CHAPTER IV—JOSIAH ROYCE

Meantime the mantle of philosophical authority had fallen at Harvard

upon other shoulders. A young Californian, Josiah Royce, had come back

from Germany with a reputation for wisdom; and even without knowing that

he had already produced a new proof of the existence of God, merely to

look at him you would have felt that he was a philosopher; his great

head seemed too heavy for his small body, and his portentous brow,

crowned with thick red hair, seemed to crush the lower part of his face.

“Royce,” said William James of him, “has an indecent exposure of

forehead.” There was a suggestion about him of the benevolent ogre or

the old child, in whom a preternatural sharpness of insight lurked

beneath a grotesque mask. If you gave him any cue, or even without one,

he could discourse broadly on any subject; you never caught him napping.

Whatever the text‐books and encyclopædias could tell him, he knew; and

if the impression he left on your mind was vague, that was partly

because, in spite of his comprehensiveness, he seemed to view everything

in relation to something else that remained untold. His approach to

anything was oblique; he began a long way off, perhaps with the American

preface of a funny story; and when the point came in sight, it was at

once enveloped again in a cloud of qualifications, in the parliamentary

jargon of philosophy. The tap once turned on, out flowed the stream of

systematic disquisition, one hour, two hours, three hours of it,

according to demand or opportunity. The voice, too, was merciless and

harsh. You felt the overworked, standardised, academic engine, creaking

and thumping on at the call of duty or of habit, with no thought of

sparing itself or any one else. Yet a sprightlier soul behind this

performing soul seemed to watch and laugh at the process. Sometimes a

merry light would twinkle in the little eyes, and a bashful smile would

creep over the uncompromising mouth. A sense of the paradox, the irony,

the inconclusiveness of the whole argument would pierce to the surface,

like a white‐cap bursting here and there on the heavy swell of the sea.

His procedure was first to gather and digest whatever the sciences or

the devil might have to say. He had an evident sly pleasure in the

degustation and savour of difficulties; biblical criticism, the struggle

for life, the latest German theory of sexual insanity, had no terrors

for him; it was all grist for the mill, and woe to any tender thing, any

beauty or any illusion, that should get between that upper and that

nether millstone! He seemed to say: If I were not Alexander how gladly

would I be Diogenes, and if I had not a system to defend, how easily I

might tell you the truth. But after the sceptic had ambled quizzically

over the ground, the prophet would mount the pulpit to survey it. He

would then prove that in spite of all those horrors and contradictions,

or rather because of them, the universe was absolutely perfect. For

behind that mocking soul in him there was yet another, a devout and

heroic soul. Royce was heir to the Calvinistic tradition; piety, to his

mind, consisted in trusting divine providence and justice, while

emphasising the most terrifying truths about one’s own depravity and the

sinister holiness of God. He accordingly addressed himself, in his chief

writings, to showing that all lives were parts of a single divine life

in which all problems were solved and all evils justified.

It is characteristic of Royce that in his proof of something sublime,

like the existence of God, his premiss should be something sad and

troublesome, the existence of error. Error exists, he tells us, and

common sense will readily agree, although the fact is not

unquestionable, and pure mystics and pure sensualists deny it. But if

error exists, Royce continues, there must be a truth from which it

differs; and the existence of truth (according to the principle of

idealism, that nothing can exist except for a mind that knows it)

implies that some one knows the truth; but as to know the truth

thoroughly, and supply the corrective to every possible error, involves

omniscience, we have proved the existence of an omniscient mind or

universal thought; and this is almost, if not quite, equivalent to the

existence of God.

