We now turn to cases in which exogamous "clans" bear, not totemic

names, but local or descriptive names, like the Tlingit according to

Dr. Swanton. In several instances it is easy to prove that exogamous

"clans," now bearing local or other descriptive names, have previously

borne totemic names. This result has often been attained by the

circumstance that _with male descent of the totem name_, a regular

_local_ clan is formed. Such a clan then comes to be known by a

territorial description (just as lairds were in Scotland) and the

totemic name may drop out of use. If so, the clan becomes exogamous

under a territorial or other name, and is no longer a totem clan.

But this explanation cannot apply to the Tlingit, with female descent,

for with female descent, unless the men go to the women's homes, no

local clan of descent is possible. I have shown that I do not pretend

to know precisely what are the facts of the Tlingit system, as accounts

contradict each other. But in other American cases, as in those of

the Apaches and Navahos, the tribes "are divided into a large number

of exogamous clans with descent in the female line, but the names of

the clans appear to be local, not totemic...."[59] Such names are Lone

Tree, Red Flat, House of the Cliffs, Bend in a Canyon, and so forth.

Are such names inherited? Is every child of a woman of Red Flat called

"Red Flat"? Persons of the same clan or phratry (from eight to twelve

phratries) may not intermarry. The phratries "have no formal names";

speaking of his phratry a man will often refer to it by the title of

its oldest or most numerous clan--and that, it seems, is always a local

name, "Dr. Washington Matthews," says Mr. Frazer, "who spoke with

authority on the subject, was of opinion that the Navahos clans were

originally and indeed till quite recently local exogamous groups and

not true clans." What else can they be? But Dr. Washington Matthews

found a legend which suggests that the Navahos were once totemic. If

this be an explanatory myth its point is to explain _why the clans

have now local names_, and why do the clans think that the fact needs

explanation? " It is said that when they set out on their journey each

clan was provided with a different pet, such as a bear, a puma, a deer,

a snake, and a porcupine, and that when the clans received their local

names these pets were set free."[60] That is, place-names ousted totem

names.

It appears to me that when a tribe acquires settled habits and lives

in villages, territorial names may oust totem names, and exogamy may

become, as among the Navaho, local, just as it becomes local in several

Australian tribes with male descent. But nothing in my theory compels

me to suppose that every people has passed through totemic exogamy.

Exogamy, in my view, was prior to totemism; totem names were a later

way of designating local groups which were already exogamous.[61] "The

rule would be, No marriage within the local group." The totemic names

were a later addition, and I can think of no reason why all peoples

should necessarily accept totemic names; only, as it chances, the

enormous majority among the lower races have done so.

Perhaps the Navaho and Apaches never had totemic names for their

exogamous local groups. They are not known to exhibit any sign or

vestige of totemism beyond the legend or myth of the wild animal pets.

All such cases of exogamous units bearing non-totemic names, in tribes

of female descent, where no vestige of totemism is found, are outside

of the field of totemism. Why should we treat people as totemic who

have no totems? If we held the opinion that totemism was the cause

of exogamy, the position would be different. At one time I thought

that the totem and the totem blood taboo, clinched, as it were, and

sanctified a pre-existing exogamy. But as I never found that marriage

within the totem was automatically punished by sickness or death;

(as, in many tribes, the offence of eating the totem is supposed to

be); I saw that marriage within the totem was a breach of secular law,

punished capitally by "the State." There is no taboo in the case. But

as we repudiate the opinion that totemism was the cause of exogamy, in

studying totemism we have no concern with peoples who are exogamous but

show no trace of having ever been totemic.

[59] _T. and E._, vol. iii, p. 243.

[60] _T. and E._ vol. iii. p. 245. note 5, citing Washington Matthews.

_J. A. F._ iii., 1890, p. 105, and _Navaho Legends_, p. 31, 1897.

[61] _Secret of the Totem_, pp. 114, 115.

VIII.

The case of the Tlingit is quite different. Here the phratries have

totemic names; the "clans" in the phratries are said, by early

authorities, to have totemic names; the "crests" (mainly the same

animals as those said to give names to the Tlingit "clans") are readily

to be explained by totemism evolving into heraldry.

But, if the Tlingit clans have not totemic names, then it would appear

that, among a people of dwellers in towns, local names of local groups

have succeeded to totemic names of totemic kins. This can only occur

where people have settled habitations, towns or villages, or where

totem kins have been localised by male descent.

We know that, even among some of the Australian tribes with male

descent, totem kins become local groups, and thus the predominant

totem of each such group becomes attached to a locality, as among the

Narran-ga of Yorke Peninsula. They had two pairs of phratries of animal

names:

Emu. Eagle Hawk.

Red Kangaroo. Shark.

In each such phratry was a number of totem kins, the same totem

never appearing in more than one phratry (or "class" in Mr. Howitt's

term). Each class or phratry was limited to a certain territory: Emu

to the north, Red Kangaroo to the east, Eagle Hawk to the west, and

Shark to the extreme point of the peninsula (south). The totems,

passing from father to son, were thus localised. They ceased to be

exogamous--obviously because each man, to find a wife eligible on

exogamous principles, had to travel to a place inconveniently remote.

Thus the only restriction on marriage was "forbidden degrees" of

consanguinity.[62]

All this is easily intelligible. Male descent fixed phratries and

totems to localities. By the old rule, if Emu phratry had to marry

into Shark phratry, the localities were at the extreme ends of the

peninsula, north and south; the other two phratries were as far asunder

as the cast of the peninsula is from the west. Consequently, though the

old machinery of exogamy existed, the practice of exogamy was dropped:

persons might marry within their own totem kins. But we are not told

whether all four "classes" inter-married, or each "class" only with one

other, because the old rule had fallen into disuse before the coming of

Europeans.

