THE POLICY OF SIR BARTLE FRERE—SLOW ADVANCE OF THE BRITISH
COLUMNS—APPOINTMENT AND ARRIVAL OF SIR GARNET WOLSELEY—BATTLE OF
ULUNDI—RESIGNATION AND DEPARTURE OF LORD CHELMSFORD.
The policy of Sir Bartle Frere received the hearty and most
earnest support of those people who were best qualified to judge
of it, the colonists of Natal and the Cape Colony. At large and
enthusiastic public meetings held in every town of any consequence
unanimous votes of approval and sympathy were passed. In the city
of Cape Town a great mass meeting declared unanimously for Sir
Bartle Frere. Graham's Town expressed itself in the same manner.
Port Elizabeth notified its fullest confidence in his Excellency
the High Commissioner, "being persuaded that the policy he is
seeking to carry out in South Africa is eminently calculated to
secure the permanent tranquillity of the country and the welfare
of its inhabitants. King William's Town heartily sympathizes
with his Excellency, and expresses its entire confidence."
Graaff-Reinet, "having heard with the greatest satisfaction the
manner in which the metropolis has come forward to approve of the
policy of his Excellency Sir Bartle Frere, cordially endorses
the Cape Town resolution." Swellendam recorded its "satisfaction
with the well-timed movement in Cape Town;" George Town notified
its approval; Queen's Town expressed its cordial sympathy and
confidence; Kimberley declared strongly in favour of Sir Bartle
Frere, and, of course, so did Pietermaritzburg, D'Urban, and other
towns in Natal. In fact, from east to west, from north to south,
all classes, all creeds, all nationalities, were unanimous in
upholding the only policy which they considered could serve South
Africa. Bishop Colenso in Natal, and several other able men in
Cape Town, held different views, but then their number was so very
small as to detract in a very small measure from the unanimity of
the expression of feeling. At these public meetings hearty votes of
thanks were also passed to her Majesty's Government for having sent
out reinforcements.
[Sidenote: _Anxiety of the colonists._]
There can be no doubt whatever that during April, May, and June,
there was a very dissatisfied feeling in the colonies, as well as
at home, with regard to the exceeding tardiness of operations.
The small irritating raids made at different times upon Zululand
cannot be styled successful, and resulted in reprisals which were
calculated to have a demoralizing effect upon our own natives.
If Colonel Wood had been reasonably reinforced and allowed to
go forward, there is good reason to believe that he could have
finished the war. Up to the 18th of May his troops had been
successful in seven skirmishes and one pitched battle. They had
burnt the great Maquilizine military kraal, and captured 9000
head of cattle. This light brigade was admirably adapted for Zulu
warfare. Pearson's column on the coast had also performed admirable
service. The extraordinary difficulties and delays of transport
under the new organization in the second campaign have been
already referred to. Lord Chelmsford, writing to the Secretary of
State from Newcastle, Natal, on the 14th of May, states that the
troops are in position, only waiting for sufficient supplies and
transport to advance. From what the general commanding had learnt
from General Clifford,[42] he feared that it would be out of his
power to advance until the 1st of June. Major-General Crealock,
commanding the first (coast) division, reported that he hoped to
have two months' supplies in three weeks' time on the Inyezane
river. The posts on the northern line had all been visited, and
head-quarters fixed at Utrecht, until such time as the second
division, under General Newdigate, was ready to advance. Shortly
afterwards, information was received that the border tribes were
massing at Babincinqu and Inyayene, two points near the Blood
river, and that the Zulus had sent for reinforcements to Ulundi.
Rest and security for two entire months had now been given to the
enemy, and their determination to continue the war was perfectly
evident, in spite of the illusory messages, asking for conditions
of peace, which were periodically sent to the British camps. On
the 26th of May, General Wood advanced his column eight miles, and
General Newdigate proceeded a distance of twelve miles towards
the Blood river. Lord Chelmsford established his head-quarters at
Kopje Alleen. Not until the middle of June could Port Durnford be
used for sending supplies to General Crealock's coast column. Great
additional transport facilities were by this means secured. On June
3rd a belief prevailed at the Lower Tugela that an advance would
be made as soon as the supply of cattle for transport purposes was
sufficient. During all the operations the percentage of sickness
was not very great. In the early part of the war a large number of
men were invalided, particularly from the coast column. The D'Urban
hospitals were full, but the number of deaths was not large, and
as the cold season advanced sickness became less. Zululand, during
May, June, and July, is, in fact, as healthy as any country in the
world.
[Sidenote: _Lord Chelmsford's head quarters._]
The two northern columns moved on slowly. On the 7th of June Lord
Chelmsford was at Nondanai river, where a fortified post had been
established. The 5th of June was the date of Colonel Buller's
skirmish, already referred to, in which Lancers and Dragoons
were engaged. On the 17th of June a correspondent reports that
Newdigate's forces were constantly occupied patrolling and shelling
kraals and dongas, with no appreciable result. At this time the
Zulus appeared in great force within sight of the camp at Luneberg.
