Per cent.
Silica (SiO2) 24.30
Alumina (Al203) 7.22
Ferric oxide (Fe2O3) 5.06
Lime (CaO) 33.70
Magnesia (MgO) 20.94
Water, carbonic anhydride, and loss 8.78
------
100.00
These irregular cements of the Portland class are good building
materials for ordinary purposes, but are not so suitable as good
artificial Portland cement for heavy and important undertakings.
_Passow Cement _is a recent product which is in a class by itself. It is
made by granulating blast furnace slag of suitable composition and
finely grinding the product, either alone or with an admixture of about
10% of Portland cement clinker. It differs from ordinary slag cement
(see above) in that it is not a pozzuolanic cement depending on the
interaction of granulated slag and lime. The particular method of
granulating slag for Passow cement produces a material which sets _per
se_ and attains a strength comparable with that of Portland cement.
Passow cement has been successfully made from slag of different
compositions in Germany, England and America.
Uses of hydraulic cements.
The chief use of hydraulic cements, whether of the pozzuolanic or
Portland class, is to act as an adhesive material in work which is to be
exposed to water. No doubt in times of remote antiquity it was found
that the jointing of masonry which was to be immersed required the use
of a cement indifferent to the action of water. Ordinary mortar failed
in such positions; mortar made from lime prepared from limestones or
chalks containing a little clay was found to stand; mortar made from
lime mixed with trass or similar active silicious material was also
found to stand. On this observation rests the whole of the present
enormous employment of hydraulic cements. It was a natural transition to
utilize these cements not merely for jointing masonry but also for
making concrete, and the only reason why hydraulic cements, as distinct
from cements which are not hydraulic (e.g. ordinary mortar), are used
for the latter purpose is their great mechanical strength. Their use in
above-water work is checked by the low price of common brick. Even in
such work, where it would be thought that masses of burnt clay would be
the cheapest conceivable material, concrete is at least on level terms
with its rival. It must be remembered that one of the great advantages
of concrete is that five-sixths of its total mass may be provided from
local sand and gravel, on which no carriage has to be paid. The cement,
on which alone freight is to be reckoned, converts these from loose
incoherent material into a solid stone. Thus it comes about that the
largest use of cement is for manufacturing concrete for dock and harbour
work, and for the making of foundations. It is also employed for the
building of light bridges, floors, and pipes constructed of cement
mortar disposed round a skeleton of iron rods. Such composite structures
take advantage at once of the high tensile strength of iron and of the
high compressive strength of cement mortar. (See also CONCRETE.)
Good hydraulic cements are highly permanent materials provided certain
conditions be observed. It might be supposed that hydraulic cements from
their nature would be indifferent to the action of water, but this is
only true if the structures of which they form part are sufficiently
compact. In this case the action of the water is checked by the film of
carbonate of lime which eventually forms oh the surface of calcareous
cement. This, together with the compactness of the mortar, hinders the
ingress and egress of water, and prevents the dissolution and ultimate
destruction of the cement. But where the concrete or mortar is not well
made and is porous, the continual passage of water through it will
gradually break up and dissolve away the calcareous constituents of the
cement until its strength is utterly destroyed. This destructive action
is increased if the water contains sulphates or magnesium salts, both of
which act chemically on the calcareous constituents of the cement. As
sea-water contains both sulphates and magnesium salts, it is especially
necessary in concrete for harbour work to take every care to produce an
impervious structure. There are various minor external causes for the
failure and ultimate destruction of cement mortar and concrete, but
their discussion is a matter for the specialist. Failure from inherent
vice in the cement has been already touched on; it can always be traced
to want of skill and care in manufacture.
_Calcium Sulphate Cements._--Under this term are comprehended all
cements whose setting properties primarily depend on the hydration of
calcium sulphate. They include plaster of Paris, Keene's cement and many
variants of these two types. The raw material is gypsum (q.v.). This may
be almost chemically pure, when it is generally used for Keene's cement;
or it may contain smaller or greater quantities of impurities, in which
case it is suitable for the preparation of cements of the plaster of
Paris class. The mode of preparation is to calcine the gypsum at
temperatures which depend on the class of cement to be produced. If
plaster of Paris is to be made, calcination is carried out at about 204°
C. (=400° F.); at this temperature, gypsum, CaS04.2H20, loses
three-quarters of its combined water and becomes 2CaSO4.H20. If a cement
of the Keene's cement class is to be prepared the temperature used is
higher, e.g. 500° C. (=932° F.), and the whole of the combined water of
the gypsum is expelled, the anhydrous sulphate CaSO4 being obtained.
Plaster of Paris; Keene's cement.
To produce plaster of Paris European practice consists in baking the
mineral in ovens, and in America in heating it in kettles. Both
processes are inferior in economy to calcination in rotatory kilns, a
process which may be regarded as the method of the present and the
immediate future. Keene's cement and its congeners are made in fixed
kilns so constructed that only the gaseous products of combustion come
into contact with the gypsum to be burnt, in order to avoid
contamination with the ash of the fuel.
The setting of plaster of Paris depends on the fact that when
2CaSO4·H2O is treated with water it dissolves, forming a
supersaturated solution of CaSO4·2H2O. The excess held temporarily in
solution is then deposited in crystals of CaSO4·2H2O. In the light of
this knowledge the mode of setting of plaster of Paris becomes clear.
