, Sir Robert Knowles, the Mayor of London, Sir Aubery
de Vere, that bare the king’s sword, with other knights and esquires
attending on horseback. But in the next year, the said King Richard took
to wife Anne, daughter to the King of Bohemia, that first brought hither
the riding upon side-saddles; and so was the riding in wherlicoates and
chariots forsaken, except at coronations and such like spectacles; but
now of late years the use of coaches, brought out of Germany, is taken
up, and made so common, as there is neither distinction of time nor
difference of persons observed; for the world runs on wheels with many
whose parents were glad to go on foot.
Last of all, mine author in this chapter hath these words:[100] “Most
part of the bishops, abbots, and great lords of the land, as if they
were citizens and freemen of London, had many fair houses to resort
unto, and many rich and wealthy gentlemen spent their money there.” And
in another place he hath these words: “Every Sunday in Lent a fresh
company of young men comes into the fields on horseback, and the best
horsemen conducteth the rest; then march forth the citizens’ sons,
and other young men, with disarmed lances and shields, and practise
feats of war; many courtiers likewise and attendants of noblemen repair
to this exercise, and whilst the hope of victory doth inflame their
minds, they do show good proof how serviceable they would be in martial
affairs, etc.” Again he saith: “This city, in the troublesome time
of King Stephen, showed at a muster twenty thousand armed horsemen
and forty thousand footmen, serviceable for the wars, etc.” All which
sayings of the said author, well considered, do plainly prove that in
those days the inhabitants and repairers to this city, of what estate
soever, spiritual or temporal, having houses here, lived together in
good amity with the citizens, every man observing the customs and orders
of the city, and those to be contributary to charges here, rather than
in any part of the land wheresoever. This city, being the heart of the
realm, the king’s chamber and prince’s seat, whereunto they made repair,
and showed their forces, both of horses and of men, which caused in
troublesome time, as of King Stephen, the musters of this city to be so
great in number.
And here, to touch somewhat of greater families and households kept in
former times by noblemen, and great estates of this realm, according
to their honours or dignities,[101] I have seen an account made by H.
Leicester, cofferer to Thomas Earl of Lancaster, for one whole year’s
expenses in the Earl’s house, from the day next after Michaelmas, in
the seventh year of Edward II., until Michaelmass in the eight year
of the same king, amounting to the sum of £7957 13_s._ 4-1/2_d._ as
followeth:[102]
To wit, in the pantry, buttery, and kitchen, £3405, etc.: for one
hundred and eighty-four tons, one pipe of red or claret wine, and one
ton of white wine bought for the house, £104 17_s._ 6_d._
For grocery ware, £180 17_s._
For six barrels of sturgeon, £19.
For six thousand eight hundred stock-fishes, so called for dried fishes
of all sorts, as lings, habardines, and other, £41 6_s._ 7_d._
For one thousand seven hundred and fourteen pounds of waxe, with
vermelion and turpentine to make red waxe, £314 7_s._ 4-1/4_d._
For two thousand three hundred and nineteen pounds of tallow candles for
the household, and one thousand eight hundred and seventy of lights for
Paris candles, called perchers, £31 14_s._ 3_d._
Expenses on the earl’s great horses, and the keeper’s wages, £486 4_s._
3-1/4_d._
Linen cloth for the earl and his chaplains, and for the pantry, £43
17_s._
For one hundred and twenty-nine dozen of parchment, with ink, £4 8_s._
3-1/4_d._
Sum, £5230 17_s._ 7-1/4_d._
Item, for two cloths of scarlet for the earl against Christmass, one
cloth of russet for the Bishop of Angew, seventy cloths of blue for the
knights (as they were then termed), fifteen cloths of medley for the
lords’ clerks, twenty-eight cloths for the esquires, fifteen cloths for
officers, nineteen cloths for grooms, five cloths for archers, four
cloths for minstrels and carpenters, with the sharing and carriage for
the earl’s liveries at Christmasse, £460 15_s._
Item, for seven furs of variable miniver (or powdered ermine), seven
hoods of purple, three hundred and ninety-five furs of budge for the
liveries of barons, knights, and clerks, one hundred and twenty-three
furs of lamb for esquires, bought at Christmas, £147 17_s._ 8_d._
Item, sixty-five cloths, saffron colour, for the barons and knights in
summer, twelve red cloths, mixed, for clerks, twenty-six cloths, ray,
for esquires, one cloth, ray, for officers’ coats in summer, and four
cloths, ray, for carpets in the hall, for £345 13_s._ 8_d._
Item, one hundred pieces of green silk for the knights, fourteen budge
furs for surcoats, thirteen hoods of budge for clerks, and seventy-five
furs of lambs for the lord’s liveries in summer, with canvas and cords
to truss them, £72 19_s._
Item, saddles for the lord’s liveries in summer, £51 6_s._ 8_d._
Item, one saddle for the earl of the prince’s arms, 40_s._
Sum, £1079 18_s._ 3_d._
Item, for things bought, whereof cannot be read in my note, £241 14_s._
1-1/4_d._
For horses lost in service of the earl, £8 6_s._ 8_d._
Fees paid to earls, barons, knights, and esquires, £623 15_s._ 5_d._
In gifts to knights of France, the Queen of England’s nurses, to the
Countess of Warren, esquires, minstrels, messengers, and riders, £92
14_s._
Item, one hundred and sixty-eight yards of russet cloth,[103] and
twenty-four coats for poor men, with money given to the poor on Maundy
Thursday, £8 16_s._ 7_d._
Item, twenty-four silver dishes, so many saucers and so many cups for
the buttery, one pair of pater nosters, and one silver coffin, bought
this year, £103 5_s._ 6_d._
To divers messengers about the earl’s business, £34 19_s._ 8_d._
In the earl’s chamber, £5.
To divers men for the earl’s old debts, £88 16_s._ 0-3/4_d._
Sum, £1207 7_s._ 11-3/4_d._
The expences of the countess at Pickering for the time of this account,
as in the pantry, buttery, kitchen, and other places, concerning these
offices, £285 13_s._ 0-1/2_d._
In wine, wax, spices, cloths, furs, and other things for the countess’
wardrobe, £154 7_s._ 4-1/2_d._
Sum, £439 8_s._ 6-1/4_d._
Sum total of the whole expenses, £7957 13_s._ 4-1/2_d._
Thus much for this Earl of Lancaster.
More I read, that in the 14th of the same Edward II., Hugh Spencer the
elder (condemned by the commonalty) was banished the realm; at which
time it was found by inquisition that the said Spencer had in sundry
shires, fifty-nine manors: he had twenty-eight thousand sheep, one
thousand oxen and steers, one thousand two hundred kine, with their
calves, forty mares with their colts, one hundred and sixty drawing
horses, two thousand hogs, three hundred bullocks, forty tuns of wine,
six hundred bacons, eighty carcases of Martilmasse beef, six hundred
muttons in larder, ten tuns of cider; his armour, plate, jewels, and
ready money, better than £10,000, thirty-six sacks of wool, and a
library of books. Thus much the record, which provision for household
showeth a great family there to be kept.
Nearer to our time, I read,[104] in the 36th of Henry VI., that the
greater estates of the realm being called up to London,
The Earl of Salisbury came with five hundred men on horseback, and was
lodged in the Herber.
Richard, Duke of York, with four hundred men, lodged at Baynard’s
castle.
The Dukes of Excester and Sommerset, with eight hundred men.
The Earl of Northumberland, the Lord Egremont, and the Lord Clifford,
with fifteen hundred men.