What carried Royce over the evident chasms and assumptions in this

argument was his earnestness and passionate eloquence. He passed for an

eminent logician, because he was dialectical and fearless in argument

and delighted in the play of formal relations; he was devoted to chess,

music, and mathematics; but all this show of logic was but a screen for

his heart, and in his heart there was no clearness. His reasoning was

not pure logic or pure observation; it was always secretly enthusiastic

or malicious, and the result it arrived at had been presupposed. Here,

for instance, no unprejudiced thinker, not to speak of a pure logician,

would have dreamt of using the existence of error to found the being of

truth upon. Error is a biological accident which may any day cease to

exist, say at the extinction of the human race; whereas the being of

truth or fact is involved indefeasibly and eternally in the existence of

anything whatever, past, present, or future; every event of itself

renders true or false any proposition that refers to it. No one would

conceive of such a thing as error or suspect its presence, unless he had

already found or assumed many a truth; nor could anything be an error

actually unless the truth was definite and real. All this Royce of

course recognised, and it was in some sense the heart of what he meant

to assert and to prove; but it does not need proving and hardly

asserting. What needed proof was something else, of less logical

importance but far greater romantic interest, namely, that the truth was

hovering over us and about to descend into our hearts; and this Royce

was not disinclined to confuse with the being of truth, so as to bring

it within the range of logical argument. He was tormented by the

suspicion that he might be himself in the toils of error, and fervently

aspired to escape from it. Error to him was no natural, and in itself

harmless, incident of finitude; it was a sort of sin, as finitude was

too. It was a part of the problem of evil; a terrible and urgent problem

when your first postulate or dogma is that moral distinctions and moral

experience are the substance of the world, and not merely an incident in

it. The mere being of truth, which is all a logician needs, would not

help him in this wrestling for personal salvation; as he keenly felt and

often said, the truth is like the stars, always laughing at us. Nothing

would help him but _possession_ of the truth, something eventual and

terribly problematic. He longed to believe that all his troubles and

questions, some day and somewhere, must find their solution and quietus;

if not in his own mind, in some kindred spirit that he could, to that

extent, identify with himself. There must be not only cold truth, not

even cold truth personified, but victorious _knowledge_ of the truth,

breaking like a sun‐burst through the clouds of error. The nerve of his

argument was not logical at all; it was a confession of religious

experience, in which the agonised consciousness of error led to a strong

imaginative conviction that the truth would be found at last.

The truth, as here conceived, meant the whole truth about everything;

and certainly, if any plausible evidence for such a conclusion could be

adduced, it would be interesting to learn that we are destined to become

omniscient, or are secretly omniscient already. Nevertheless, the

aspiration of all religious minds does not run that way. Aristotle tells

us that there are many things it is better not to know; and his sublime

deity is happily ignorant of our errors and of our very existence; more

emphatically so the even sublimer deities of Plotinus and the Indians.

The omniscience which our religion attributes to God as the searcher of

hearts and the judge of conduct has a moral function rather than a

logical one; it prevents us from hiding our sins or being unrecognised

in our merits; it is not conceived to be requisite in order that it may

be true that those sins or merits have existed. Atheists admit the

facts, but they are content or perhaps relieved that they should pass

unobserved. But here again Royce slipped into a romantic equivocation

which a strict logician would not have tolerated. Knowledge of the

truth, a passing psychological possession, was substituted for the truth

known, and this at the cost of rather serious ultimate confusions. It is

the truth itself, the facts in their actual relations, that honest

opinion appeals to, not to another opinion or instance of knowledge; and

if, in your dream of warm sympathy and public corroboration, you lay up

your treasure in some instance of knowledge, which time and doubt might

corrupt, you have not laid up your treasure in heaven. In striving to

prove the being of truth, the young Royce absurdly treated it as

doubtful, setting a bad example to the pragmatists; while in striving to

lend a psychological quality to this truth and turning it into a

problematical instance of knowledge, he unwittingly deprived it of all

authority and sublimity. To personify the truth is to care less for

truth than for the corroboration and sympathy which the truth, become

human, might bring to our opinions. It is to set up another thinker,

ourself enlarged, to vindicate us; without considering that this second

thinker would be shut up, like us, in his own opinions, and would need

to look to the truth beyond him as much as we do.