The plaster is mixed with a quantity of water sufficient to make it
into a smooth paste; this quantity of water is quite insufficient to
dissolve the whole of it, but it dissolves a small part, and gives a
supersaturated solution of CaSO4.2H2O. In a few minutes the surplus
hydrated calcium sulphate is deposited from the solution, and the
water is capable again of dissolving 2CaSO4·H2O, which in turn is
fully hydrated and deposited as CaSO4·2H2O. The process goes on until
a relatively small quantity of water has by instalments dissolved and
hydrated the 2CaSO4·H2O, and has deposited CaSO4·2H2O in felted
crystals forming a solid mass well cemented together. The setting is
rapid, occupying only a few minutes, and is accompanied by a
considerable expansion of the mass. There is reason to suppose that
the change described takes place in two stages, the gypsum first
forming orthorhombic crystals and then crystallizing in the
monosymmetric system. Gypsum thus crystallized is in its normal
monosymmetric form, more stable under ordinary conditions than the
orthorhombic form. Correlatively in its process of dehydration to form
plaster of Paris, monosymmetric gypsum is converted into the
orthorhombic form before it begins to be dehydrated.
The principles which govern the preparation and setting of the other
class of calcium sulphate cements, that is, cements of the Keene
class, are not fully understood, but there is a fair amount of
knowledge on the subject, both empirical and scientific. The essential
difference between the setting of Keene's cement and that of plaster
of Paris is that the former takes place much more slowly, occupying
hours instead of minutes, and the considerable heating and expansion
which characterize the setting of plaster of Paris are much less
marked.
It is the practice in Great Britain to burn pure gypsum at a low
temperature so as to convert it into the hydrate 2CaSO4·H2O, to soak
the lumps in a solution of alum or of aluminium sulphate, and to
recalcine them at about 500° C. On grinding they give Keene's cement.
Instead of alum various other salts, e.g. borax, may be used. The
quantity of these materials is so small that analyses of Keene's
cement show it to be almost pure anhydrous calcium sulphate, and make
it difficult to explain what, if any, influence these minute amounts
of alum and the like can exert on the setting of the cement. It seems
probable that the effect of the salts is inconsiderable, and that the
governing condition is the temperature at which the cement has been
burnt. The setting of Keene's cement takes place by the same sort of
process which has been described for the setting of plaster of Paris,
the chief differences being that the substance dissolved is anhydrous
calcium sulphate and that the operation takes a longer time.
All cements having calcium sulphate as their base are suitable only
for indoor work because of the solubility of this substance. They form
excellent decorative plasters on account of their clean white colour
and the sharpness of castings made from them, this latter quantity
being due to their expansion when setting.
See D.B. Butler, _Portland Cement_ (London, 1905); E.C. Eckel,
_Cements, Limes and Plasters_ (New York, 1905); G.R. Redgrave and
Charles Spackman, _Calcareous Cements_ (London, 1905); F.H. Lewis,
"Manufacture of Hydraulic Cements in the United States," _The Mineral
Industry_ (New York, 1898); W.H. Stanger and Bertram Blount, "Cement
Manufacture in Great Britain," _The Mineral Industry_, New York, 1897
and 1905; _Id_. "The Testing of Hydraulic Cements," _Journ. Soc. Chem.
Ind.,_ 1894, 13, p. 455; _Id., Proc. Inst. Civ. Eng._, 1901; B.
Blount, "Recent Progress in the Cement Industry," _Journ. Soc. Chem.
Ind.,_ 1906, 25, p. 1020; H.L. le Chatelier, _Recherrhes
experimenlales sur la constitution des mortiers hydrauliques;_ Desch,
_Concrete_, No. 2, pp. 101-102; Davis, _Journ. Soc. Chem. Ind.,_ 1905,
26, p. 727. (B. Bl.)
_Adhesive Cements._--Mixtures of animal, vegetable and mineral
substances are employed in great variety in the arts for making
joints, mending broken china and other objects, &c. A strong cement
for alabaster and marble, which sets in a day, may be prepared by
mixing 12 parts of Portland cement, 8 of fine sand and 1 of infusorial
earth, and making them into a thick paste with silicate of soda; the
object to be cemented need not be heated. For stone, marble, and
earthenware a strong cement, insoluble in water, can be made as
follows:--skimmed-milk cheese is boiled in water till of a gluey
consistency, washed, kneaded well in cold water, and incorporated
with quicklime; the composition is warmed for use. A similar cement
is a mixture of dried fresh curd with 1/10th of its weight of
quicklime and a little camphor; it is made into a paste with water
when employed. A cement for Derbyshire spar and china, &c., is
composed of 7 parts of rosin and 1 of wax, with a little plaster of
Paris; a small quantity only should be applied to the surfaces to be
united, for, as a general rule, the thinner the stratum of a cement,
the more powerful its action. Quicklime mixed with white of egg,
hardened Canada balsam, and thick copal or mastic varnish are also
useful for cementing broken china, which should be warmed before their
application. For small articles, shellac dissolved in spirits of wine
is a very convenient cement. Cements such as marine glue are solutions
of shellac, india-rubber or asphaltum in benzene or naphtha. For use
with wood which is exposed to moisture, as in the case of wooden
cisterns, a mixture may be made of 4 parts of linseed oil boiled with
litharge, and 8 parts of melted glue; other strong cements for the
same purpose are prepared by softening gelatine in cold water and
dissolving it by heat in linseed oil, or by mixing glue with
one-fourth of its weight of turpentine, or with a little bichromate of
potash. _Mahogany cement_, for filling up cracks in wood, consists of
4 parts of beeswax, 1 of Indian red and yellow-ochre to give colour.
