when it comes to developing clean energy sources. Look, if anybody
still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it.
[Laughter] You will be pretty lonely, because you'll be debating our
military, most of America's business leaders, the majority of the
American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200
nations around the world who agree it's a problem and intend to solve
it. But even if the planet wasn't at stake, even if 2014 wasn't the
warmest year on record--until 2015 turned out to be even hotter--why
would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce
and sell the energy of the future? Listen, 7 years ago, we made the
single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the
results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than
dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York,
solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their
energy bills and employs more Americans than coal in jobs that pay
better than average. We're taking steps to give homeowners the freedom
to generate and store their own energy, something, by the way, that
environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. And
meanwhile, we've cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly 60 percent
and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth. Gas
under 2 bucks a gallon ain't bad either. [Laughter]
Now we've got to accelerate the transition away from old, dirtier
energy sources. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the
future, especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. We do them
no favor when we don't show them where the trends are going. And that's
why I'm going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal
resources so that they better reflect the costs they impose on
taxpayers and our planet. And that way, we put money back into those
communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a
21st-century transportation system.
Now, none of this is going to happen overnight. And yes, there are
plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But
the jobs we'll create, the money we'll save, the planet we'll preserve--
that is the kind of future our kids and our grandkids deserve. And it's
within our grasp.
Now, climate change is just one of many issues where our security is
linked to the rest of the world. And that's why the third big question
that we have to answer together is how to keep America safe and strong
without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere
there's a problem.
Now, I told you earlier all the talk of America's economic decline is
political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our
enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. Let me tell you
something: The United States of America is the most powerful nation on
Earth. Period. [Applause] Period. It's not even close. [Applause] It's
not even close. It's not even close. We spend more on our military than
the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting
force in the history of the world. [Applause] All right. No nation
attacks us directly, or our allies, because they know that's the path
to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when
I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important
international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or
Moscow to lead. They call us. So I think it's useful to level set here,
because when we don't, we don't make good decisions.
Now, as someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I
know this is a dangerous time. But that's not primarily because of some
looming superpower out there, and it's certainly not because of
diminished American strength. In today's world, we're threatened less
by evil empires and more by failing states.
The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out
for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia.
Economic headwinds are blowing in from a Chinese economy that is in
significant transition. Even as their economy severely contracts,
Russia is pouring resources in to prop up Ukraine and Syria, client
states that they saw slipping away from their orbit. And the
international system we built after World War II is now struggling to
keep pace with this new reality. It's up to us, the United States of
America, to help remake that system. And to do that well, it means that
we've got to set priorities. Priority number one is protecting the
American people and going after terrorist networks. Both Al Qaida and
now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today's world,
even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life,
including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to
poison the minds of individuals inside our country. Their actions
undermine and destabilize our allies. We have to take them out.
But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is
world war III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the
back of pickup trucks, twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages,
they pose an enormous danger to civilians; they have to be stopped. But
they do not threaten our national existence. That is the story ISIL
wants to tell. That's the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We
don't need to build them up to show that we're serious, and we sure
don't need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie
that ISIL is somehow representative of one of the world's largest
religions. We just need to call them what they are: killers and
fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.
And that's exactly what we're doing. For more than a year, America has
led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL's financing,
disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out
their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 airstrikes, we're taking out
their leadership, their oil, their training camps, their weapons. We're
training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming
territory in Iraq and Syria.
If this Congress is serious about winning this war and wants to send a
message to our troops and the world, authorize the use of military
force against ISIL. Take a vote. [Applause] Take a vote. But the
American people should know that with or without congressional action,
ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you
doubt America's commitment--or mine--to see that justice is done, just
ask Usama bin Laden. Ask the leader of Al Qaida in Yemen, who was taken
out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in
a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. And it
may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limits.
