CONCLUSION OF THE CIVIL WAR.

The English campaign of 1645 ended in the complete overthrow of the

king. Throughout the war, his enemies had been continually improving

in discipline, in conduct, and in that enthusiasm which animated them

so largely; while the Royalists had become, out of a mere principle of

opposition, so extremely licentious, as to be rather a terror to their

friends than to their enemies. The new-modeling of the Parliamentary

army, which took place early in 1645, had also added much to the

effectiveness of the troops, who were now nominally commanded by Sir

Thomas Fairfax, but in reality by Oliver Cromwell, who bore the rank

of lieutenant-general. The consequence was that, in a pitched battle

at Naseby (June 14), the king was so completely beaten, that he and

his party could no longer keep the field. He had no resource but to

retire into Oxford, a town zealously affected to his cause, and well

fortified.

He endeavored, from this forlorn position, to renew the negotiations

for a peace; but every attempt of that kind was frustrated by the

Independents, who, though a minority in the House of Commons,

possessed great power through the army, and, as already mentioned,

were desirous of effecting greater changes in church and state than

those for which the war was originally undertaken. Dreading the

influence of this body, Charles retired privately from Oxford (May

1646) on the approach of the Parliamentary forces, and put himself

under the protection of the Scottish army at Newark.

As the views of the Scotch throughout the war had been steadily

confined to the security of the Presbyterian religion, along with the

safety of the king’s person and the establishment of a limited

monarchy, they received him with great respect at their camp, and

entered into negotiations for effecting their grand object. If Charles

would have acceded to their views, he might have immediately resumed a

great part of his former power; and the agitations of many subsequent

years, as well as his own life, might have been spared. But this was

forbidden, not only by his strong prepossession in favor of the

Episcopal forms of worship, but also by his conviction, that the

Episcopal form of church government was alone compatible with the

existence of monarchy. He therefore disagreed with the Presbyterians

on the very point which they considered the most vital and important.

From the time when Charles first threw himself into the Scottish camp,

the English Parliament had made repeated and strenuous demands for the

surrender of his person into their hands. The Scots, however, though

acting partly as a mercenary army, asserted their right, as an

independent nation under the authority of the king, to retain and

protect him. At length, despairing of inducing him to sanction the

Presbyterian forms, and tempted by the sum of £400,000, which was

given to them as a compensation for their arrears of pay, they

consented to deliver up their monarch, but certainly without any

apprehension of his life being in danger, and, indeed, to a party

quite different from that by which he afterwards suffered. The

Scottish army then retired (January 1647) to their native country, and

were there disbanded.

The king was now placed in Holdenby Castle, and negotiations were

opened for restoring him to power, under certain restrictions. While

these were pending, the Parliament deemed it unnecessary to keep up

the army, more especially as its spirit was plainly observed to be of

a dangerous character. On attempting, however, to dismiss this

powerful force, the English Commons found that their late servants

were become their masters. The troops began to hold something like a

Parliament in their own camp; a party of them, under Cornet Joyce,

seized the king’s person, and brought him to Hampton Court. Cromwell,

who was at the bottom of their machinations, received from them the

chief command; and at his instigation they retorted upon the

Parliament with a demand for the dismissal of the leaders of the

Presbyterian party, and a general right of new-modeling the government

and settling the nation. The House of Commons, supported by the city

of London, made a bold opposition to these demands, but was ultimately

obliged to yield to a force which it had no means of resisting. From

that time military violence exercised an almost uncontrolled mastery

over England.

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