_Cutler's cement_, used for fixing knife-blades in their hafts, is
made of equal parts of brick-dust and melted rosin, or of 4 parts of
rosin with 1 each of beeswax and brick-dust. For covering bottle-corks
a mixture of pitch, brick-dust and rosin is employed. A cheap cement,
sometimes employed to fix iron rails in stone-work, is melted
brimstone, or brimstone and brick-dust. For pipe-joints, a mixture of
iron turnings, sulphur and sal ammoniac, moistened with water, is
employed. _Japanese cement_, for uniting surfaces of paper, is made by
mixing rice-flour with water and boiling it. _Jewellers'_ or _Armenian
cement_ consists of isinglass with mastic and gum ammoniac dissolved
in spirit. Gold and silver chasers keep their work firm by means of a
cement of pitch and rosin, a little tallow, and brick-dust to thicken.
_Temporary cement_ for lathe-work, such as the polishing and grinding
of jewelry and optical glasses, is compounded thus:--rosin, 4 oz.;
whitening previously made red-hot, 4 oz.; wax, ¼ oz.
CEMETERY (Gr. [Greek: koimêtêrion], from [Greek: koiman], to sleep),
literally a sleeping-place, the name applied by the early Christians to
the places set apart for the burial of their dead. These were generally
extra-mural and unconnected with churches, the practice of interment in
churches or churchyards being unknown in the first centuries of the
Christian era. The term cemetery has, therefore, been appropriately
applied in modern times to the burial-grounds, generally extra-mural,
which have been substituted for the overcrowded churchyards (q.v.) of
populous parishes both urban and rural.
From 1840 to 1855, attention was repeatedly called to the condition of
the London churchyards by correspondence in the press and by the reports
of parliamentary committees, the first of which, that of Mr Chadwick,
appeared in 1843. The vaults under the pavement of the churches, and the
small spaces of open ground surrounding them, were crammed with coffins.
In many of the buildings the air was so tainted with the products of
corruption as to be a direct and palpable source of disease and death to
those who frequented them. In the churchyards coffins were placed tier
above tier in the graves until they were within a few feet (or sometimes
even a few inches) of the surface, and the level of the ground was often
raised to that of the lower windows of the church. To make room for
fresh interments the sextons had recourse to the surreptitious removal
of bones and partially-decayed remains, and in some cases the contents
of the graves were systematically transferred to pits adjacent to the
site, the grave-diggers appropriating the coffin-plates, handles and
nails to be sold as waste metal. The neighbourhood of the churchyards
was always unhealthy, the air being vitiated by the gaseous emanations
from the graves, and the water, wherever it was obtained from wells,
containing organic matter, the source of which could not be mistaken. In
all the large towns the evil prevailed in a greater or less degree, but
in London, on account of the immense population and the consequent
mortality, it forced itself more readily upon public attention, and
after more than one partial measure of relief had been passed the
churchyards were, with a few exceptions, finally closed by the act of
1855, and the cemeteries which now occupy a large extent of ground to
the north, south, east and west became henceforth the burial-places of
the metropolis. Several of them had been already established by private
enterprise before the passing of the Burial Act of 1855 (Kensal Green
cemetery dates from 1832), but that enactment forms the epoch from
which the general development of cemeteries in Great Britain and Ireland
began. Burial within the limits of cities and towns is now almost
everywhere abolished, and where it is still in use it is surrounded by
such safeguards as make it practically innocuous. This tendency has been
conspicuous both in the United Kingdom and the United States. The
increasing practice of cremation (q.v.) has assisted in the movement for
disposing of the dead in more sanitary conditions; and the proposals of
Sir Seymour Haden and others for burying the dead in more open coffins,
and abandoning the old system of family graves, have had considerable
effect. The tendency has therefore been, while improving the sanitary
aspects of the disposal of the dead, to make the cemeteries themselves
as fit as possible for this purpose, and beautiful in arrangement and
decoration.
The chief cemeteries of London are Kensal Green cemetery on the Harrow
Road; Highgate cemetery on the slope of Highgate Hill; the cemetery at
Abney Park (once the residence of Dr Watts); the Norwood and Nunhead
cemeteries to the south of London; the West London cemetery at Brompton;
the cemeteries at Ilford and Leytonstone in Essex; the Victoria cemetery
and the Tower Hamlets cemetery in East London; and at a greater
distance, accessible by railway, the great cemetery at Brookwood near
Woking in Surrey, and the cemetery at New Southgate. The general plan of
all these cemeteries is the same, a park with broad paths either laid
out in curved lines as at Kensal Green and Highgate, or crossing each
other at right angles as in the case of the West London cemetery. The
ground on each side of these paths is marked off into grave spaces, and
trees and shrubs are planted in the intervals between them. The
buildings consist of a curator's residence and one or more chapels, and
usually there is also a range of family graves with imposing tombs,
massive structures containing in their corridors recesses for the
reception of coffins, generally closed only by an iron grating. The
provincial cemeteries in the main features of their arrangements
resemble those of the metropolis. One of the most remarkable is St
James's cemetery at Liverpool, which occupies a deserted quarry. The
face of the eastern side of the quarry is traversed by ascending
gradients off which open catacombs formed in the living rock,--a soft
sandstone; the ground below is planted with trees, amongst which stand
hundreds of gravestones. The main approach on the north side is through
a tunnel, above which, on a projecting rock, stands the cemetery chapel,
built in the form of a small Doric temple with tetrastyle porticos.
