“that in Peru the grade of culture found in Mexico at the time

of the conquest must have been reached and passed many ages

earlier. In proof of this we have the fact that the Peruvians

alone had succeeded in domesticating animals. Only the dog had

been adapted to man’s service in other parts of America. Here

the domestic llama, for instance, was derived from the wild

huanacu and the alpaca from the vicuna. Many centuries would be

required in order to bring about these results. Several

varieties of maize were also produced under cultivation, and the

Peruvian species of cotton plant is known to exist only as it

appears under cultivation. Wild tubers were found in Peru from

which the potato was educed. Now, it has been proven by

experiment that wild potatoes require a very long time to put on

a civilized complexion. It was in Peru that the potato, as _we_

know it, was first discovered. It was not cultivated north of

Darien. Raleigh brought the first specimens to Ireland in 1568,

but it was not until the end of the eighteenth century that they

came into general use in Europe. The Peruvians practiced

irrigation and manured their crops with guano.”

And he continues:

“The materials for this nation were provided by the four

tribes—Incas, Quichuas, Canas, and Cauchis—scattered over the

northwest of South America. They were all mountaineers, short

but strong and active, with soft, brown skins, black hair, and

arched noses. At first the tribes were composed of clans, but

the Incas settled in the lofty valley of Cuzco and from that

coign of vantage gradually subdued the other tribes. Unlike the

Aztecs, they confirmed their conquests, not by exacting tribute,

but by military occupation of the subject territory. The town of

Cuzco was built about the end of the twelfth century and the

work of internal organization was begun. It is at this point

that solid historical information first comes to hand. A

succession of head chiefs or kings had already been instituted.

These monarchs were called Incas _par excellence_—_the_ Inca of

all minor Incas. To this general name, nicknames were added, by

way of distinguishing them. Finally, the eighth of the line was

called Viracocha, which means Sun-God, and indicated that by

that epoch the Incas had acquired something of the divinity that

doth hedge a king.

“Viracocha annexed the land of the Aymaras” (in Bolivia), “who

are suspected of descent from the builders of Tiahuanucu” (where

are some of the most interesting of the ruins). “In the next

reign the strong tribe of the Chancas, living close to the

equator, resisted the march of conquest, but were finally

defeated under the walls of Cuzco and their country afterward

annexed. The Chimus, who gave its name to Chimborazo, were the

next victims of the Incas, who now ruled the region from Lake

Titicaca to the equator and from the Andes to the sea. It was

under the Inca Yupanqui that this conquest took place, and he is

regarded as the great hero of Peruvian history. To him was

applied the name Pachacutec, Changer of the World. The successor

of this champion extended the dominion of his people so much

farther that it became necessary to found the city of Quito to

keep watch over the northern portion of the empire. He brought

in the valley of Pachacamac, where there was an ancient and

desirable temple, and also penetrated far into Chile....

“The Inca language was spoken throughout the empire. Garrisons

were distributed at strategic points and were connected by the

famous roads which have been the wonder and admiration of the

world.... There was a central highway from Quito to Cuzco, and

thence southward, which is thus described by the historian

Cieza” (de Leon): “‘I believe that since the history of man has

been recorded there has been no account of such grandeur as is

to be seen on this road, which passes over deep valleys and

lofty mountains, by snowy heights, over falls of water, through

the living rocks and along the edges of furious torrents. In all

these places it is level and paved, along mountain slopes well

excavated, through the living rock cut, along the river banks

supported by walls, in the snowy heights with steps and resting

places, in all parts clean-swept, clear of stones, with posts

and storehouses and temples of the sun at intervals. Oh, what

greater thing could be said of Alexander, or of any of the

powerful kings that have ruled in the world, than that they had

made such a road as this and conceived the works that were

required for it! The roads constructed by the Romans in Spain

are not to be compared with it.’ The post houses were some four

or five miles apart and in each were two Indians who carried

messages to and from the next house in line, whereby the

government was kept constantly informed of what was going on in

all parts of its dominions. In this way messages could travel at

the rate of nearly a hundred and fifty miles a day.”