To the old problem of evil Royce could only give an old answer, although

he rediscovered and repeated it for himself in many ways, since it was

the core of his whole system. Good, he said, is essentially the struggle

with evil and the victory over it; so that if evil did not exist, good

would be impossible. I do not think this answer set him at rest; he

could hardly help feeling that all goods are not of that bellicose

description, and that not all evils produce a healthy reaction or are

swallowed up in victory; yet the fact that the most specious solution to

this problem of evil left it unsolved was in its way appropriate; for if

the problem had been really solved, the struggle to find a solution and

the faith that there was one would come to an end; yet perhaps this

faith and this struggle are themselves the supreme good. Accordingly the

true solution of this problem, which we may all accept, is that no

solution can ever be found.

Here is an example of the difference between the being of truth and the

ultimate solution of all our problems. There is certainly a truth about

evil, and in this case not an unknown truth; yet it is no solution to

the “problem” which laid the indomitable Royce on the rack. If a younger

son asks why he was not born before his elder brother, that question may

represent an intelligible state of his feelings; but there is no answer

to it, because it is a childish question. So the question why it is

right that there should be any evil is itself perverse and raised by

false presumptions. To an unsophisticated mortal the existence of evil

presents a task, never a problem. Evil, like error, is an incident of

animal life, inevitable in a crowded and unsettled world, where one

spontaneous movement is likely to thwart another, and all to run up

against material impossibilities. While life lasts this task is

recurrent, and every creature, in proportion to the vitality and

integrity of his nature, strives to remove or abate those evils of which

he is sensible. When the case is urgent and he is helpless, he will cry

out for divine aid; and (if he does not perish first) he will soon see

this aid coming to him through some shift in the circumstances that

renders his situation endurable. Positive religion takes a naturalistic

view of things, and requires it. It parts company with a scientific

naturalism only in accepting the authority of instinct or revelation in

deciding certain questions of fact, such as immortality or miracles. It

rouses itself to crush evil, without asking why evil exists. What could

be more intelligible than that a deity like Jehovah, a giant inhabitant

of the natural world, should be confronted with rivals, enemies, and

rebellious children? What could be more intelligible than that the

inertia of matter, or pure chance, or some contrary purpose, should mar

the expression of any platonic idea exercising its magic influence over

the world? For the Greek as for the Jew the task of morals is the same:

to subdue nature as far as possible to the uses of the soul, by whatever

agencies material or spiritual may be at hand; and when a limit is

reached in that direction, to harden and cauterise the heart in the face

of inevitable evils, opening it wide at the same time to every sweet

influence that may descend to it from heaven. Never for a moment was

positive religion entangled in a sophistical optimism. Never did it

conceive that the most complete final deliverance and triumph would

_justify_ the evils which they abolished. As William James put it, in

his picturesque manner, if at the last day all creation was shouting

hallelujah and there remained one cockroach with an unrequited love,

_that_ would spoil the universal harmony; it would spoil it, he meant,

in truth and for the tender philosopher, but probably not for those

excited saints. James was thinking chiefly of the present and future,

but the same scrupulous charity has its application to the past. To

remove an evil is not to remove the fact that it has existed. The tears

that have been shed were shed in bitterness, even if a remorseful hand

afterwards wipes them away. To be patted on the back and given a

sugar‐plum does not reconcile even a child to a past injustice. And the

case is much worse if we are expected to make our heaven out of the

foolish and cruel pleasures of contrast, or out of the pathetic

obfuscation produced by a great relief. Such a heaven would be a lie,

like the sardonic heavens of Calvin and Hegel. The existence of any evil

anywhere at any time absolutely ruins a total optimism.