Many of the cities of America possess very fine cemeteries. One of the
largest, and also the oldest, is that of Mount Auburn near Boston.
Others of importance are the Laurel Hill cemetery (1836) at
Philadelphia; the Greenwood cemetery (1838) at Brooklyn (New York); the
Lake View cemetery at Cleveland, Ohio; while the cemeteries at New
Orleans (q.v.) are famous for their beauty.
The chief cemetery of Paris is that of Père la Chaise, the prototype of
the garden cemeteries of western Europe. It takes its name from the
celebrated confessor of Louis XIV., to whom as rector of the Jesuits of
Paris it once belonged. It was laid out as a cemetery in 1804. It has an
area of about 200 acres, and contains about 20,000 monuments, including
those of all the great men of France of the 19th century--marshals,
generals, ministers, poets, painters, men of science and letters, actors
and musicians. Twice the cemetery and the adjacent heights have been the
scene of a desperate struggle; in 1814 they were stormed by a Russian
column during the attack on Paris by the allies, and in 1871 the
Communists made their last stand among the tombs of Père la Chaise; 900
of them fell in the defence of the cemetery or were shot there after its
capture, and 200 of them were buried in quicklime in one huge grave and
700 in another. There are other cemeteries at Mont Parnasse and
Montmartre, besides the minor burying-grounds at Auteuil, Batignolles,
Passy, La Villette, &c. In consequence of all these cemeteries being
more or less crowded, a great cemetery was laid out in 1874 on the
plateau of Méry sur Oise, 16 m. to the north of Paris, with which it is
connected by a railway line. It includes within its circuit fully 2 sq.
m. of ground. The French cemetery system differs in many respects from
the English. Every city and town is required by law to provide a
burial-ground beyond its barriers, properly laid out and planted, and
situated if possible on a rising ground. Each interment must take place
in a separate grave. This, however, does not apply to Paris, where the
dead are buried, forty or fifty at a time, in the _fosses communes_, the
poor being interred gratuitously, and a charge of 20 francs being made
in all other cases. The _fosse_ is filled and left undisturbed for five
years, then all crosses and other memorials are removed, the level of
the ground is raised 4 or 5 ft. by fresh earth, and interments begin
again. For a fee of 50 francs a _concession temporaire_ for ten years
can be obtained, but where it is desired to erect a permanent monument
the ground must be bought by the executors of the deceased. In Paris the
undertakers' trade is the monopoly of a company, the _Société des pompes
funèbres_, which in return for its privileges is required to give a free
burial to the poor.
The _Leichenhäuser_, or dead-houses, of Frankfort and Munich form a
remarkable feature of the cemeteries of these cities. The object of
their founders was twofold--(1) to obviate even the remotest danger of
premature interment, and (2) to offer a respectable place for the
reception of the dead, in order to remove the corpse from the confined
dwellings of the survivors. At Frankfort the dead-house occupies one of
the wings of the propylaeum, which forms the main entrance to the
cemetery. It consists of the warder's room, where an attendant is always
on duty, on each side of which there are five rooms, well ventilated,
kept at an even temperature, and each provided with a bier on which a
corpse can be laid. On one of the fingers is placed a ring connected by
a light cord with a bell which hangs outside in the warder's room. The
use of the dead-house is voluntary. The bodies deposited there are
inspected at regular intervals by a medical officer, and the warder is
always on the watch for the ringing of the warning bell. One revival,
that of a child, has been known to take place at Frankfort. The
Leichenhaus of Munich is situated in the southern cemetery outside the
Sendling Gate. At one end of the cemetery there is a semicircular
building with an open colonnade in front and a projection behind, which
contains three large rooms for the reception of the dead. At both
Frankfort and Munich great care is taken that the attendants receive the
dead confided to them with respect, and no interment is permitted until
the first signs of decomposition appear; the relatives then assemble in
one of the halls adjoining the Leichenhaus, and the funeral takes place.
In any case there is, with ordinary care, little fear of premature
interment, but in another way such places of deposit for the dead are of
great use in large towns, as they prevent the evil effects which result
from the prolonged retention of the dead among the living. Mortuaries
for this purpose have also been established in many places in England.
In Italy the _Campo Santo_ (Holy Field) is best illustrated by the
famous one at Pisa, from which the name has been given to other Italian
burying-grounds. Of the cemeteries still in use in southern Europe the
catacombs (q.v.) of Sicily are the most curious. There is one of these
under the old Capuchin monastery of Ziza near Palermo, where in four
large airy subterranean corridors 2000 corpses are ranged in niches in
the wall, many of them shrunk up into the most grotesque attitudes, or
hanging with pendent limbs and head from their places. As a preparation
for the niche, the body is desiccated in a kind of oven, and then
dressed as in life and raised into its place in the wall. At the end of
the principal corridor at Ziza there is an altar strangely ornamented
with a kind of mosaic of human skulls and bones.