Newdigate's column then marched to join that of General Wood. The
utmost possible precautions were taken against surprise, both on
the march and in camp. At one place the rocks, which would have
offered excellent cover for an attacking force, were mined. The
mines could be fired by means of electricity from the laager. Lines
of galvanized wire were also placed round the camp, which the
soldiers styled "Cetywayo catchers." The heliograph was used for
signalling by means of flashes, and turned out extremely useful. On
the 26th of June[43] the 1st Brigade, with the Naval Brigade, moved
from Fort Napoleon, and the long-expected junction of the columns
appeared at last likely to be effected. It was certainly high
time. The English imported horses in Newdigate's[44] brigade were
beginning to suffer from the severity of weather and a scarcity
of food, the Zulus had abundance of time to collect a large army,
and the immense delay in striking a decisive blow discouraged our
troops, encouraged the enemy, and caused immense dissatisfaction to
the public at home and in the colony. The Imperial Ministry at last
seemed to partially yield to public pressure and public opinion.
Sir Garnet Wolseley was appointed Commander-in-Chief and her
Majesty's High Commissioner for the Natal, Transvaal, and Zululand.
In connection with the burning questions of the day and the blame
so lavishly bestowed upon the civil and military leaders in South
Africa, the following despatch from the Secretary of State ought to
be read with careful attention. Sir Michael Hicks Beach says (28th
May, 1879):—
[Sidenote: _Sir Michael Hicks Beach._]
"After full consideration of the condition of affairs in
South Africa, her Majesty's Government have decided that the
arrangements under which the chief civil and military authority
in the neighbourhood of the seat of war is distributed among
four different persons can no longer be deemed adequate to the
requirements of the present juncture.
"2. In the number of imperial troops engaged, and the expenditure
incurred, the Zulu war has assumed dimensions far exceeding those
of any that has been carried on for many years in South Africa;
and it appears but too evident that military operations have been
seriously impeded by a want of harmony between the civil and
military authorities, of which the difference that has arisen
between the Lieutenant-General commanding the forces and the
Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, with regard to the disposal of a
portion of the native levies called out for service, has furnished
a striking example.
"3. In such a matter the High Commissioner has no power to
interfere, but were it otherwise you would be unable, in present
circumstances, to interfere with any practical effect. For the
prompt action requisite in time of war would entirely preclude the
satisfactory reference to Cape Town of this or any other of the
numerous questions requiring the decision of the High Commissioner;
while, on the other hand, your own presence at the seat of war
has become impossible. After an unavoidable protracted absence
from Cape Town (during which you have laboured with singular zeal
and energy to discharge all the duties which have devolved upon
you) you will be entirely occupied with many important matters
necessarily postponed until your return.
[Sidenote: _New arrangements._]
"4. The union of Griqualand West with the Cape, to the settlement
of which your recent visit to the province will have largely
contributed, has to be completed; the financial questions jointly
concerning the colony and this country demand immediate attention;
and important work remains to be done in carrying out the recent
legislation of the Cape Parliament for the defence of the colony.
But above all her Majesty's Government are anxious that the larger
and more complicated questions connected with confederation, on
which I shall shortly address you, should be considered, under your
guidance, during the approaching session of the Cape Parliament,
and they attach special importance to the advantages which may be
derived from your exertions in promoting this great work.
"5. Under these circumstances, Her Majesty's Government have
determined to place the chief military and civil command in the
eastern portion of South Africa in the hands of one officer,
and they have selected Lieutenant-General Sir Garnet Wolseley,
G.C.M.G., for this duty. His high professional standing and his
varied and distinguished services preclude any question as to the
fitness of placing him for the time in supreme authority over the
able men now commanding her Majesty's troops in South Africa and
administering the Governments of Natal and the Transvaal, and it
is equally beyond question that he will receive their most loyal
and cordial support. Sir Garnet Wolseley will, in addition to
his military command, be commissioned as Governor of Natal and
of the Transvaal, and High Commissioner for Native and Foreign
Affairs to the northward and eastward of those colonies. In the
latter capacity he will assume for the time that portion of your
functions which, at a crisis of such gravity as the present, could
not be performed by any High Commissioner acting at a distance
of more than 1000 miles from the scene of operations. You will,
I am confident, be the first to recognize the necessity of the
arrangement, and will readily assist Sir Garnet Wolseley, should
you have returned to Cape Town by the time of his arrival there
on his way to enter upon the duties of his office, with all the
valuable information which your knowledge and experience enable you
to afford."
The Under-Secretary for War, writing to Lord Chelmsford (29th May),
says:—
"I have now to convey to you the intimation that her Majesty's
Government, having carefully considered the information at their
command, have come to the conclusion that the satisfactory
administration of affairs in that part of South-Eastern Africa
in the immediate neighbourhood of the seat of war can at the
present moment only be carried out by placing that administration
in the hands of one person holding plenary powers, both civil
and military, and that they have selected Sir Garnet Wolseley to
discharge these duties.