The Inca deities were the Sun and Moon. The Sun they regarded as God the

Father and the Moon (believed to be the Sun-God’s sister and wife) as

the Goddess-Mother. The people called themselves Children of the Sun.

The reigning Inca was at once the Chief Priest and absolute temporal

ruler. Following their conception of the divine relationship, he could

marry only his sister of the full blood and only their eldest son could

inherit the throne. If no son was born of this first incestuous

marriage, or if he died and no other was born, the Inca married the next

sister, and so on until there was one capable of inheriting. But there

were morganatic marriages, as a result of which each of the reigning

Incas left numerous sons and daughters, whose descendants constituted a

privileged class, and in the course of ages the throne came to be

surrounded by thousands of men of the royal blood who were devoted from

their birth to warfare, learning, and state-craft. A subject, however,

could have more than one wife only by favor of the Inca. The government,

though exercised in a _kindly_ spirit, as we are told by the ancient

chroniclers, was in form a military despotism.

There was no money or other medium of exchange; gold and silver were

used only for purposes of adornment; such trade as there was, was by

barter. Every man was obliged to work for the common good at some form

of industry or occupation suitable to his strength and age and, if able,

to take his turn at the maintenance and extension of the irrigation

systems, which in that way were brought to such a state of perfection

that modern Peru still lives on the half-ruined fragments of their

canals and conduits and reservoirs. Hardly a spot of arable soil was

left uncultivated. Whole mountains were terraced for thousands of feet

up their sides.

Private ownership in land did not exist; it belonged to the communes.

The custom was to divide it into tracts, each large enough to support a

family, and parcel it out; for every child born there was an additional

allotment, and, at intervals, a general revision and redistribution. The

produce was divided into three parts: one for the Inca and his

establishment, one for the priesthood, and one for the commune. When one

section of the country was impoverished by war or some other casualty,

its needs were supplied by assessments levied on the others. The

occupations of the women, both in town and country, were essentially

domestic. Some were brought up from childhood and specially educated to

serve in the religious rites and in the household of the reigning Inca.

These were known as Virgins of the Sun.

The capital, Cuzco, was located in a valley about two hundred miles

northwest of Lake Titicaca and at a lower elevation, yet still more than

two miles up above the level of the sea. A colossal, massive-walled

citadel loomed over it from the heights of Sacsahuaman above the town.

Strong walls and towers inclosed it on every side. In its midst was a

great square, from which started the remarkable roads leading to the

four corners of the empire, referred to by Hawthorne. One whole side was

occupied by the temple, and near by were the dwellings of the priests

and the palaces of the Inca and the Virgins of the Sun. This sacred

space was a citadel in itself, protected by five heavy walls.

Describing the temple, the historian of the conquest, Garcilaso de la

Vega (and there was no one better qualified to write on the subject, for

he was himself, on the maternal side, a grandson of one of the last of

the Inca kings), says that “All the four walls were covered from roof to

floor with plates and slabs of gold. In the side, where we should place

the altar, they placed a figure of the Sun, made of a plate of gold of a

thickness double that of the other plates which covered the walls. The

figure was made with a circular face and rays of fire issuing from it,

all of one piece, just as the sun is represented by painters. It was so

large as to occupy one side of the temple from one wall to the other.”

Even the doorposts were of gold. One door, encased in silver, led to a

hall dedicated to the Moon-Goddess, where the images and furnishings

were all of silver, as were also the decorations of the mummies of the

Incas’ wives.

“The walls of their palaces,” Markham says, “were built of stone, of a

dark slate color, with recesses and doors at certain intervals, the

sides of the doors approaching each other” (narrowing toward the top)

“and supporting huge stone lintels. The side walls were pierced with

small square windows, as in the ruins of Manco Capac’s palace, and the

roofs were thatched with the _ycha_, or long grass of the Andes. The

interior consisted of several spacious halls, with smaller rooms opening

into them, and the interior walls were adorned with golden animals and

flowers, executed with much skill and taste. Mirrors of a hard stone,

highly polished, hung on stone pegs, while in the numerous recesses were

utensils and _conopas_ (household gods) of gold and silver,

fantastically designed. The couches were of vicuna cloth of the softest

and finest texture.”