Cemeteries have been in use among many Eastern nations from time
immemorial. In China, the high grounds near Canton and Macao are crowded
with tombs, many of them being in the form of small tumuli, with a low
encircling wall, forcibly recalling the ringed barrows of western
Europe. But the most picturesque cemeteries in the world are those of
the Turks. From them it was, perhaps, that the first idea of the modern
cemetery, with its ornamental plantations, was derived. Around
Constantinople the cemeteries form vast tracts of cypress woods under
whose branches stand thousands of tombstones. A grave is never reopened;
a new resting-place is formed for every one, and so the dead now occupy
a wider territory than that which is covered by the homes of the living.
The Turks believe that till the body is buried the soul is in a state of
discomfort, and the funeral, therefore, takes place as soon as possible
after death. No coffin is used, the body is laid in the grave, a few
boards are arranged round it, and then the earth is shovelled in, care
being taken to leave a small opening extending from the head of the
corpse to the surface of the ground, an opening not unfrequently
enlarged by dogs and other beasts which plunder the grave. A tombstone
of white marble is then erected, surmounted by a carved turban in the
case of a man, and ornamented by a palm branch in low relief if the
grave is that of a woman. The turban by its varying form indicates not
only the rank of the sleeper below but also the period of his death, for
the fashion of the Turkish head-dress is always changing. A cypress is
usually planted beside the grave, its odour being supposed to neutralize
any noxious exhalations from the ground, and thus every cemetery is a
forest, where by day hundreds of turtle doves are on the wing or
perching on the trees, and where bats and owls swarm undisturbed at
night. Especially for the Turkish women the cemeteries are a favourite
resort, and some of them are always to be seen praying beside the narrow
openings that lead down into a parent's, a husband's, or a brother's
grave. Some of the other cemeteries of Constantinople contrast rather
unfavourably with the simple dignity of those which belong to the Turks.
That of the Armenians abounds with bas-reliefs which show the manner of
the death of whoever is buried below, and on these singular tombstones
there are frequent representations of men being decapitated or hanging
on the gallows.
See also the articles BURIAL AND BURIAL ACTS; CREMATION; FUNERAL
RITES; CHURCHYARD.
CENCI, BEATRICE (1577-1599), a Roman woman, famous for her tragic story;
poetic fancy has woven a halo of romance about her, which modern
historic research has to a large extent destroyed. Born at Rome, she was
the daughter of Francesco Cenci (1549-1598), the bastard son of a
priest, and a man of great wealth but dissolute habits and violent
temper. He seems to have been guilty of various offences and to have got
off with short terms of imprisonment by bribery; but the monstrous
cruelty which popular tradition has attributed to him is purely
legendary. His first wife, Ersilia Santa Croce, bore him twelve
children, and nine years after her death he married Lucrezia Petroni, a
widow with three daughters, by whom he had no offspring. He was very
quarrelsome and lived on the worst possible terms with his children,
who, however, were all of them more or less disreputable. He kept
various mistresses and was even prosecuted for unnatural vice, but his
sons were equally dissolute. His harsh treatment of his daughter
Beatrice was probably due to his discovery that she had had an
illegitimate child as the result of an intrigue with one of his stewards
(A. Bertolotti, in his _Francesco Cenci_, publishes Beatrice's will in
which she provides for this child), but there is no evidence that he
tried to commit incest with her, as has been alleged. The eldest son
Giacomo was a riotous, dishonest young scoundrel, who cheated his own
father and even attempted to murder him (1595). Two other sons, Rocco
and Cristoforo, both of them notorious rakes, were killed in brawls.
Finally Francesco's wife Lucrezia and his children Giacomo, Bernardo and
Beatrice, assisted by a certain Monsignor Guerra, plotted to murder him.
Two bravos were hired (one of them named Olimpio, according to
Bertolotti, was probably Beatrice's lover), and Francesco was
assassinated while asleep in his castle of Petrella in the kingdom of
Naples (1598). Giacomo afterwards had one of the bravos murdered, but
the other was arrested by the Neapolitan authorities and confessed
everything. Information having been communicated to Rome, the whole of
the Cenci family were arrested early in 1599; but the story of the
hardships they underwent in prison is greatly exaggerated. Guerra
escaped; Lucrezia, Giacomo and Bernardo confessed the crime; and
Beatrice, who at first denied everything, even under torture, also ended
by confessing. Great efforts were made to obtain mercy for the accused,
but the crime was considered too heinous, and the pope (Clement VIII.)
refused to grant a pardon; on the 11th of September 1599, Beatrice and
Lucrezia were beheaded, and Giacomo, after having been tortured with
red-hot pincers, was killed with a mace, drawn and quartered. Bernardo's
penalty, on account of his youth, was commuted to perpetual
imprisonment, and after a year's confinement he was pardoned. The
property of the family was confiscated.
The romantic character of the history of this family has been the
subject of poems, dramas and novels. Shelley's tragedy is well known
as a magnificent piece of writing, although the author adopts a purely
fictitious version of the story. Nor is F.D. Guerrazzi's novel,
_Beatrice Cenci_ (Milan, 1872), more trustworthy. The first attempt to
deal with the subject on documentary evidence is A. Bertolotti's
_Francesco Cenci e la sua famiglia_ (2nd ed., Florence, 1879),
containing a number of interesting documents which place the events in
their true light; cf. Labruzzi's article in the _Nuova Antologia_,
1879, vol. xiv., and another in the _Edinburgh Review_, January 1879.