"The Colonial Office will by this mail have informed Sir Bartle
Frere of this decision, and of its effects so far as he himself is
concerned.
[Sidenote: _Appointment of Sir Garnet Wolseley._]
"With respect to the military command though I have the
satisfaction of informing you that it is not intended that the
supersession caused by the appointment as High Commissioner of
an officer senior to yourself should be considered as conveying
censure on your proceedings, it will nevertheless be your duty, as
in the ordinary course of service, to submit and to subordinate
your plans to his control. This decision was communicated to you
by telegram sent yesterday _viâ_ St. Vincent, of which I enclose a
copy.
"Sir Garnet Wolseley, being qualified to act in a political as
well as in a military capacity, will be in possession up to the
latest date and in the fullest detail of the views of her Majesty's
Government; the responsibility placed upon you by Sir Bartle Frere
with regard to the enforcement of his demands upon Cetywayo will
therefore terminate upon the arrival of the High Commissioner,
and any overtures for peace will henceforward be transmitted for
decision by him."
The news of Sir Garnet Wolseley's appointment was received with the
greatest satisfaction in South Africa. The campaign had reached
a very critical stage, and the most contradictory and blundering
reports about the attitude of the Zulus were constantly circulated.
Cetywayo had been trying to deceive and gain time by sending in
messages for peace. Lord Chelmsford as a preliminary, had asked
that the guns taken at Isandhlwana[45] should be returned. At
the same time that Cetywayo pretended to desire peace, his people
raided over our border at Middle Drift, swooped down upon the
friendly natives near Luneberg, and endeavoured to enter into an
alliance with rebellious Boers. The impi that had been occupying
the Intombe valley was withdrawn into Zululand, and it was clear
that a concentration of forces was about to take place at Ulundi.
Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived at Natal on the 27th of June. His
staff comprised Colonels Colley, Russell, and Brackenbury; Major
McCalmont; and Captains Lord Gifford, Bushman, Yeatman Biggs,
Maurice, Brathwaite and Doyle. The Mayor and Corporation of
D'Urban presented an address to his Excellency, in which, after
heartily welcoming him, it is stated that British South Africa had
unanimously endorsed the consistent policy adopted and pursued by
Sir Bartle Frere, as the only means open for securing a lasting
and honourable peace. Sir Garnet Wolseley, in returning thanks,
expressed a hope that a strong and stable peace might be gained,
as a means to secure lasting immunity from external discord
and hostility. "Severe as is this stress upon you, you must, I
feel confident, see cause for satisfaction in the patriotic and
successful exertions with which your volunteers have laboured to
avert peril from your country, and to maintain the prowess of
English arms in battle." The new General and High Commissioner then
proceeded to Pietermaritzburg, and shortly afterwards returned and
went by sea to Port Durnford, but being unable to land there, was
compelled to return to D'Urban, and to proceed thence overland to
the front.
[Sidenote: _Opinions as to the war._]
A difference of opinion existed from the first as to the necessity
of the Zulu war, and with reference to the character of Cetywayo.
This became much more pronounced after the disaster at Isandhlwana.
It is a significant fact that a very small minority of those who
knew the Zulus and lived in Natal shared the sentiments of the
British philanthropists, who lived securely at home, and took upon
themselves to condemn a policy with the reasons for which they were
only imperfectly acquainted. The Bishop of Natal, Dr. Colenso, was,
in South Africa, the leader of the party who denounced the war. In
the Blue Books laid before Parliament interesting letters from his
able pen are published, in which he argues the Zulu case exactly
as if the race were a civilized one, which could be expected to
observe treaties, and with whom perfidy and deceit were unknown.
In a despatch from Sir Bartle Frere, written from Pretoria, in the
Transvaal, and dated the 18th of April, the High Commissioner sums
up the arguments for war. These reasons utterly and completely
exclude any feeling or desire for vengeance, and all intention to
advance civilization, commerce, and Christianity by the sword. It
was absolutely necessary, however, that the Zulu king should cease
to reign, the military power of that nation be broken up, and his
people made to feel themselves subject to the British power. Sir
Bartle Frere says:—
"I believe that this is in the interests of the Zulus, no less than
of their neighbours.
"It is in the interest of the European population of Natal and the
Transvaal, because they cannot possibly live in peace and quiet
with the Zulus in their present state as neighbours.
"The events of the last few months have rendered it unnecessary
to prove by argument that the Zulus have been made into a great
military power; that they can destroy an English regiment, with
artillery to support it; or shut up or defeat a brigade six times
as strong as the ordinary garrison of Natal, unless our troops are
very carefully posted and very well handled.
"The open declarations of their king, no less than the fundamental
laws of their organization, proclaim foreign conquest and bloodshed
as a necessity of their existence.