Nevertheless philosophers have always had a royal road to complete

satisfaction. One of the purest of pleasures, which they cultivate above

all others, is the pleasure of understanding. Now, as playwrights and

novelists know, the intellect is no less readily or agreeably employed

in understanding evil than in understanding good—more so, in fact, if in

the intellectual man, besides his intelligence, there is a strain of

coarseness, irony, or desire to belittle the good things others possess

and he himself has missed. Sometimes the philosopher, even when above

all meanness, becomes so devoted a naturalist that he is ashamed to

remain a moralist, although this is what he probably was in the

beginning; and where all is one vast cataract of events, he feels it

would be impertinent of him to divide them censoriously into things that

ought to be and things that ought not to be. He may even go one step

farther. Awestruck and humbled before the universe, he may insensibly

transform his understanding and admiration of it into the assertion that

the existence of evil is no evil at all, but that the order of the

universe is in every detail necessary and perfect, so that the mere

mention of the word evil is blind and blasphemous.

This sentiment, which as much as any other deserves the name of

pantheism, is often expressed incoherently and with a false afflatus;

but when rationally conceived, as it was by Spinoza, it amounts to this:

that good and evil are relations which things bear to the living beings

they affect. In itself nothing—much less this whole mixed universe—can

be either good or bad; but the universe wears the aspect of a good in so

far as it feeds, delights, or otherwise fosters any creature within it.

If we define the intellect as the power to see things as they are, it is

clear that in so far as the philosopher is a pure intellect the universe

will be a pure good to the philosopher; everything in it will give play

to his exclusive passion. Wisdom counsels us therefore to become

philosophers and to concentrate our lives as much as possible in pure

intelligence, that we may be led by it into the ways of peace. Not that

the universe will be proved thereby to be intrinsically good (although

in the heat of their intellectual egotism philosophers are sometimes

betrayed into saying so), but that it will have become in that measure a

good to us, and we shall be better able to live happily and freely in

it. If intelligibility appears in things, it does so like beauty or use,

because the mind of man, in so far as it is adapted to them, finds its

just exercise in their society.

This is an ancient, shrewd, and inexpugnable position. If Royce had been

able to adhere to it consistently, he would have avoided his gratuitous

problem of evil without, I think, doing violence to the sanest element

in his natural piety, which was joy in the hard truth, with a touch of

humour and scorn in respect to mortal illusions. There was an observant

and docile side to him; and as a child likes to see things work, he

liked to see processions of facts marching on ironically, whatever we

might say about it. This was his sense of the power of God. It attached

him at first to Spinoza and later to mathematical logic. No small part

of his life‐long allegiance to the Absolute responded to this sentiment.

The outlook, however, was complicated and half reversed for him by the

transcendental theory of knowledge which he had adopted. This theory

regards all objects, including the universe, as merely terms posited by

the will of the thinker, according to a definite grammar of thought

native to his mind. In order that his thoughts may be addressed to any

particular object, he must first choose and create it of his own accord;

otherwise his opinions, not being directed upon any object in particular

within his ken, cannot be either true or false, whatever picture they

may frame. What anything external may happen to be, when we do not mean

to speak of it, is irrelevant to our discourse. If, for instance, the

real Royce were not a denizen and product of my mind—of my deeper self—I

could not so much as have a wrong idea of him. The need of this initial

relevance in our judgements seems to the transcendentalist to drive all

possible objects into the fold of his secret thoughts, so that he has

two minds, one that seeks the facts and another that already possesses

or rather constitutes them.

Pantheism, when this new philosophy of knowledge is adopted, seems at

first to lose its foundations. There is no longer an external universe

to which to bow; no little corner left for us in the infinite where,

after making the great sacrifice, we may build a safe nest. The

intellect to which we had proudly reduced ourselves has lost its

preeminence; it can no longer be called the faculty of seeing things as

they are. It has become what psychological critics of intellectualism,

such as William James, understand by it: a mass of human propensities to

abstraction, construction, belief, or inference, by which imaginary

things and truths are posited in the service of life. It is therefore on

the same plane exactly as passion, music, or æsthetic taste: a mental

complication which may be an index to other psychological facts

connected with it genetically, but which has no valid intent, no ideal

transcendence, no assertive or cognitive function. Intelligence so

conceived understands nothing: it is a buzzing labour in the fancy

which, by some obscure causation, helps us to live on.