Mr. Howitt gives a case of "the transfer of the prohibition of marriage

within the totem, to the totem clan--that is, to the locality." In

this case, that of the Narrinyeri, with male descent, most "clans"

have a local name, or a nickname, and have totems. But three such

units or "clans" out of twenty retain their totem names--Whale, Coot,

Mullet--thus indicating that totemic preceded local names. A local

"clan" may have as many as three totems, but in thirteen cases out

of twenty each local clan had but one totem. Among nicknames are

"Gone over there," and "Where shall we go?" These clans (thirteen

out of twenty) having local names, were strictly exogamous. So also,

of course, were the totems of the local clans; though, save in

three cases, the name of the place of residence, or a nickname, had

superseded the totem name as the title of the clan. It is as if, in

place of speaking of the MacIans, we said "the Glencoe men"; instead of

speaking of the Stewarts, said "the Appin men"; in place of speaking of

the Camerons, said "the men of Lochaber."

Thus it by no means follows that if the exogamous "clans" of any tribe

of the North-West Pacific have local names, therefore they never had

totemic names, as many of them have to this day. The rise of settled

towns or village communities yields a new set of conditions, and a new

set of non-totemic names for the clans, in some cases; precisely as

the localisation of a totem clan through the operation of male descent

causes a local name to take the place, usually but not universally, of

a totem clan name in Southern Victoria.

Consequently Mr. Goldenweizer can make no argumentative use of the

alleged local names of the Tlingit clans. If the totemic names of

exogamous units--showing connections with totemism in crests and

totemic phratry names--be absent, that is because, under known

conditions, they have been superseded by local names or nicknames. This

process is a vera causa in totemic society.

[62] Howitt, _N.T.S.E.A._, pp. 124, 130, 258, 259.

IX.

I now give an American case, in which a tribe, the Mandans, exhibit

female descent, exogamous clans, and a mixture of totemic clan

names with local names or _sobriquets_. The people were settled,

lived in villages or towns, "with houses very commodious, neat, and

comfortable." The tribe was agricultural, growing maize, beans,

pumpkins, and tobacco. Out of seven clan names four were totemic

--Wolf, Bear, Prairie Chicken, Eagle; two--Flathead and Good Knife

--look like nicknames; High Village is local.[63] Here we find other

sorts of clan names encroaching on totem names.

Among the Crows, with exogamous clans and female descent, out of twelve

clan names four are totemic--Prairie Dog, Skunk, Raven, Antelope; three

are very unkind nicknames.[64]

The American tribes have been much disturbed by the whites, and many

changes have occurred in their institutions. As Mr. Frazer points out,

in a book of 1781 Captain Carver describes Siouan "bands" or "tribes"

(really totem kins), each with a badge representing an animal, and

named after the animals: Eagles, Panthers, Tigers, Buffaloes, Snakes,

Tortoises, Squirrels, Wolves, etc. These people were Sioux or Dacotas;

whether they were exogamous or not Carver does not say. But, in place

of now bearing totemic names, the "gentes" of these people are at

present distinguished by obvious and even odious nicknames, such as

"Breakers of the Law," because members of this _gens_ disregarded the

marriage law by taking wives within the _gens_.

So says Mr. Dorsey. Mr. Frazer says the bands of this tribe are not

exogamous. But they must have been exogamous when a gens received a

nickname for breaking the law of exogamy. One "band" or _gens_ "Eats

no Geese"; it may have been a Goose clan. Other bands or _gentes_ bear

nicknames or local names.[65]

I need not give more examples. In America, as in Australia, various

conditions, already mentioned, cause changes from totemic names of

exogamous clans to local names and nicknames.

It has now been proved that though, in very rare cases, such as those

of the Arunta and Narran-ga, sets of people may have totemic names, yet

marry within the name; and that, though "clans" may be exogamous and

yet bear names which are not totemic, nevertheless the co-existence of

totemic names with exogamy prevails in the overwhelming majority of

instances, while the exceptions, as they have been accounted for by

their causes, prove the rule. Consequently I see no error of method

in holding that the totemic name and exogamy are normal features of

totemism, while totemism is "an integral phenomenon."

This is my answer to Mr. Goldenweizer's criticisms. Of course I do not

say that totemism was the cause of exogamy; I hold that exogamy was

prior to totemism, and think it perfectly possible that some exogamous

peoples may never have been totemic.

In this discussion I have, not illogically I hope, taken into account

relative conditions of advancement among the peoples studied. I have

not here shown that reckoning descent in the male line is a social

advance on reckoning in the female line, but I am able to prove that it

is, at least in Australia. I have shown that wealth, rank, and settled

habitations tend to modify totemism, for example, by introducing

heraldry, and enabling non-totemic to supersede, now more now less, the

totemic names of exogamous units.

Mr. Goldenweizer, as we saw, writes "that these conditions are due to

the fact that the tribes of British Columbia are 'advanced' cannot

be admitted."[66] I am sorry that he cannot admit what is true and

obvious. The wealth, the art, the degrees of rank, the settled

houses and towns of the British Columbian tribes have introduced the

perplexities of their heraldry; as in other parts of America and in

Australia other causes have brought in local names for exogamous kins.

[63] _T. and E._, vol. ill. pp. 135, 136. Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p.

158.

[64; _T. and E._, vol. iii. pp. 153, 154.

[65] _T. and E._, vol. iii. pp. 86, 87. Dorsey, _R.B.F._, xv. (1897)

_et seq_.

[66] _J. A. F._ p. 287.

End of Project Gutenberg's Method in the Study of Totemism, by Andrew Lang

Method in the Study of Totemism · 第 3 / 3 段