Our foreign policy has to be focused on the threat from ISIL and Al
Qaida, but it can't stop there. For even without ISIL, even without Al
Qaida, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world:
in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and parts of Pakistan, in parts of
Central America, in Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become
safe havens for new terrorist networks. Others will just fall victim to
ethnic conflict or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world
will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to
be more than tough talk or calls to carpet-bomb civilians. That may
work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn't pass muster on the world stage.
We also can't try to take over and rebuild every country that falls
into crisis, even if it's done with the best of intentions. That's not
leadership; that's a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and
treasure that ultimately will weaken us. It's the lesson of Vietnam;
it's the lesson of Iraq. And we should have learned it by now.
Now, fortunately there is a smarter approach: a patient and disciplined
strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America
will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our
allies, but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to
work with us and make sure other countries pull their own weight.
That's our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we're partnering
with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken
society pursue a lasting peace. That's why we built a global coalition,
with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed
Iran. And as we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program,
shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another
war.
That's how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military,
our doctors, our development workers--they were heroic; they set up the
platform that then allowed other countries to join in behind us and
stamp out that epidemic. Hundreds of thousands, maybe a couple million,
lives were saved.
That's how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets and
protect workers and the environment and advance American leadership in
Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products made in America, which will then
support more good jobs here in America. With TPP, China does not set
the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this
new century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.
It's the right thing to do.
Let me give you another example. Fifty years of isolating Cuba had
failed to promote democracy. It set us back in Latin America. That's
why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and
commerce, positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people.
So if you want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the
hemisphere, recognize that the cold war is over. Lift the embargo.
The point is, American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice
between ignoring the rest of the world--except when we kill terrorists--
or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership
means a wise application of military power and rallying the world
behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as
a part of our national security, not something separate, not charity.
When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in
history to fight climate change, yes, that helps vulnerable countries,
but it also protects our kids. When we help Ukraine defend its
democracy or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the
international order we depend on. When we help African countries feed
their people and care for the sick, it's the right thing to do, and it
prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now we're on
track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS. That's within our grasp. And we
have the chance to accomplish the same thing with malaria, something
I'll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.
That's American strength. That's American leadership. And that kind of
leadership depends on the power of our example. That's why I will keep
working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo. It is expensive, it is
unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our
enemies. There's a better way.
And that's why we need to reject any politics--any politics--that targets
people because of race or religion. Let me just say this. This is not a
matter of political correctness, this is a matter of understanding just
what it is that makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our
arsenal, it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way
we respect every faith.
His Holiness Pope Francis told this body from the very spot that I'm
standing on tonight that "to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants
and murderers is the best way to take their place." When politicians
insult Muslims, whether abroad or our fellow citizens, when a mosque is
vandalized or a kid is called names, that doesn't make us safer. That's
not telling it what--telling it like it is. It's just wrong. It
diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve
our goals. It betrays who we are as a country. "We the People." Our
Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we've come to
recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise
and fall together, that that's how we might perfect our Union. And that
brings me to the fourth and maybe most important thing that I want to
say tonight.
The future we want--all of us want--opportunity and security for our
families, a rising standard of living, a sustainable, peaceful planet
for our kids--all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if
we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational,
constructive debates. It will only happen if we fix our politics.
A better politics doesn't mean we have to agree on everything. This is
a big country: different regions, different attitudes, different
interests. That's one of our strengths too. Our Founders distributed
power between States and branches of government and expected us to
argue, just as they did, fiercely, over the size and shape of
government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of
liberty and the imperatives of security.
But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens.
It doesn't work if we think the people who disagree with us are all
motivated by malice. It doesn't work if we think that our political
opponents are unpatriotic or trying to weaken America. Democracy grinds
to a halt without a willingness to compromise or when even basic facts
are contested or when we listen only to those who agree with us. Our
public life withers when only the most extreme voices get all the
attention. And most of all, democracy breaks down when the average
person feels their voice doesn't matter, that the system is rigged in
favor of the rich or the powerful or some special interest.
Too many Americans feel that way right now. It's one of the few regrets
of my Presidency: that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has
gotten worse instead of better. I have no doubt, a President with the
gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and
I guarantee, I'll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this
office.
