general staff, the commandants and majors of the legion of the national
guard of Paris, to consult on the means of supplying them with arms, and
to render complete this citizen-guard; whose zeal and patriotism having
been proved for twenty-six years, offer a sure guaranty of the
liberty, the property and the tranquility of the capital, and of the
inviolability of the representatives of the nation.
"_Fifth_. The ministers of war, of foreign relations, of the interior
and of the police, are invited to attend the assembly immediately."
When the Emperor was informed that Lafayette was in the tribune, and
engaged in the discussions on the proposition of constituting him
dictator for life, he expressed great alarm and anxiety. He knew the
sentiments of Lafayette too well, not to feel assured of his opposition
to such a measure. For this consistent and zealous advocate for the
rights of the people had always been hostile to a chief magistrate,
under any title, who should possess absolute power; and contended for
a constitution to limit and define the executive authority. It was then
that. Bonaparte exclaimed, "Lafayette in the tribune!" and his great
agitation betrayed the belief, that his power was at an end. In this
situation, his armies defeated, and the representatives of the people
opposed to his wishes of a _perpetual_ dictatorship, he gave formal
notice of his purpose to abdicate the imperial authority. Lafayette
was at the head of the deputation appointed by the chamber of
representatives, to wait on the Emperor, to accept and thank him for his
abdication, A few days before this, when the deputies were accused of
being capricious and ungrateful, by a friend of Napoleon, Lafayette
observed, in reply, "go tell him that we can trust him no longer; we
ourselves will undertake the salvation of our country."
Although he opposed the ambitious views of Bonaparte, and boldly and
decidedly remonstrated against his intention of again assuming absolute
power, yet he moved in the chamber of Representatives, at this time,
that the liberty and person of the late Emperor Napoleon should be
placed under the protection of the French nation; expecting, probably,
that the allied princes of Europe, already in the vicinity of Paris with
powerful armies, would take his life, or cause him to be imprisoned.
Lafayette was one of the Commissioners appointed by the Chamber of
Deputies to propose to the allied powers a suspension of hostilities.
His object was to provide for the liberty of the people and to exact a
promise of some limitations and restrictions to the royal authority.
But the friends and supporters of the Bourbon dynasty, the hereditary
princes of Europe, had a powerful army in the suburbs of Paris, and they
refused to make any terms with the most moderate and honorable advocates
of popular rights. Though one tyrant was overthrown; another was to be
_forced_ upon them: not precisely an usurper indeed; but who, without
a constitution for his guide, and surrounded by men of arbitrary
principles might be instrumental in their oppression and degradation.
When he returned to Paris, he found the invading armies in possession
of the city. Napoleon escaped, and _nominal_ tranquility was restored to
the capital of France. But it was a tranquility produced by a military
force; and not that which is the effect of a wise and energetic
government founded in the will of the people. The doors of the assembly
were closed against the representatives of the people, by the _gens
d'armes_, the agents who restored the Bourbon dynasty. Many of the
deputies then assembled at the house of Lafayette; at whose instance
they repaired to the President's to record their testimony to this
forced and unjust exclusion, and to sign the _proces verbal_.
As he alike disapproved of Louis or Napoleon assuming the power of King
or Emperor, without a bill of rights securing the privileges of the
people, and a constitution as the rule and measure of executive acts, it
was no longer in his power to render service to his country is a public
station: nor did the favorites of Louis XVIII. invite him to take part
in the administration of government, which they proposed to establish.
It may appear surprising, on the first view of the subject, that the
friends of a monarch of the reputed mild character of Louis, who must
wish the greatest happiness of his subjects, should refuse to such men
as Lafayette, all share in the government; and at the same time,
take into their employment and confidence, many of the creatures of
Bonaparte, who were destitute alike of principle and patriotism. But it
is often found to be the fact, that the sincere and honest, who will not
flatter, and do not approve all the projects of an ambitious aspirant,
or an arbitrary Prince, are less courted, than those who have no settled
principles, or one ever ready to support the successful candidate for
power.
Except the short and occasional engagements in political concerns, just
above related, Lafayette, after his return to France in the year 1800,
generally remained at his estate, about thirty miles from Paris. But
though retired from the more active scenes of public life, he enjoyed
the friendship of several eminent characters in his own country; and was
visited by all distinguished Americans, and many British statesmen and
scholars, whose business or amusement led them to travel through France.