To discredit the intellect, to throw off the incubus of an external

reality or truth, was one of the boons which transcendentalism in its

beginnings brought to the romantic soul. But although at first the sense

of relief (to Fichte, for instance) was most exhilarating, the freedom

achieved soon proved illusory: the terrible Absolute had been simply

transplanted into the self. You were your own master, and omnipotent;

but you were no less dark, hostile, and inexorable to yourself than the

gods of Calvin or of Spinoza had been before. Since every detail of this

mock world was your secret work, you were not only wiser but also more

criminal than you knew. You were stifled, even more than formerly, in

the arms of nature, in the toils of your own unaccountable character,

which made your destiny. Royce never recoiled from paradox or from

bitter fact; and he used to say that a mouse, when tormented and torn to

pieces by a cat, was realising his own deepest will, since he had

sub‐consciously chosen to be a mouse in a world that should have cats in

it. The mouse really, in his deeper self, wanted to be terrified,

clawed, and devoured. Royce was superficially a rationalist, with no

tenderness for superstition in detail and not much sympathy with

civilised religions; but we see here that in his heart he was loyal to

the aboriginal principle of all superstition: reverence for what hurts.

He said to himself that in so far as God was the devil—as daily

experience and Hegelian logic proved was largely the case—devil‐worship

was true religion.

A protest, however, arose in his own mind against this doctrine. Strong

early bonds attached him to moralism—to the opinion of the Stoics and of

Kant that virtue is the only good. Yet if virtue were conceived after

their manner, as a heroic and sublimated attitude of the will, of which

the world hardly afforded any example, how should the whole whirligig of

life be good also? How should moralism, that frowns on this wicked

world, be reconciled with pantheism and optimism, that hug it to their

bosom? By the ingenious if rather melodramatic notion that we should hug

it with a bear’s hug, that virtue consisted (as Royce often put it) in

holding evil by the throat; so that the world was good because it was a

good world to strangle, and if we only managed to do so, the more it

deserved strangling the better world it was. But this Herculean feat

must not be considered as something to accomplish once for all; the

labours of Hercules must be not twelve but infinite, since his virtue

consisted in performing them, and if he ever rested or was received into

Olympus he would have left virtue—the only good—behind. The wickedness

of the world was no reason for quitting it; on the contrary, it invited

us to plunge into all its depths and live through every phase of it;

virtue was severe but not squeamish. It lived by endless effort, turbid

vitality, and _Sturm und Drang_. Moralism and an apology for evil could

thus be reconciled and merged in the praises of tragic experience.

This had been the burden of Hegel’s philosophy of life, which Royce

admired and adopted. Hegel and his followers seem to be fond of

imagining that they are moving in a tragedy. But because Aeschylus and

Sophocles were great poets, does it follow that life would be cheap if

it did not resemble their fables? The life of tragic heroes is not good;

it is misguided, unnecessary, and absurd. Yet that is what romantic

philosophy would condemn us to; we must all strut and roar. We must lend

ourselves to the partisan earnestness of persons and nations calling

their rivals villains and themselves heroes; but this earnestness will

be of the histrionic German sort, made to order and transferable at

short notice from one object to another, since what truly matters is not

that we should achieve our ostensible aim (which Hegel contemptuously

called ideal) but that we should carry on perpetually, if possible with

a _crescendo_, the strenuous experience of living in a gloriously bad

world, and always working to reform it, with the comforting speculative

assurance that we never can succeed. We never can succeed, I mean, in

rendering reform less necessary or life happier; but of course in any

specific reform we may succeed half the time, thereby sowing the seeds

of new and higher evils, to keep the edge of virtue keen. And in reality

we, or the Absolute in us, are succeeding all the time; the play is

always going on, and the play’s the thing.