Of the palaces of the Incas, Francisco Lopez de Gomara tells us that

“all the service of their house, table and kitchen, was of gold and

silver, or at least of silver and copper. The Inca had in his chamber

hollow statues of gold, which appeared like giants, and others naturally

imitated from animals, birds, and trees, from plants produced by the

land and from such fish as are yielded by the waters of the kingdom. He

also had ropes, baskets and hampers of gold and silver and piles of

golden sticks to imitate fuel prepared for burning. In short, there was

nothing that his territory produced that he had not got imitated in

gold.”

Cieza de Leon says of the magnificence of the harvest festivals

celebrated in the great plaza of the temple: “We hold it to be very

certain that neither in Jerusalem, nor in Rome, nor in Persia, nor in

any other part of the world, was such wealth of gold and silver and

precious stones collected together.” In his later years, while living in

Spain, Garcilaso de la Vega, who had been just as enthusiastic in his

description, and seemed to fear that he might be suspected of romancing,

took occasion to write that “this is not hard for those to believe who

have since seen so much gold and silver arrive here from that land. In

the year 1595 alone, within the space of eight months, thirty-five

millions of gold and silver crossed the bar of San Lucar in three

cargoes.”

“Many generations of culture and Inca rule had produced men of a very

different physical type,” Markham tells us, “from the Peruvian Indian of

to-day. We see the Incas in the pictures at the church of Santa Ana at

Cuzco,” he continues.

“The color of the skin was many shades lighter than that of the

downtrodden descendants of their subjects. The forehead was

high, the nose slightly aquiline, the chin and mouth firm, the

whole face majestic, refined, and intellectual. The hair was

gracefully arranged, and around the head was the _llantu_, the

sign of sovereignty. The _llantu_ appears to have been a short

piece of red fringe on the forehead, fastened around the head by

two bands. It was habitually worn, but, when praying, the Inca

took it off and put it on the ground beside him. The ceremonial

headdress was the _mascapaycha_, a golden semicircular miter on

the forehead, to which the _llantu_ was fastened. Bright colored

feathers were fixed on the sides and the plume” (of black and

white falcon feathers, he says in another place) “rose over the

summit. Long golden eardrops came down to the shoulders. The

tunic and mantel varied in color and were made of the finest

vicuna wool. On the breast the Incas wore a golden semicircular

breastplate, representing the sun, with a border of signs for

the months.

“The later Incas wore a very rich kind of brocade, in bands sewn

together, forming a wide belt. The bands were in squares, each

with an ornament. The material was called _tocapu_. Some of the

Incas had the whole tunic of _tocapu_. The breeches were black

and in loose plaits at the knees. The _usutas_, or sandals, were

of white wool. The Inca clad for war had a large square shield

of wood or leather. There was a loop of leather at the back to

pass the arm through. In one hand was a wooden staff, about two

feet long, with a bronze star, of six or eight points, fastened

at one end—a most formidable warclub. In the other hand was a

long staff with a battle axe fixed at one end. The Ccoya, or

Queen, wore the _lliclla_ or mantle fastened across the chest by

a very large golden _topu_ or pin, with head elaborately carved

with ornaments and figures. The _lliclla_ or mantle and _acsu_

or skirt varied as regards color. The head was adorned with

golden circlets and flowers.... The nobles wore headdresses of

egret feathers and gold breastplates over their tunics. The

princesses wore long mantles of various colors, and the Virgins

of the Sun long white mantles, secured across the bosom by large

gold pins.”

[Illustration: INCA BURIAL TOWER NEAR LAKE TITICACA.]

[Illustration: CLOISTERS OF DOMINICAN MONASTERY, CUZCO.]

Mozans, writing of the spot they held most sacred of all, says:

“It would be difficult to find any place in the world richer in

legends and traditions than is Lake Titicaca. Every cove and

inlet, every rock and island has its myth, and many of these

places were held in special veneration by the Incas for long

generations. This was especially true of two islands—Titicaca,

sacred to the Sun, and Coati, sacred to the Moon, the Sun’s

sister. What a fascination there was about these two islands!