CENOBITES (from Gr. [Greek: koinos], common, and [Greek: bios], life),
monks who lived together in a convent or community under a rule and a
superior,--in contrast to hermits or anchorets who live in isolation.
The Basilians (q.v.) in the East and the Benedictines (q.v.) in the West
are the chief cenobitical orders (see MONASTICISM).
CENOMANI, a branch of the Aulerci in Gallia Celtica, whose territory
corresponded generally to Maine in the modern department of Sarthe.
Their chief town was Vindinum or Suindinum (corrupted into Subdinnum),
afterwards Civitas Cenomanorum (whence Le Mans), the original name of
the town, as usual in the case of Gallic cities, being replaced by that
of the people. According to Caesar (_Bell. Gall._ vii. 75. 3), they
assisted Vercingetorix in the great rising (52 B.C.) with a force of
5000 men. Under Augustus they formed a _civitas stipendiaria_ of Gallia
Lugdunensis, and in the 4th century part of Gallia Lugdunensis iii.
About 400 B.C., under the leadership of Elitovius (Livy v. 35), a large
number of the Cenomani crossed into Italy, drove the Etruscans
southwards, and occupied their territory. The statement of Cato (in
Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iii. 130), that some of them settled near Massilia
in the territory of the Volcae, may indicate the route taken by them.
The limits of their territory are not clearly defined, but were probably
the Athesis (Adige or Etsch) on the east, the Ollius (Oglio, or perhaps
the Addua) on the west, and the Padus on the south. Livy gives their
chief towns as Brixia (Brescia) and Verona; Pliny, Brixia and Cremona.
The Cenomani nearly always appear in history as loyal friends and allies
of the Romans, whom they assisted in the Gallic war (225 B.C.), when the
Boii and Insubres took up arms against Rome, and during the war against
Hannibal. They certainly joined in the revolt of the Gauls under
Hamilcar (200), but after they had been defeated by the consul Gaius
Cornelius (197) they finally submitted. In 49, with the rest of Gallia
Transpadana, they acquired the rights of citizenship.
The orthography and the quantity of the penultimate vowel of Cenomani
have given rise to discussion. According to Arbois de Jubainville, the
Cenom[)a]ni of Italy are not identical with the Cenom[=a]ni (or
Cenomanni) of Gaul. In the case of the latter, the survival of the
syllable "man" in Le Mans is due to the stress laid on the vowel; had
the vowel been short and unaccented, it would have disappeared. In
Italy, Cenomani is the name of a people; in Gaul, merely a surname of
the Aulerci.
See A. Voisin, _Les Cénomans anciens et modernes_ (Le Mans, 1862); A.
Desjardins, _Géographic historique de la Gaule romaine,_ ii.
(1876-1893); Arbois de Jubainville, _Les Premiers Habitants de
l'Europe_ (1889-1894); article and authorities in _La Grande
Encyclopédie_; C. Hulsen in Pauly-Wissowa's _Realencyclopadie_, iii.
pt. 2 (1899); full ancient authorities in A. Holder, _Alt-celtischer
Sprachschatz_, i. (1896).
CENOTAPH (Gr. [Greek: kenos], empty, [Greek: taphos], tomb), a monument
or tablet to the memory of a person whose body is buried elsewhere. The
custom arose from the erection of monuments to those whose bodies could
not be recovered, as in the case of drowning.
CENSOR (from Lat. _censere_, assess, estimate; in Gr. [Greek:
timaetaes]). I. _In ancient Rome_, the title of the two Roman officials
who presided over the census, the registration of individual citizens
for the purpose of determining the duties which they owed to the
community. In the etymology of the word lurks the idea of the arbitrary
assignment of burdens or duties. Varro defines _census_ as _arbitrium_,
and derives the name _censores_ from the position of these magistrates
as _arbitri populi_ (Varro, _de Ling. Lat._ v. 81; _ap._ Non. p. 519).
This original idea of "discretionary power" was never entirely lost;
although ultimately it came to be more intimately associated with the
appreciation of morals than with the assignment of burdens. From the
point of view of its moral significance the censorship was the Roman
manifestation of that state control of conduct which was a not unusual
feature of ancient societies. It is true that Rome possessed sumptuary
laws, and laws dealing with moral offences, which it was the duty of
other magistrates to enforce; but the organization for the control of
conduct was mainly exhibited in the censorship, and, as thus exhibited,
was at once simple and comprehensive.
The censorship was believed to have been instituted in 443 B.C. to
relieve the consuls of the duties of registration. Since the periods of
registration were quinquennial, it was not a continuous office; but its
tenure does not seem to have been fixed until 434 B.C., when a _lex
Aemilia_ provided that the censors should hold office for eighteen
months. This magistracy was at first confined to patricians; a plebeian
censor is first mentioned in 351 B.C. A _lex Publilia_ of 339 B.C. is
said to have enacted that one censor must be a plebeian. Two plebeian
censors were for the first time elected in 131 B.C. The election always
took place in the Comitia Centuriata (see COMITIA). The censorship,
although lacking the powers implied in the imperium and the right of
summoning the senate and the people, was not only one of the higher
magistracies, but was regarded as the crown of a political career. It
was an irresponsible office; and the only limitations on its powers were
created by the restriction of tenure to a year and a half, the fact that
re-election was forbidden, and the restraint imposed on each censor by
the fact that no act of his was valid without the assent of his
colleague.