It was inevitable that Royce should have been at home only in this

circle of Protestant and German intuitions; a more refined existence

would have seemed to him to elude moral experience. Although he was born

in California he had never got used to the sunshine; he had never tasted

peace. His spirit was that of courage and labour. He was tender in a

bashful way, as if in tenderness there was something pathological, as

indeed to his sense there was, since he conceived love and loyalty to be

divine obsessions refusing to be rationalised; he saw their essence in

the child who clings to an old battered doll rather than accept a new

and better one. Following orthodox tradition in philosophy, he insisted

on seeing reason at the bottom of things as well as at the top, so that

he never could understand either the root or the flower of anything. He

watched the movement of events as if they were mysterious music, and

instead of their causes and potentialities he tried to divine their

_motif_. On current affairs his judgements were highly seasoned and

laboriously wise. If anything escaped him, it was only the simplicity of

what is best. His reward was that he became a prophet to a whole class

of earnest, troubled people who, having discarded doctrinal religion,

wished to think their life worth living when, to look at what it

contained, it might not have seemed so; it reassured them to learn that

a strained and joyless existence was not their unlucky lot, or a

consequence of their solemn folly, but was the necessary fate of all

good men and angels. Royce had always experienced and seen about him a

groping, burdened, mediocre life; he had observed how fortune is

continually lying in ambush for us, in order to bring good out of evil

and evil out of good. In his age and country all was change,

preparation, hurry, material achievement; nothing was an old and

sufficient possession; nowhere, or very much in the background, any

leisure, simplicity, security, or harmony. The whole scene was filled

with arts and virtues which were merely useful or remedial. The most

pressing arts, like war and forced labour, presuppose evil, work immense

havoc, and take the place of greater possible goods. The most

indispensable virtues, like courage and industry, do likewise. But these

seemed in Royce’s world the only honourable things, and he took them to

be typical of all art and virtue—a tremendous error. It is very true,

however, that in the welter of material existence no concrete thing can

be good or evil in every respect; and so long as our rough arts and

virtues do more good than harm we give them honourable names, such as

unselfishness, patriotism, or religion; and it remains a mark of good

breeding among us to practise them instinctively. But an absolute love

of such forced arts and impure virtues is itself a vice; it is, as the

case may be, barbarous, vain, or fanatical. It mistakes something

specific—some habit or emotion which may be or may have been good in

some respect, or under some circumstances the lesser of two evils—for

the very principle of excellence. But good and evil, like light and

shade, are ethereal; all things, events, persons, and conventional

virtues are in themselves utterly valueless, save as an immaterial

harmony (of which mind is an expression) plays about them on occasion,

when their natures meet propitiously, and bathes them in some tint of

happiness or beauty. This immaterial harmony may be made more and more

perfect; the difficulties in the way of perfection, either in man, in

society, or in universal nature, are physical not logical. Worship of

barbarous virtue is the blackest conservatism; it shuts the gate of

heaven, and surrenders existence to perpetual follies and crimes,

Moralism itself is a superstition. In its abstract form it is moral, too

moral; it adores the conventional conscience, or perhaps a morbid one.

In its romantic form, moralism becomes barbarous and actually immoral;

it obstinately craves action and stress for their own sake, experience

in the gross, and a good‐and‐bad way of living.

Royce sometimes conceded that there might be some pure goods, music, for

instance, or mathematics; but the impure moral goods were better and

could not be spared. Such a concession, however, if it had been taken to

heart, would have ruined his whole moral philosophy. The romanticist

must maintain that _only_ what is painful can be noble and _only_ what

is lurid bright. A taste for turbid and contrasted values would soon

seem perverse when once anything perfect had been seen and loved. Would

it not have been better to leave out the worst of the crimes and plagues

that have heightened the tragic value of the world? But if so, why stop

before we had deleted them all? We should presently be horrified at the

mere thought of passions that before had been found necessary by the

barbarous tragedian to keep his audience awake; and the ear at the same

time would become sensitive to a thousand harmonies that had been

inaudible in the hurly‐burly of romanticism. The romanticist thinks he

has life by virtue of his confusion and torment, whereas in truth that

torment and confusion are his incipient death, and it is only the

modicum of harmony he has achieved in his separate faculties that keeps

him alive at all. As Aristotle taught, unmixed harmony would be

intensest life. The spheres might make a sweet and perpetual music, and

a happy God is at least possible.