Beholding the cradle and sanctuary of Inca civilization, it was

easy to fancy oneself a spectator of one of those long

processions of reed _balsas_” (boats) “conveying the children of

the Sun from the mainland to the sacred islands of their race,

where were the rich temples dedicated to their Sun-Father and

Moon-Mother. Adorned with gorgeous trappings of gold and

silver—royal colors—the Inca’s barge, manned by stalwart young

oarsmen, specially selected for this service, led the way.

Immediately following the Sphinxlike Inca came the members of

his court arrayed in gaudy vesture. Next to them were the

ministers of the temple and the officers of the army, gleaming

in barbaric attire. The rear of the procession was made up of

the humble tillers of the soil, who had gathered from all parts

to greet their idolized ruler and to swell the number of

worshipers congregated about the effigies of the Sun and Moon,

or in front of the sacred rock decked with richest tissues and

plates of burnished silver and gold....

“In these temples and palaces, according to the old chroniclers,

were immense treasures, rivaling those in the temples of Cuzco.

The riches in the temple of the Sun were especially great, for

‘here,’ writes Garcilaso, ‘all the vassals of the Inca offered

up much gold and silver and precious stones every year, as a

token of gratitude to the Sun for the two acts of grace that had

taken place on that spot. This temple had the same service as

that of Cuzco. There was said to be such quantity of gold and

silver heaped up in the island, besides what was worked for the

use of the temple, that the stories of the Indians concerning it

are more wonderful than credible. Father Blas Valera, one of the

earliest Spanish chroniclers, says that the Indian colonists,

called _Mitimaes_, who lived in Copocabana, declared that the

quantity of gold and silver heaped up as offerings was so great

that another temple might have been made of it, from the

foundations to the roof, without using any other materials. But

as soon as the Indians heard of the invasion of the country by

the Spaniards, and that they were seizing all the treasure they

could find, they threw the whole of it into the great lake.’”

VII

Fortunately for Pizarro, at the time he made his appearance on the

scene, it happened that these people were either still engaged in or had

only just terminated a civil war that had been brought on by an attempt

of Huascar, the then reigning Inca, to impose his will on his

half-brother, Atahualpa, a rebellious vassal. It appears that Huascar’s

father, the Inca Huayna Capac, having completed the subjugation of the

Caras and their brave allies in Ecuador, had found it necessary to

remain in Quito nearly all the rest of his life, to keep the inhabitants

in subjection and suppress revolts that frequently occurred. As a

political move, perhaps, he had married the daughter and heiress of the

defeated Shiri and by her had had a son. This was Atahualpa. As he, too,

had continued to live in Quito, he had come to be regarded rather as a

scion of the ancient Shiri dynasty than as a prince of an alien

conquering house.

And so when in 1525 Huayna Capac died, he left this northern kingdom to

Atahualpa and only the southern to Huascar, his eldest son of the full

Inca blood, born of his sister-wife; but, to preserve some sort of unity

in the empire, he commanded that Huascar, as the only legitimate heir,

should be paramount. Huascar, nevertheless, had declined to acquiesce in

any such virtual division of dominions that he regarded as his by right

of succession, and at the first opportunity had quarreled with Atahualpa

and invaded the territory apportioned to him. In the battles that

followed Atahualpa’s forces had been uniformly victorious, for, always

superior in prowess to the now more effete soldiery that had defeated

them in their former less organized state, years of Inca rule had taught

these northerners how to make better avail of their energy and courage.

Suffering enormous losses in every engagement, the forces of Huascar had

been driven farther and farther south, until at last, in spite of

reinforcements which, it is said, brought his army up to fully seventy

thousand, he was beaten before the walls of his capital and made

prisoner.