He was always particularly desirous to learn the affairs of America, his
adopted country; and was careful to procure all the publications from
the United States. Besides literary pursuits, he was occasionally
occupied in attending to the cultivation and improvement of his family
estate. Such has frequently been the employment and solace of eminent
men, when they have retired from high public stations, in which their
services and exactions have met the mistaken censure or the neglect of
the world. During several of the first years of this retirement, he was
blessed with the society of an amiable and affectionate wife. And after
her much lamented death, which has been before noticed, he still enjoyed
the pleasure of being surrounded by his children and grand children,
in whose education and improvement he always took a truly paternal
interest.
At the time the federal constitution was in discussion by conventions
in the several states, and when it first went into operation, Alexander
Hamilton, who was its zealous advocate, corresponded with Lafayette on
the subject. The letters have not been published; but it is probable
they would be highly interesting to the politician and statesman,
and serve fully to develop the views of both these eminent men on
the science of civil government. This was about the period of the
commencement of the French revolution. The particular extent of
the change in the monarchical government of France, contemplated by
Lafayette, may appear by this epistolary discussion. If not wholly
confidential, it may be expected, that the letters will be given to the
American public.
His second daughter, Virginia, married Monsieur de Lasteyrie, a young
gentleman of eminent literary attainments; and who distinguished
himself, also, as an officer in the French army, during the reign of
Napoleon; particularly in the campaign of Jena, Eylau, Friedland, &c.
But this brave and meritorious officer shared, with his brother-in-law,
G. W. Fayette, the constant neglect and hatred of Bonaparte. G. W.
Fayette was married to a daughter of Count de Tracy, one of the party of
moderates, or liberals, as often denominated, and sometime a member of
the conservative senate. The son and sons-in-law of General Lafayette,
reside at the same chateau with their father; which is sufficiently
spacious, not only for the respectable accommodation of the four united
families, the father, son and two sons-in-law; but for the reception and
occasional residence of family or other particular friends, who often
pass much time in this hospitable mansion. Monsieur de Maubourg, an old
and intimate friend of General Lafayette, with his lady, usually spend
the greater part of the year at the chateau of La Grange. The son, and
eldest daughter, who married Charles Latour Maubourg, have each several
children, who are peculiar objects of affection and interest with their
respected grandsire:
The following remarks of Madame de Stael, who personally knew much of
General Lafayette, [Footnote: She was also an intimate friend of Madame
de Lafayette. They were accused, in the days of suspicion and terror,
of being too much engaged in political affairs.] and who was well
acquainted with characters and events connected with the French
revolution, are deemed worthy of being presented to the reader of these
hasty memoirs.
"M. de Lafayette, having fought from his early youth for the cause of
America, had early become imbued with the principles of liberty, which
form the basis of that government. If he made mistakes with regard to
the French revolution, we are to ascribe them all to his admiration
of the American institutions, and of Washington, the hero citizen, who
guided the first steps of that nation in the career of Independence.
Lafayette, young, affluent, of noble family, and beloved at home,
relinquished all these advantages at the age of nineteen, to serve
beyond the ocean in the cause of that liberty, the love of which has
decided every action of his life. Had he had the happiness to be
a native of the United States, his conduct would have been that of
Washington: the same disinterestedness, the same enthusiasm, the same
perseverance in their opinions, distinguished each of these generous
friends of humanity. Had General Washington been, like the Marquis de
Lafayette, commander of the national guard of Paris, he also might have
found it impossible to control the course of circumstances; _he_ also
might have seen his efforts baffled by the difficulty of being at once
faithful to his engagements to the king, and of establishing at the same
time, the liberty of his country.
"M. de Lafayette, I must say, has a right to be considered a true
republican: none of the vanities of his rank, ever entered his head:
power, the effect of which is so great in France, had no ascendancy over
him: the desire of pleasing in a drawing room conversation, did not
with him influence a single phrase: he sacrificed all his fortune to his
opinions, with the most generous indifference. When in the prisons of
Olmutz, as when at the height of his influence, he was equally firm in
his attachment to his principles. His manner of seeing and acting,
is open and direct. Whoever has marked his conduct, may foretell with
certainty what he will do on any particular occasion. His political
feeling is that of a citizen of the United States; and even his person
is more English than French. The hatred, of which M. de Lafayette is the
object, has never embittered his temper; and his gentleness of soul is
complete: at the same time nothing has ever modified his opinions; and
his confidence in the triumph of liberty, is the same as that of a
pious man in a future life. These sentiments, so contrary to the selfish
calculations of most of the men who have acted a part in France, may
appear pitiable in the eyes of some persons--"it is so silly" they
think, "to prefer one's country to one's self; not to change one's party
when that party is worsted; in short, to consider mankind, not as
cards with which to play a winning game, but as the sacred objects of
unlimited sacrifices." If this is to form the charge of silliness, would
that it were but once merited by our men of talents!