It was not in this direction, however, that Royce broke away on occasion

from his Hegelian ethics; he did so in the direction of ethical

dogmatism and downright sincerity. The deepest thing in him personally

was conscience, firm recognition of duty, and the democratic and

American spirit of service. He could not adopt a moral bias

histrionically, after the manner of Hegel or Nietzsche. To those

hardened professionals any rôle was acceptable, the more commanding the

better; but the good Royce was like a sensitive amateur, refusing the

rôle of villain, however brilliant and necessary to the play. In

contempt of his own speculative insight, or in an obedience to it which

forgot it for the time being, he lost himself in his part, and felt that

it was infinitely important to be cast only for the most virtuous of

characters. He retained inconsistently the Jewish allegiance to a God

essentially the vindicator of only one of the combatants, not in this

world often the victor; he could not stomach the providential scoundrels

which the bad taste of Germany, and of Carlyle and Browning, was wont to

glorify. The last notable act of his life was an illustration of this,

when he uttered a ringing public denunciation of the sinking of the

_Lusitania_. Orthodox Hegelians might well have urged that here, if

anywhere, was a plain case of the providential function of what, from a

finite merely moral point of view, was an evil in order to make a higher

good possible—the virtue of German self‐assertion and of American

self‐assertion in antithesis to it, synthesised in the concrete good of

war and victory, or in the perhaps more blessed good of defeat. What

could be more unphilosophical and _gedankenlos_ than the intrusion of

mere morality into the higher idea of world‐development? Was not the

Universal Spirit compelled to bifurcate into just such Germans and just

such Americans, in order to attain self‐consciousness by hating,

fighting against, and vanquishing itself? Certainly it was American duty

to be angry, as it was German duty to be ruthless. The Idea liked to see

its fighting‐cocks at it in earnest, since that was what it had bred

them for; but both were good cocks. Villains, as Hegel had observed in

describing Greek tragedy, were not less self‐justified than heroes; they

were simply the heroes of a lower stage of culture. America and England

remained at the stage of individualism; Germany had advanced to the

higher stage of organisation. Perhaps this necessary war was destined,

through the apparent defeat of Germany, to bring England and America up

to the German level. Of course; and yet somehow, on this occasion, Royce

passed over these profound considerations, which life‐long habit must

have brought to his lips. A Socratic demon whispered No, No in his ear;

it would have been better for such things never to be. The murder of

those thousand passengers was not a providential act, requisite to

spread abroad a vitalising war; it was a crime to execrate altogether.

It would have been better for Hegel, or whoever was responsible for it,

if a millstone had been hanged about his neck and he, and not those

little ones, had been drowned at the bottom of the sea. Of this

terrestrial cock‐pit Royce was willing to accept the agony, but not the

ignominy. The other cock was a wicked bird.

This honest lapse from his logic was habitual with him at the sight of

sin, and sin in his eyes was a fearful reality. His conscience spoiled

the pantheistic serenity of his system; and what was worse (for he was

perfectly aware of the contradiction) it added a deep, almost remorseful

unrest to his hard life. What calm could there be in the double

assurance that it was really right that things should be wrong, but that

it was really wrong not to strive to right them? There was no conflict,

he once observed, between science and religion, but the real conflict

was between religion and morality. There could indeed be no conflict in

his mind between faith and science, because his faith began by accepting

all facts and all scientific probabilities in order to face them

religiously. But there was an invincible conflict between religion as he

conceived it and morality, because morality takes sides and regards one

sort of motive and one kind of result as better than another, whereas

religion according to him gloried in everything, even in the evil, as

fulfilling the will of God. Of course the practice of virtue was not

excluded; it was just as needful as evil was in the scheme of the whole;

but while the effort of morality was requisite, the judgements of

morality were absurd. Now I think we may say that a man who finds

himself in such a position has a divided mind, and that while he has

wrestled with the deepest questions like a young giant, he has not won

the fight. I mean, he has not seen his way to any one of the various

possibilities about the nature of things, but has remained entangled,

sincerely, nobly, and pathetically, in contrary traditions stronger than

himself. In the goodly company of philosophers he is an intrepid martyr.