As soon as his capture had become known, what was left of his army had

dispersed, the city had surrendered, and Atahualpa, if we are to believe

the chroniclers, had taken a terrible revenge, first causing all

Huascar’s subjects that were of royal blood, and who could be found, to

be put to death, and afterward the captured officers who had fought for

him. His cruelty, Garcilaso de la Vega tells us, “was greater than that

of the Turks. Not content with the blood of his own two hundred

brothers, the sons of the great Huayna Capac, he passed on to drink that

of his uncles, nephews, and other relations, so that none of the blood

royal might escape, whether legitimate or not. They were all murdered in

different ways.... He ordered all the women and children” (of royal

blood) “to be assembled, of whatever age and condition, reserving only

those who were dedicated to the Sun in the convent of Cuzco. He ordered

that they should be killed outside the city, by little and little, and

by various cruel tortures, so that they might be long in dying.”

When Pizarro and his party reached Tumbez, Atahualpa, accompanied by a

small army, was at the baths near Cajamarca, a town on the Peruvian

plateau not far from the Ecuadorian boundary. It was to him there that

the report came that strangers had landed—strangers of a different

color, who had long hair on their chins and wore strange clothing and

armor, who had weapons different from any that had been seen in the land

and bestrode terrible monsters that carried them over the ground with

incredible speed. The effect of such startling news may be imagined.

Pizarro, however, after having fully informed himself respecting the

political status of affairs, thought he saw an opportunity to further

his ends by diplomacy and protested that his mission was a friendly one.

It would seem that Atahualpa must have realized that the strangers were

far more formidable than was indicated by their mere number, for he sent

his brother Titu to welcome them and make inquiries as to their desires

and the purpose of their visit. By him Pizarro, having first expressed

his thanks, sent a message to the effect that he would go at once to

Cajamarca and call on Atahualpa in person. What then occurred is thus

related by Dawson:

“On receiving Pizarro’s answer to his friendly message,

Atahualpa resolved to await the promised visit, apparently

suspecting no evil. The audacious Spaniard had, however,

conceived the design of capturing the victorious claimant of the

throne of the Incas, well knowing that in its actual distracted

condition the country would be left without a center about which

it could rally. Open war, no matter how overwhelming his first

victory might be, could hardly be ultimately successful.

Atahualpa, once safe at Cuzco or Quito, and surrounded by the

disciplined soldiers who had overthrown Huascar, a defensive

campaign might be undertaken in which Pizarro would find every

step toward either capital bitterly disputed. Hundreds of

thousands of Peruvians pouring up from the numberless provinces

of the empire would be thrown in a never ceasing succession of

armies against the little band of Spaniards and the latter would

infallibly be driven back to the coast by starvation and

fatigue, if not by defeat in the field.

“Apparently foolhardy, in fact Pizarro’s plan offered the only

chance of success. Never dreaming that such a step was in

contemplation, Atahualpa took no precautions. Leaving fifty-five

men at the little port of San Miguel in the Paita valley to

secure his retreat, Pizarro marched south with one hundred and

two foot soldiers, sixty-two horses, and two small cannon, two

hundred miles along the coast plain to a point opposite

Cajamarca, and ascended along an Inca military road, meeting a

friendly reception from the wondering natives, and supplied with

provisions by Atahualpa’s orders. On the 15th of September,

1532, he entered Cajamarca. He found an open square in the

middle of the town, surrounded by walls and solid stone

buildings, which he received permission to occupy as quarters.

From his camp outside Atahualpa sent word that on the following

day he would enter the town in state and receive the Spaniards.

“Marvelous good fortune favored Pizarro’s designs. The Indians

had furnished a trap all ready made, and now Atahualpa

deliberately walked into it. On the morning of the 16th the

Indian army broke camp and marched to Cajamarca, followed by the

Emperor, who was borne in a litter and surrounded by his

personal attendants, the great chiefs and the nobles belonging

to his own lineage.” (Those belonging to Huascar’s he had caused

to be killed.) “At sunset he entered the square, accompanied

only by these unarmed attendants and found Pizarro and a few

Spaniards awaiting him. The rest were hidden in the houses

around the square with their horses saddled, their breastplates

on, and musketry and cannon ready charged. From among the group

that surrounded Pizarro, stepped forward Friar Valverde and

approached the Inca monarch, who, reclining in a litter raised

high above the crowd on the shoulders of his attendants, waited

with dignity to hear what these strangers had to say.

Through South America · 第 3 / 23 段