But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task--or any President's--
alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this Chamber, good people, who
would like to see more cooperation, would like to see a more elevated
debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the imperatives of getting
elected, by the noise coming out of your base. I know; you've told me.
It's the worst kept secret in Washington. And a lot of you aren't
enjoying being trapped in that kind of rancor.
But that means if we want a better politics--and I'm addressing the
American people now--if we want a better politics, it's not enough just
to change a Congressman or change a Senator or even change a President.
We have to change the system to reflect our better selves.
I think we've got to end the practice of drawing our congressional
districts so that politicians can pick their voters and not the other
way around. Let a bipartisan group do it.
I believe we've got to reduce the influence of money in our politics so
that a handful of families or hidden interests can't bankroll our
elections. And if our existing approach to campaign finance reform
can't pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a
real solution. Because it's a problem. And most of you don't like
raising money. [Laughter] I know. I've done it.
We've got to make it easier to vote, not harder. We need to modernize
it for the way we live now. This is America: We want to make it easier
for people to participate. And over the course of this year, I intend
to travel the country to push for reforms that do just that. But I
can't do these things on my own. Changes in our political process--in
not just who gets elected, but how they get elected--that will only
happen when the American people demand it. It depends on you. That's
what's meant by a government of, by, and for the people.
What I'm suggesting is hard. It's a lot easier to be cynical; to accept
that change is not possible and politics is hopeless and the problem is,
all the folks who are elected don't care; and to believe that our
voices and our actions don't matter. But if we give up now, then we
forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater
control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war or
allow another economic disaster or roll back the equal rights and
voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to
secure. And then, as frustration grows, there will be voices urging us
to fall back into our respective tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens
who don't look like us or pray like us or vote like we do or share the
same background.
We can't afford to go down that path. It won't deliver the economy we
want. It will not produce the security we want. But most of all, it
contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.
So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer
one party or no party, whether you supported my agenda or fought as
hard as you could against it, our collective futures depends on your
willingness to uphold your duties as a citizen. To vote. To speak out.
To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable,
knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood
up for us. We need every American to stay active in our public life--and
not just during election time--so that our public life reflects the
goodness and the decency that I see in the American people every single
day.
It is not easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that
a little over a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I
will be right there with you as a citizen, inspired by those voices of
fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness, that have
helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not,
first and foremost, as Black or White or Asian or Latino, not as gay or
straight, immigrant or native born, not Democrat or Republican, but as
Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed
would have the final word: voices of "unarmed truth and unconditional
love."
And they're out there, those voices. They don't get a lot of attention;
they don't seek a lot of fanfare; but they're busy doing the work this
country needs doing. I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible
country of ours. I see you, the American people. And in your daily acts
of citizenship, I see our future unfolding.
I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to
keep his company open and the boss who pays him higher wages instead of
laying him off. I see it in the dreamer who stays up late at night to
finish her science project and the teacher who comes in early, maybe
with some extra supplies that she bought because she knows that that
young girl might someday cure a disease.
I see it in the American who served his time, made bad mistakes as a
child, but now is dreaming of starting over. And I see it in the
business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester
determined to prove that justice matters and the young cop walking the
beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of
keeping us safe.
I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his
brothers, the nurse who tends to him till he can run a marathon, the
community that lines up to cheer him on. It's the son who finds the
courage to come out as who he is and the father whose love for that son
overrides everything he's been taught.
I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as
long as she has to, the new citizen who casts his vote for the first
time, the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count.
Because each of them, in different ways, know how much that precious
right is worth.
That's the America I know. That's the country we love: clear eyed, big
hearted, undaunted by challenge. Optimistic that unarmed truth and
unconditional love will have the final word. That's what makes me so
hopeful about our future. I believe in change because I believe in you,
the American people. And that's why I stand here as confident as I have
ever been that the state of our Union is strong.
Thank you. God bless you. God bless the United States of America. Thank
you.