"They are practically surrounded by British territory. Except the
Portuguese, there is now no foreign territory they can reach for
purposes of bloodshed without passing through British territory.
"It is, therefore, clear that they cannot continue in their present
condition, with their present form of government and present
military organization, without attacking British subjects, or,
at best, unoffending neighbours, who believe themselves safe as
British subjects or allies.
"They make no prisoners save, occasionally, young women and
half-grown children. They show no quarter, and give no chance to
the wounded or disabled, disembowelling them at once.
[Sidenote: _Sir Bartle Frere's views._]
"They are separated from Natal by a river easily fordable for the
greater part of the year, and not too wide to talk across at any
time.
"The boundary between them and the Transvaal is even more easily
passed.
"All these, I submit, are incontrovertible facts, proved by the
well-known events of the past few months.
"I know that there are educated men to be found, of great ability,
who claim to be lovers of liberty and of right, and of their own
species, who have lived long near the Zulus, and who say there is
no danger to be apprehended from them if we let them alone; that
Cetywayo is a well-meaning prince, quite within his own right in
massacring his own subjects, and our soldiers, too, if they enter
his territory; that all that is necessary to our own safety is to
let the Zulu king alone, or if the English do not like that, to
leave his neighbourhood.
"Having lived now for many weeks within a couple of Zulu marches
of the Zulu border, among sensible Englishmen, many of them men of
great sagacity, coolness, and determination, and reasonably just
and upright in all their dealings, who never went to sleep without
having their arms within reach, and being prepared to take refuge
with wives and families at a minute's warning within a fortified
post; having learnt from 'voortrekkers' and their children, who had
witnessed the massacres of Weenen and Blauwkrantz, and who could
thus testify that the present peculiarities of Zulu warfare are no
recent innovation; I may be allowed to doubt the possibility of
making life within reach of a Zulu 'impi' permanently tolerable to
ordinary Englishmen and Dutchmen.
"Nor does it seem to me that we can justly say to colonists, either
in Natal or the Transvaal, that if they do not like the situation
they may go elsewhere.
"The Zulu right to be where the Zulus now are is, with the
exception of a small and remote tract towards Delagoa Bay, simply
one of recent conquest by devastation and massacre.
"I have never heard the historical fact questioned that the earlier
Zulu 'impis' into what is now Natal and Transvaal territory
preceded by a very few years, if they preceded at all, the first
appearance of Dutch and English adventurers in the same lands; and
the Zulus certainly cannot claim, as the Dutch and English may, any
right of occupation from having civilized or improved the land.
"Hence it seems to me no more than natural justice that if either
party is to make way for the other, the Zulus should yield, and not
the English or Dutch.
"But I submit that in the interests of the Zulus themselves we have
no right to leave them to their fate.
"The present system of Cetywayo is no real choice of the nation. It
is simply a reign of terror, such as has before now been imposed
on some of the most civilized nations of the world. The people
themselves are everything that could be desired as the unimproved
material of a very fine race. They seem to have all the capacities
for forming a really happy and civilized community, where law,
order, and right shall prevail, instead of the present despotism of
a ruthless savage.
[Sidenote: _Three courses before us._]
"I can imagine but three ways of their being so improved:—
"1st. They might, living alongside a civilized community, gradually
imbibe civilized ideas and habits.
"But for this it is necessary that their civilized neighbours
should be able to live in security, which, as I have already said,
seems to me hopeless, unless the military organization and power of
Cetywayo be broken down.
"2nd. There are the means of improvement which may follow conquest
and the breaking down of Cetywayo's military system; and this
seems to me the only reasonable mode of doing our duty by these
people. In the cases of Abyssinia and Ashantee we were compelled by
circumstances to retire after conquest, and wash our hands of all
further responsibility for the future of those countries; but there
is no such necessity in the case of Zululand—there is nothing to
prevent our taking up and easily carrying the burden of the duty
laid upon us to protect and civilize it.
"There is yet a third plan, which I have seen advocated by high
authority.
"The Zulus are, it is truly said, a nation of fine national
characteristics. They have qualities which might enable them to
become the regenerators and the foremost in civilization of all the
nations in South Africa.
"So far I can agree with those who hold the opinions I refer to,
but not in their further belief that Cetywayo is the Attila of the
Zulus, and that if we only let him alone he will develop into a
Charlemagne or an Alfred.
"How far this process might be rendered tolerable to the present
civilized inhabitants of Natal and the Transvaal, I will not
stop to inquire. It is quite possible that Zulus, overrunning
their now civilized neighbours, might in due time imbibe some of
their civilization, settle down, and become civilized themselves,
absorbing through their captives and subjects the germs of a better
system of national existence.
"I may doubt the probability of such a result, but I will not
contest its possibility, and will only say that I am quite sure the
countrymen of the present settlers in Natal and the Transvaal will
never leave the colonists there to be made the subjects of any such
experiment.