"It is a singular phenomenon, that such a character as that of M. de
Lafayette, should have appeared in the foremost rank of the French
_noblesse_; but he can neither be censured nor exculpated with
impartiality, without being acknowledged to be such as I have described
him. It then becomes easy to understand the different contrasts which
naturally arose between his disposition and situation. Supporting
monarchy more from duty than attachment, he drew involuntarily towards
the principles of the democrats, whom he was obliged to resist; and
a certain kindness for the advocates of the republican form, was
perceptible in him, although his reflection forbade the admission of
their system into France. Since the departure of M. de Lafayette for
America, now forty years ago, we cannot quote a single action or a
single word of his, which was not direct and consistent. Personal
interest never blended itself in the least with his public conduct:
success would have displayed such sentiments to advantage; but they
claim the attention of the historian in spite of circumstances, and in
spite of faults, which may serve as a handle to his opponents."
M. Lafayette was returned a member of the chamber of deputies from
his own department, in 1819, though his election was opposed by the
ministerial party. Some members rejoiced to see again among them, the
"friend and disciple of Washington;" while others, the adherents of
monarchy, viewed him with distrust and jealousy, as "the veteran general
of the revolution." He was not a very active member of this legislative
body; for he was convinced it would be in vain to attempt restoring the
constitution of 1789. He seldom attended the assembly: but on several
questions, when he was present, discovered the same political sentiments
which directed his conduct in the early days of the revolution. The
minister offered a proposition for establishing a censorship over the
public journals, and for arresting persons suspected of being inimical
to the restoration of the Bourbons. Lafayette spoke against the proposed
law, "as subversive of all order, of all right, and of the natural and
just privileges of the citizens." He referred to the evils consequent
upon all arbitrary proceedings against persons merely suspected of being
unfriendly to the government, and to the probable mischiefs which would
arise from a severe restriction upon the liberty of the press. The
minister himself acknowledged, that the proposition was not wholly
consistent with the national rights of the citizens; but insisted upon
its expediency in the present state of the nation. At this time, also,
he reminded the ministers of promises, which had been made by the
political friends of Louis XVIII. in favor of the liberties of the
people. He "conjured them to maintain the liberties of France, within
the limits prescribed by the constitution." "To violate it," said he,
"is to dissolve the mutual guarantees of the nation and of the throne;
it is to give ourselves up to a total primitive freedom from all duties
and all laws." This discussion was unusually animated, and Lafayette was
very decided in his opposition to the measure. The course pursued by the
court was condemned; and some severity of remark was indulged in, as
to the designs of ministers. The ministerial party obtained but a small
majority in favor of the law; and some fermentation was excited in
Paris in relation to this subject. The _liberals_, or the friends of
constitutional freedom, were insulted, and the life of Lafayette was
openly menaced.
This year, a society was formed among the friends of constitutional
freedom, for the relief of those, who were arrested on mere suspicion,
or on a charge of violating the restrictions on the press; but who
were believed to be unjustly suspected, and who had been found entirely
innocent, even in the eye of the law, rigid as were its provisions. This
was a numerous society; consisting of fifty four members of the chamber
of deputies, and many other opulent and literary citizens; at the head
of which we find the name of M. Lafayette.
The distinguished Americans and Englishmen who have visited Lafayette,
at his family mansion of La Grange, describe his residence and its
inmates as most beautiful and interesting. "It is situated in the
fertile district of La Brie, thirty miles from Paris, remote from any
common road, and far distant from the bustling world. In the midst of
a luxuriant wilderness, rising above prolific orchards and antiquated
woods, appears the five towers of La Grange, tinged with the golden rays
of the declining sun. The deep moat, the draw bridge; the ivied tower
and arched portals, opening into a large square court, has a feudal and
picturesque character; and the associations which occur, on entering the
residence of a man so heroic, so disinterested, so celebrated, fill the
mind with peculiar admiration, and excite the most lively interest." The
family party, partaking more of patriarchal than of courtly manners, is
composed of individuals mutually attached, and anxious only for mutual
improvement and happiness. It represents the younger members, as
employed in their studies or engaged in innocent recreations so salutary
to the youthful temper and constitution: and the older, as occupied
in useful and literary pursuits, or devoted to the more enlivening
pleasures of conversation.