The original functions of the censors were (1) the registration of
citizens in the state-divisions, such as tribes and centuries; (2) the
taxation of such citizens based on an estimate of their property; (3)
the right of exclusion from public functions on moral grounds, known as
the _regimen morum_; (4) the solemn act of purification (_lustrum_)
which closed the census. Two other functions were subsequently
added:--(5) the selection of the senate (_lectio senatus_, see SENATE),
and (6) certain financial duties such as the leasing of the contracts
for tax-collecting and for the repair of public buildings. The first
four of these functions were those of the census, which was a detailed
examination of the citizen body as represented by heads of families
(_patres familiarum_) in the Campus Martius. The equites were a select
portion of this citizen body; but the review of these knights took
place, not in the Campus, but in the Forum (see EQUITES). It was in
connexion with this review of the ordinary citizens and the knights, as
well as with the choice of senators, that the censors published their
edicts stating the moral rules which they intended to enforce. The
offences which they punished were sometimes concerned with family life
and private relations, sometimes with breaches of political duty.
Certain professions, such as that of an actor or gladiator, also invoked
their stigma, and at times the disqualifications they pronounced were
the consequence of a previous judicial condemnation. _Infamia_ was the
general name given to the disabilities pronounced by the censor. These
varied in degree from the deprivation of a senator of his seat, or a
knight's loss of his horse, to exclusion from the tribes or centuries,
an exclusion which entailed the loss of voting power. All the
disabilities pronounced by one pair of censors might be removed by their
successors.
The censorship, although its control over the senate came to be
weakened (see SENATE), lasted as long as the republic; and it was only
suspended, not abolished, during the principate. Although the princeps
exercised censorial functions, he was seldom censor. Yet the office
itself was held by Claudius I. and Vespasian. Domitian assumed the title
of life censor (_censor perpetuus_), but the precedent was not followed.
A fruitless attempt to galvanize the republican office into new life was
made in A.D. 251, during the reign of the emperor Decius.
AUTHORITIES.--Mommsen, _Romisches Staatsrecht_, ii. 331 foll. (3rd
ed., Leipzig, 1887); Daremberg-Saglio, _Dictionnaire des antiquités
grecques et romaines_, i. 990 foll. (1875, &c.); Lange, _Romische
Alterthumer_, i. 572 foll. (Berlin, 1856, &c.); de Boor, _Fasti
Censorii_ (Berlin, 1873); Gerlach, _Die romische Censur in ihrem
Verhaltnisse zur Verfassung_ (Basel, 1842); Nitzsch, "Über die Census"
in _Neues Jahrbuch f. Phil._ lxxiii. 730 (Leipzig, 1856); Zumpt, "Die
Lustra der Römer" in _Rhein. Museum_, xxv. 465, xxvi. i.
(A. H. J. G.)
II. In modern times the word "censor" is used generally for one who
exercises supervision over, or criticizes, the conduct of other persons.
In the universities of Oxford and Cambridge it is the title of the
official head or supervisor of the non-collegiate students (i.e. those
who are not attached to a college, hall or hostel). In Oxford the censor
is nominated by the vice-chancellor and the proctors, and holds office
for five years; in Cambridge he is similarly appointed, and holds office
for life. The censors of the Royal College of Physicians are the
officials who grant licences.
_Council of Censors_, in American constitutional history, is the name
given to a council provided by the constitution of Pennsylvania from
1776 to 1790, and by the constitution of Vermont from 1777 to 1870.
Under both constitutions the council of censors was elected once in
seven years, for the purpose of inquiring into the working of the
governmental departments, the conduct of the state officers, and the
working of the laws, and as to whether the constitution had been
violated in any particular. The Vermont council of censors, limited in
number to thirteen, had power, if they thought the constitution required
amending in any particular, to call a convention for the purpose. A
convention summoned by the council in 1870 amended the constitution by
abolishing the censors.
For the censorship of the press, see PRESS LAWS; for the censorship of
plays, THEATRE: _Law_, and LORD CHAMBERLAIN.
CENSORINUS, Roman grammarian and miscellaneous writer, flourished during
the 3rd century A.D. He was the author of a lost work _De Accentibus_,
and of an extant treatise _De Die Natali_, written in 238, and dedicated
to his patron Quintus Caerellius as a birthday gift. The contents are of
a varied character: the natural history of man, the influence of the
stars and genii, music, religious rites, astronomy, the doctrines of the
Greek philosophers. The second part deals with chronological and
mathematical questions, and has been of great service in determining the
principal epochs of ancient history. The whole is full of curious and
interesting information. The style is clear and concise, although
somewhat rhetorical, and the Latinity, for the period, good. The chief
authorities used were Varro and Suetonius. Some scholars, indeed, hold
that the entire work is practically an adaptation of the lost _Pratum_
of Suetonius. The fragments of a work _De Natali Institutione_, dealing
with astronomy, geometry, music and versification, and usually printed
with the _De Die Natali_ of Censorinus, are not by him. Part of the
original MS., containing the end of the genuine work, and the title and
name of the author of the fragment are lost.
The only good edition with commentary is still that of H. Lindenbrog
(1614); the most recent critical editions are by O. Jahn (1845), F.
Hultsch (1867), and J. Cholodniak (1889). There is an English
translation of the _De Die Natali_ (the first eleven chapters being
omitted) with notes by W. Maude (New York, 1900).