"I can, as I started by saying, see no alternative compatible with
our duty but effectually to subdue the Zulus, and govern them as
other South African races subject to the British Crown are governed.
"It seems to me that no terms can possibly be made with Cetywayo
which can be compatible with such a result, save with the
indispensable preliminary of his entire submission."
[Sidenote: _Cetywayo's peace offers._]
In the beginning of July Lord Chelmsford's column was within ten
miles of the king's kraal at Ulundi. Messengers again arrived
from Cetywayo, and on this occasion they brought the sword of the
Prince Imperial as a peace offering. The amanuensis of Cetywayo
was a Dutchman, named Vogel, who took the opportunity of marking
in pencil on the envelope of the letter, that the king had 20,000
men with him. The reply of Lord Chelmsford was as follows:—"If
the induna, Mundula, brings with him the 1000 rifles taken at
Isandhlwana, I will not insist on 1000 men coming in to lay down
their arms, if the Zulus are afraid to come. He must bring the two
guns and the remainder of the cattle. I will then be willing to
negotiate. As he has caused me to advance by the great delay he
has made, I must now go to the Umvolosi to enable my men to drink.
I will consent, pending negotiations, to halt on the further bank
of the river, and will not burn any kraals until the 3rd of July,
provided no opposition is made to my advance to the position on the
Umvolosi, by which day, the 3rd of July, at noon, the conditions
must be complied with. If my force is fired on, I shall consider
negotiations are at an end, and to avoid any chance of this, it
is best that Mundula come to my camp at daybreak or to-night, and
that the Zulus should withdraw from the neighbourhood of the river
to Ulundi. I cannot stop the general in command of the coast army
until these conditions are complied with."
Of course, nothing more was seen or heard of Mundula. On the 2nd
of July an impi, 20,000 strong, advanced from Ulundi as if to
attack. Newdigate and Wood, at a short distance from each other,
immediately laagered their waggons, and these preparations seemed
to check the enemy. It is possible that Cetywayo had personally
some idea of surrendering, as it is stated that a large herd of
white cattle (the royal colour) was seen coming towards the camp
from the direction of Cetywayo's new stronghold at Mahize Kanye. A
number of men came out and drove the cattle back. A sudden scare
or panic had just taken place at the camp. Men of the Native
Contingent, having become alarmed, rushed in over a portion of
the 2-4th Regiment; our short-service red jackets, seeing naked
black men rushing in past them, assegai in hand, imagined that
the Zulus were upon them, and fled in terror within the laager.
So demoralized did the men become, that it required the exertion
of physical force on the part of their officers to induce them to
return to their posts.
[Sidenote: _Preparations for battle._]
On the 3rd of July a large force of mounted men, under Colonel
Buller, crossed the river at a drift commanded by a rocky hill,
from which the enemy were gallantly and quickly dislodged by
Baker's Irregular Horse. Buller moved forward to Nodwengu kraal,
and on the way several stragglers were killed. One of them was
"stuck" by Lord William Beresford, with the exclamation, "First
spear, by Jove!" Shortly afterwards this force was nearly trapped,
by means of the decoy of a man with a number of goats, who moved
forward in front. The nonchalance of this fellow was so suspicious,
that the force was suddenly wheeled to the right in the direction
of Ulundi; and no sooner was this done than a crowd of Zulus,
who had been in ambush, rose out of a donga at a hundred yards
distance, and poured in a heavy volley.[46] Preparations for
battle were made during the night of the 3rd of July. War-dancing
took place among the enemy, while on our side the waggons were
carefully formed into laager, and at 6 a.m. on the 4th of July,
the British army, leaving this camp, crossed the Umvolosi river,
and ascending to the high ground, formed upon it in order of
battle. It was here that the Zulus had defeated the Boers, and it
was, therefore, fitting that upon the field where the white men
had met with disaster their crowning triumph should take place. A
victory sufficient to repair and efface the stains of all previous
calamities was absolutely required, and it was obtained in the most
complete and satisfactory manner.
The leaders of the Zulu army were named Tyingwayo, Manyamane,
Dabulamanzi, Mondula, Sirayo, Mehkla Ka Zulu. The force under their
command numbered more than thirteen corps of regiments, was larger
than that at Kambula, and comprised more than 20,000 men. One of
the prisoners, named Undungunyanga, son of Umgegane, declared that
it was true the king had wanted to make peace, and previous to the
battle, in an address to the army, said that as the Inkandampeonvu
regiment would not let the white cattle go to the British as a
peace offering, and as the white army was now at his home, they
could fight. The battle was to take place on the open plain between
the Nodwengu and Ulundi kraals. The king then personally placed the
different regiments, gave final orders, and retired to a kraal at
a short distance to witness the battle.[47] The place in which the
British army was drawn up had many advantages. A broad open country
was around, almost free from bush. The Nodwengu kraal, distant
about 1000 yards, offered some cover to the enemy, and it would
have been burned had not Colonel Buller suggested that if this were
done the Zulus would be enabled to creep up under cover of the
smoke.