"The venerable head of this happy family, at the age of sixty seven, is
in the full possession of every talent and faculty. His memory has all
the tenacity of youthful recollection. On his person, time has yet made
little visible impression. Not a wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his
unbent and noble figure is still as upright, bold and vigorous, as the
mind which informs it. Grace, strength and dignity still distinguish the
fine person of this extraordinary man; who, though more than forty years
before the world, engaged in scenes of strange and eventful conflict,
does not yet appear to have reached his grand climactic. Active on his
farm, graceful and elegant in his _salon_, it is difficult to trace, in
one of the most successful agriculturists, and one of the most perfect
fine gentlemen of France, a warrior and a legislator. But the patriot is
always discernible. His conversation is enriched with anecdotes of all
that is celebrated in character or event, for the last fifty years.
His elegant and well chosen collection of books, occupies the highest
apartments in one of the towers of the chateau; and, like the study of
Montaigne, hangs over the farm yard of the philosophical agriculturist.
It frequently happens, said M. Lafayette, to one of his visitors as they
were looking from a window on some flocks, which were moving beneath,
that my merinos and my hay carts dispute my attention to Hume or
Voltaire."
Of the benevolent affections of Lafayette, his whole life affords
abundant proofs. He was possessed of the most patriotic and generous
feeling. Numerous instances are also related of his kindness to
individuals, and of his private benefactions. The children of his
tenants, and neighbours were objects of his generosity and complacency.
And those who are unjustly oppressed or defrauded, were sure to find
in him, an able advocate. The widow of an American officer, of French
parentage, who was left destitute at the death of her gallant husband,
had a claim for patrimonial estates in France. The legal evidence to
substantiate her claim was exceedingly difficult to be procured. The
case was made known to Lafayette, and he never ceased his exertions
until he recovered the greater part of the estate.
Soon after the arrival of young Lafayette in Boston, 1795, he wrote to
General Washington, then President of the United States, informing him
of his situation, and requesting advice and counsel from the friend of
his father. As the chief magistrate of the nation, it would not
have been prudent in Washington, publicly to interfere in his
behalf--Lafayette, at this period, was almost equally obnoxious to the
rulers of France, as any one of the royal family. He had, indeed, been
most _unjustly_ denounced and proscribed by the dominant party; but they
pretended he was attached to a monarchy; and a public official act
of patronage in the President, towards young Lafayette, would have
furnished a pretext for complaint against the government. Washington
had already given proof, that he did not approve of the conduct of the
French Directory, nor of the proceedings of their minister in America.
But though a prudent policy forbid all official attention and aid to the
son of Lafayette the generous & noble feelings of Washington induced him
to give assurances of personal regard, and of a readiness to afford all
proper assistance towards the education and support of this youthful
subject of political persecution. He wrote to his friend, Hon. George
Cabot, stating the reasons for declining to act officially or publicly
in the case; but requesting Mr. C. to assure young Lafayette that he
might consider him as a father, a friend and protector. Washington
expressed a desire in this letter, that he should become a member of the
university in Cambridge, if qualified for admission, where he would be
under the inspection and tuition of excellent men; for he was aware that
want of employment would lead to dissipation; and that the season of
youth was to be diligently improved for the cultivation of the mind. He
desired Mr. C. to call on him to meet any expenses which might accrue
in his education and support. The French tutor, who attended young
Lafayette, chose to have him under his own private instruction; and he
did not enter the university. The kindness and generosity of Washington
were not the less meritorious in the appeal made to him by the son of
his own, and of his country's friend.
Among the many eminent characters by whom General Lafayette was visited
in his retirement at La Grange, after his return to France, (in 1800)
was CHARLES J. FOX, the celebrated British statesman. The family of
Mr. Fox, for several generations, was ranked among the whip party in
England, and firm friends of the glorious revolution of 1689; when
the House of Stuart was excluded from the throne, and William and Mary
acknowledged as the legitimate sovereigns. Mr. Fox was of the same
political school with the elder PITT, whose powerful talents were
successfully exerted for the glory of Great Britain, in the latter part
of the reign of George II. and who was a firm and decided advocate for
the rights of the British colonies in 1775. When Lafayette and family
were confined in the dungeons at Olmutz, Mr. Fox, with others, then
members of the British Parliament, pleaded the cause of these unhappy
sufferers, with great eloquence, but without effect. He had been
personally acquainted with the celebrated French philanthropist, before
this period; and was attached to his character and principles, as a
zealous friend of civil liberty. The interview between these two
highly distinguished reformers is represented to have been peculiarly
interesting. Perhaps, the plans of reform proposed by Mr. Fox, could
not have been carried into effect, at that time, without danger to the
stability of the British government; but the general character of Fox,
gave evidence of the sincerity of his upright purposes; and of the
purity of the motives by which Lafayette was actuated, in the course he
pursued in France, in 1789, and subsequently, cannot be justly doubted,
though the revolution did not result in the political benefits he had
anticipated.