CENSUS (from Lat. _censere_, to estimate or assess; connected by some
with _centum, i.e._ a count by hundreds), a term used to denote a
periodical enumeration restricted, in modern times, to population, and
occasionally to industries and agricultural resources, but formerly
extending to property of all kinds, for the purpose of assessment.
Operations of this character have been conducted with different objects
from very ancient times. The fighting strength of the children of Israel
at the Exodus was ascertained by a count of all males of twenty years
old and upwards, made by enumerators appointed for each clan. The
Levites, who were exempted from military duties, were separately
enumerated from the age of thirty upwards, and a similar process was
ordained subsequently by Solomon, in order to distribute amongst them
the functions assigned to the priestly body in connexion with the
temple. The census unwillingly carried out by Joab at the behest of
David related exclusively to the fighting men of the community, and the
dire consequences ascribed to it were quoted in reprobation of such
inquiries as late as the middle of the 18th century. It appears, too,
that a register of the population of each clan was kept during the
Babylonian captivity and its totals were published on their return to
Jerusalem. In the Persian empire there was apparently some method in
force by which the resources of each province were ascertained for the
purpose of fixing the tribute. In China, moreover, an enumeration of
somewhat the same nature was an ancient institution in connexion with
the provincial revenues and military liabilities. In Egypt, Amasis had
the occupation of each individual annually registered, nominally to aid
the official supervision of morals by discouraging disreputable means of
subsistence; and this ordinance, according to Herodotus, was introduced
by Solon into the Athenian scheme of administration, where it developed
later into an electoral record.
It was in Rome, however, that the system from which the name of the
inquiry is derived was first established upon a regular footing. The
original census was ascribed to Servius Tullius, and in the constitution
which goes by his name it was decreed that every fifth year the
population should be enumerated along with the property of each
family--land, live-stock, slaves and freedmen. The main object was to
ensure the accurate division of the people into the six main classes and
their respective centuries, which were based upon considerations of
combined numbers and wealth. With the increase of the city the operation
grew in importance, and was followed by an official _lustrum_, or
purificatory sacrifice, offered on behalf of the people by the censors
or functionaries in charge of the classification. Hence the name of
lustrum came to denote the intercensal term, or a period of five years.
The word census, too, came to mean the property qualification of the
class, as well as the process of registering the resources of the
individual. Later, it was used in the sense of the imposition itself, in
which it has survived in the contracted form of _cess_. Unfortunately
the statistics of population thus collected were subordinated to the
fiscal interests of the inquiry, and no record has been handed down
relating to the population of the city and its neighbourhood. In the
time of Augustus the census was extended to the whole empire. In the
words of the Gospel of St Luke, he ordered "the whole world to be
_taxed_," or, according to the revised version, to be _enrolled_. The
compilation of the results of this the most comprehensive enumeration
till then attempted was engaging the attention of the emperor, it is
said, just before his death, but was never completed. The various
inquiries instituted during the middle ages, such as the Domesday Book
and the Breviary of Charlemagne, were so far on the Roman model that
they took little or no account of the population, the feudal system
probably rendering information regarding it unnecessary for the purposes
of taxation or military service.
The foundations of the census on the modern system were laid in Europe
towards the middle or end of the 17th century. Sweden led the way, by
making compulsory the parish record of births, deaths and marriages,
kept by the clergy, and extending it to include the whole of the
domiciled population of the parish. In France, Colbert, in 1670, ordered
the extension to the rural communes of the system which had for many
years been in force in Paris of registering and periodically publishing
the domestic occurrences of the locality. Five years before this,
however, a periodical enumeration by families and individuals had been
established in the colony of New France, and was continued in Quebec
from 1665 till 1754. This, therefore, may be considered to be the
earliest of modern censuses.
Efforts have been almost unceasingly made since 1872 by statistical
experts in periodical conference to bring about a general understanding,
first, as to the subjects which may be considered most likely to be
ascertained with approximate accuracy at a census, and secondly--a point
of scarcely less importance--as to the form in which the results of the
inquiry should be compiled in order to render comparison possible
between the facts recorded in the different areas. In regard to the
scope of the inquiry, it is recognized that much is practicable in a
country where the agency of trained officials is employed throughout the
operation which cannot be expected to be adequately recorded where the
responsibility for the correctness of the replies is thrown upon the
householder. The standard set up by eminent statisticians, therefore,
may be taken to represent an ideal, not likely to be attained anywhere
under present conditions, but towards which each successive census may
be expected to advance. The subjects to which most importance is
attached from the international standpoint are age, sex, civil
condition, birthplace, illiteracy and certain infirmities. Occupation,
too, should be included, but the record of so detailed a subject is
usually considered to be better obtained by a special inquiry, rather
than by the rough and ready methods of a synchronous enumeration. This
course has been adopted in Germany, Belgium and France, and an approach
to it is made in the decennial census of Canada and the United States.
Religious denomination, another of the general subjects suggested, is of
considerably more importance in some countries than in others, and the
same may be said of nationality, which is often usefully supplemented by
the return of mother-tongue. Nor should it be forgotten that the
internal classification and the combinations of the above subjects are
also matters to be treated upon some uniform plan, if the full value of
the statistics is to be extracted from the raw material. On the whole,
the progress towards a general understanding on many, if not most, of
the questions here mentioned which has been made in the present
generation, is a gratifying tribute to those who have long laboured in
the cause of efficient enumeration.