[Sidenote: _The battle of Ulundi._]
Very shortly after a halt had been made, and while the solemn
duty of burying one of our men, killed on the previous day, was
taking place, it was observed that the enemy was approaching from
the direction of Ulundi, and from the bush on the right. Our
troops were formed up in a hollow parallelogram. In the centre
was the Native Contingent, with ammunition waggons. The four
sides of the parallelogram were formed by eight companies of the
13th Regiment, five companies of the 80th Regiment, the 90th,
58th, and 34th Regiments, together with the 17th Lancers and
the mounted irregulars. At the corners and centres artillery was
placed—Gatlings,[48] 7-pounders, and 9-pounders. At half-past 8
a.m., as the enemy were advancing, Buller's mounted men were thrown
out on the front, left, and rear. As the right was left uncovered
by cavalry, Cochrane's Mounted Basutos were sent out from this
direction to make the enemy advance nearer. As they retired the
right face of the square commenced the action by a brisk fire.
At ten minutes to nine o'clock the attacking army was so near
the British as to make the fire from the latter become general.
Silently and steadily the horns of the Zulu army came on in their
usual manner; without a word or cry, the warriors of Cetywayo
continued to press forward in spite of the deadly fusillade. As
at Ghinghelovo and Kambula, so now at Ulundi, their extraordinary
bravery and contempt of death was the chief feature in the attack.
During this time the British infantry were formed in four ranks, of
which the front knelt, while the rear rank was reversed. Inside the
square every means of obtaining ammunition swiftly was provided.
The continuous and tremendous fire poured upon the advancing enemy
had no perceptible effect at first. On, like a wave of the sea
which cannot be stopped, poured the human tide; but when it had
advanced to a distance of seventy yards, flesh and blood could no
longer stand the awful destruction which poured from the British
lines. The main body hesitated and stopped. A few, more intrepid
than the others, rushed on; but the wavering feeling spread
throughout the Zulu host, and now was the exact moment to take
advantage of it. The dogs of war were suddenly slipped. Out rushed
the Lancers, and bore down like a hurricane upon the disheartened
and discouraged multitude. Shells were breaking in all directions
among their masses, the incessant "pings" of rifle bullets were
doing deadly execution; and when the cavalry plunged in among them,
the Zulu army was literally torn asunder and broken. The flower of
these warriors of Zululand made yet one wild effort, when Captain
Edgell, of the Lancers, was shot dead, and Captain Drury-Lowe,
Lieutenant James, and other officers had a narrow escape. Nine men
were killed, and no fewer than seventy-five were wounded. But all
was in vain; Cetywayo's great army was forced to turn and fly. They
had met the white man upon the open plain, and, though more than
20,000 to 5000, were totally and completely defeated. Away went
the mounted men in pursuit, and before the slaughter ended, fully
1000 of the Zulu army bit the dust. The Lancers, with the Irregular
Horse, did very good work, as it is estimated 450 of the enemy were
killed in the pursuit. The Zulus ran with surprising swiftness.
The Lancers drove a crowd into a donga, and working round, pursued
a mass of fugitives, who, being overtaken and at bay, made an
unavailing stand, when 150 of their number were killed.
[Sidenote: _Total defeat of the Zulus._]
A rest was ordered after the battle; and then the mounted force
rode on to Ulundi, which was found wholly deserted, and was at
once given to the flames. Subsequently all the forces fell back
upon the laagered camp which had been left in the morning.
Ulundi, the great place of the great monarch of Southern Africa,
was wholly destroyed. The king's palace consisted merely of a
thatched building of four rooms with a verandah. A Spartan absence
of all furniture and of all luxuries was perceptible, but the
numerous huts and kraals indicated that this place had been the
head-quarters of a powerful army. Lord William Beresford was the
first to enter. It was a grand sight to see the flames mounting
to the skies, and to know that in their smoke the prestige and
influence of the greatest savage power in Southern Africa had
ended. Mr. Archibald Forbes, the correspondent of the _Daily News_,
although suffering from a wound, galloped to the colony with the
news of this victory. He carried an important despatch from the
general, and was the first to telegraph the news to Natal and to
the world. Starting early in the forenoon, immediately after the
battle of Ulundi, he rode in fourteen hours a distance of 110 miles
to the nearest telegraph station at Landman's Drift, on the Buffalo
river. Twice he lost his way in the midst of dense mist, and during
the entire journey he was exposed to attack by scattered parties of
the enemy. It was a daring ride, which will live in history, and
deserved special and generous recognition.
The following is Lord Chelmsford's telegraphic despatch giving a
description of the battle:—
"Cetywayo not having complied with my demands by noon yesterday,
July 3rd, and having fired heavily on the troops at the water,
I returned the 114 cattle he had sent in, and ordered a
reconnaissance to be made by the mounted force under Colonel
Buller; this was effectually made, and caused the Zulu army to
advance and show fight.
[Sidenote: _Lord Chelmsford's despatch._]
"This morning, a force under my command, consisting of the
second division, under Major-General Newdigate, numbering 1870
Europeans, 530 natives, and eight guns, and the flying column under
Brigadier-General Wood, numbering 2192 Europeans, 573 natives, four
guns, and two Gatlings, crossed the Umvolosi river at 6.15, and
marching in a hollow square, with the ammunition and entrenching
tool carts and bearer company in its centre, reached an excellent
position between Nodwengu and Ulundi, about half-past 8 a.m. This
had been observed by Colonel Buller the day before.
"Our fortified camp on the right banks of the Umvolosi river was
left with a garrison of about 900 Europeans, 250 natives, and one
Gatling gun, under Colonel Bellairs.
"Soon after half-past seven the Zulu army was seen leaving its
bivouacs and advancing on every side. The engagement was shortly
afterwards commenced by the mounted men.
"By nine o'clock the attack was fully developed. At half-past nine
the enemy wavered; the 17th Lancers, followed by the remainder of
the mounted men, attacked them, and a general rout ensued.
"The prisoners state that Cetywayo was personally commanding and
had made all the arrangements himself, and that he witnessed the
fight from Qikarzi kraal, and that twelve regiments took part in
it. If so, 20,000 men attacked us.
"It is impossible to estimate with any correctness the loss of the
enemy, owing to the extent of country over which they attacked
and retreated, but it could not have been less, I consider, than
1000 killed. By noon Ulundi was in flames, and during the day all
military kraals of the Zulu army and in the valley of the Umvolosi
were destroyed. At 2 p.m. the return march to the camp of the
column commenced.
"The behaviour of the troops under my command was extremely
satisfactory; their steadiness under a complete belt of fire was
remarkable. The clash and enterprise of the mounted branches was
all that could be wished, and the fire of the artillery very good.
A portion of the Zulu force approached our fortified camp, and at
one time threatened to attack it. The Native Contingent, forming a
part of the garrison, were sent out after the action, and assisted
in the pursuit.
"As I have fully accomplished the object for which I advanced, I
consider I shall now be best carrying out Sir Garnet Wolseley's
instructions by moving at once to Entonganini, and thence to
Kwamagaza. I shall send back a portion of this force with empty
waggons, for supplies, which are now ready at Fort Marshall."
[Sidenote: _Resignation of Lord Chelmsford._]
The last paragraph of this despatch requires comment. A great
victory had been gained, and certainly should have been improved
upon. It was known that Cetywayo was with the army, and subsequent
intelligence proved that a very little effort would have resulted
in his capture. The new kraal of the king was only twelve miles
distant, and if a forward movement had been made to that place,
an enormous advantage, which was merely a logical sequence of the
battle, could have been secured. Sir Garnet Wolseley's instructions
about retiring to Entonganini are quoted, and he is apparently made
responsible for a retrograde step. Thus was the war still further
protracted in an unnecessary manner. As regards the battle of
Ulundi itself, Lord Chelmsford did not attack, but was attacked.
Both at home and in the colonies, throughout the Empire, there
was a generous thrill of joy among all classes, not only for the
decisive victory, but because it had been gained by a general who
had been previously so unfortunate.[49]
The beginning of the end had now arrived, and evident signs
were not wanting that the Zulus accepted their defeat at Ulundi
as a settlement of the question of supremacy. Lord Chelmsford
resigned, and proceeded with a large staff from Entonganini to
Pietermaritzburg. On this long journey he met not the slightest
attempt at interruption or any sign of hostility. No enemy lurked
in the Umhlatusi Bush, and in every direction the Zulus could
be seen rebuilding their huts and cultivating their fields. The
sword was turned into the ploughshare, and the ruling of fate
was submitted to. Still serious doubts filled the minds of old
colonists, who ranked above all their other qualities the supreme
cunning and dissimulation of the Zulu race. It was felt as a
calamity that no forward move had been made after Ulundi, and that
there was no real finality to the war, until Cetywayo was either
killed or captured.
[Sidenote: _Banquet at D'Urban._]
Lord Chelmsford arrived at the capital of Natal on the 21st of
July, and was received there with an enthusiasm which completely
surprised him. Powerful reactions are common in the public mind,
and the general who had yesterday been severely criticized, was
to-day lauded to the skies. The Corporation presented an address
in which it was made a source of special gratification that, after
the numerous unforeseen difficulties which had to be overcome, his
lordship's arms had obtained a brilliant and decisive victory. At
D'Urban a grand public banquet was given, when Sir Garnet Wolseley,
Sir Henry Bulwer, General Clifford, Sir Evelyn Wood, Colonel
Buller, and all distinguished officers and citizens were present.
Lord Chelmsford on this occasion said, "There is a saying very
frequently quoted now-a-days, that 'nothing succeeds like success,'
but, gentlemen, if I thought that you asked me to dinner simply
because I had been successful, it would be as water from the Dead
Sea placed to my mouth; but from what the Mayor has said, it is
clear you sympathize with me not because I succeeded, but because
under circumstances of extreme difficulty I endeavoured to do my
duty. There have been many painful incidents connected with the
war, so that it is impossible to look back upon it without mingled
feelings of satisfaction and regret. On this I will not further
touch; but there is one point on which I can look back with pure
and unalloyed satisfaction, already alluded to by my gallant friend
General Wood—I mean the loyal and efficient assistance given to
me by all ranks in the army, which is such that the satisfaction
and pride that I feel will be remembered as long as I live. I
never could have believed it possible for any general to receive
such assistance and devotion as I have experienced from my men.
I could always feel that, whether I was present or absent, they
were striving to do their best to get out of difficulties, and
this was not confined to one rank, but was common to all ranks;
and I believe I may say that I had the confidence and sincere
support of all ranks of the army, from the lowest to the highest.
It would be invidious to particularize individuals and services,
but when I look back eighteen months, two names stand out in broad
relief—those already alluded to, the one by the Mayor, and the
other by General Wood—the names of Wood and Buller. I can say that
these two have been my right and left supporters during the whole
of my time in this country. They came out with me in the same
steamer; in every position I have been in they have been in the
fore-front, and now I feel proud to think they return with me to
their native land again. The Mayor asked one question, namely,
whether the war was over or not. I think I can best answer this by
saying that these two men are going back to England; depend upon
it, if there were any great work to be done, these two men would
never have left the forces. I again thank you for the manner in
which you have drank this toast, and desire to include in my thanks
all those who met me on Monday night. I shall carry back a grateful
remembrance of this place; and if in the public position I shall
hold it is ever possible for me to render any assistance towards
the prosperity of the colony, you may depend upon it I shall do so."
In concluding this chapter, it seems right to quote fully from the
London _Gazette_ the official reasons for placing five brave men on
the "roll of fame" for gallant deeds performed in the Zulu war.
"War Office, June 17th.
"The Queen has been graciously pleased to signify her intention to
confer the decoration of the Victoria Cross on the undermentioned
officers and soldier of her Majesty's army, whose claims have been
submitted for her Majesty's approval, for their gallant conduct
during the recent operations in South Africa, as recorded against
their names, viz.:—
[Sidenote: _Honour to the brave._]
"Captain and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Redvers H. Buller, C.B.,
60th Rifles, for his gallant conduct at the retreat at Zlobane on
the 28th of March, 1879, in having assisted, while hotly pursued
by Zulus, in rescuing Captain C. D'Arcy, of the Frontier Light
Horse, who was retiring on foot, and carrying him on his horse
until he overtook the rear-guard. Also for having, on the same
date and under the same circumstances, conveyed Lieutenant C.
Everitt, of the Frontier Light Horse, whose horse had been killed
under him, to a place of safety. Later on Colonel Buller, in the
same manner, saved a trooper of the Frontier Light Horse, whose
horse was completely exhausted, and who otherwise would have been
killed by the Zulus, who were within eighty yards of him.
"Major William K. Leet, 1st Battalion, 18th Regiment, for his
gallant conduct on the 28th of March, 1879, in rescuing from the
Zulus Lieutenant A. M. Smith, of the Frontier Light Horse, during
the retreat from the Zlobane. Lieutenant Smith, while on foot,
his horse having been shot, was closely pursued by the Zulus, and
would have been killed, had not Major Leet taken him upon his
horse and rode with him, under the fire of the enemy, to a place
of safety.
"Surgeon-Major James Henry Reynolds, Army Medical Department,
for the conspicuous bravery, during the attack at Rorke's Drift,
on the 22nd and 23rd of January, 1879, which he exhibited in
his constant attention to the wounded under fire, and in his
voluntarily conveying ammunition from the store to the defenders
of the hospital, whereby he exposed himself to a cross fire from
the enemy, both in going and returning.
"Lieutenant Edward S. Browne, 1st Battalion, 24th Regiment,
for the gallant conduct on the 29th of March, 1879, when the
Mounted Infantry were being driven in by the enemy at Zlobane, in
galloping back and twice assisting on his horse (under heavy fire
and within a few yards of the enemy) one of the mounted men, who
must otherwise have fallen into the enemy's hands.
"Private Wassall, 80th Regiment, for his gallant conduct in
having, at the imminent risk of his own life, saved that of
Private Westwood, of the same regiment. On the 22nd of January,
1879, when the camp at Isandhlwana was taken by the enemy, Private
Wassall retreated towards the Buffalo river, in which he saw a
comrade struggling and apparently drowning. He rode to the bank,
dismounted, leaving his horse on the Zulu side, rescued the man
from the stream, and again mounted his horse, dragging Private
Westwood across the river, under a heavy shower of bullets."