In metaphysics as in morals Royce perpetually laboured the same points,

yet they never became clear; they covered a natural complexity in the

facts which his idealism could not disentangle. There was a voluminous

confusion in his thought; some clear principles and ultimate

possibilities turned up in it, now presenting one face and now another,

like chips carried down a swollen stream; but the most powerful currents

were below the surface, and the whole movement was hard to trace. He had

borrowed from Hegel a way of conceiving systems of philosophy, and also

the elements of his own thought, which did not tend to clarify them. He

did not think of correcting what incoherence there might remain in any

view, and then holding it in reserve, as one of the possibilities, until

facts should enable us to decide whether it was true or not. Instead he

clung to the incoherence as if it had been the heart of the position, in

order to be driven by it to some other position altogether, so that

while every view seemed to be considered, criticised, and in a measure

retained (since the argument continued on the same lines, however

ill‐chosen they might have been originally), yet justice was never done

to it; it was never clarified, made consistent with itself, and then

accepted or rejected in view of the evidence. Hence a vicious and

perplexing suggestion that philosophies are bred out of philosophies,

not out of men in the presence of things. Hence too a sophistical effort

to find everything self‐contradictory, and in some disquieting way both

true and false, as if there were not an infinite number of perfectly

consistent systems which the world might have illustrated.

Consider, for instance, his chief and most puzzling contention, that all

minds are parts of one mind. It is easy, according to the meaning we

give to the word mind, to render this assertion clear and true, or clear

and false, or clear and doubtful (because touching unknown facts), or

utterly absurd. It is obvious that all minds are parts of one flux or

system of experiences, as all bodies are parts of one system of bodies.

Again, if mind is identified with its objects, and people are said to be

“of one mind” when they are thinking of the same thing, it is certain

that many minds are often identical in part, and they would all be

identical with portions of an omniscient mind that should perceive all

that they severally experienced. The question becomes doubtful if what

we mean by oneness of mind is unity of type; our information or

plausible guesses cannot assure us how many sorts of experience may

exist, or to what extent their development (when they develop) follows

the same lines of evolution. The animals would have to be consulted, and

the other planets, and the infinite recesses of time. The straitjacket

which German idealism has provided is certainly far too narrow even for

the varieties of human imagination. Finally, the assertion becomes

absurd when it is understood to suggest that an actual instance of

thinking, in which something, say the existence of America, is absent or

denied, can be part of another actual instance of thinking in which it

is present and asserted. But this whole method of treating the

matter—and we might add anything that observation might warrant us in

adding about multiple personalities—would leave out the problem that

agitated Royce and that bewildered his readers. He wanted all minds to

be one in some way which should be logically and morally necessary, and

which yet, as he could not help feeling, was morally and logically

impossible.

For pure transcendentalism, which was Royce’s technical method, the

question does not arise at all. Transcendentalism is an attitude or a

point of view rather than as system. Its Absolute is thinking “as such,”

wherever thought may exert itself. The notion that there are separate

instances of thought is excluded, because space, time, and number belong

to the visionary world posited by thought, not to the function of

thinking; individuals are figments of constructive fancy, as are

material objects. The stress of moral being is the same wherever it may

fall, and there are no finite selves, or relations between thinkers;

also no infinite self, because on this principle the Absolute is not an

existent being, a psychological monster, but a station or office; its

essence is a task. Actual thinking is therefore never a part of the

Absolute, but always the Absolute itself. Thinkers, finite or infinite,

would be existing persons or masses of feelings; such things are dreamt

of only. _Any_ system of existences, _any_ truth or matter of fact

waiting to be recognised, contradicts the transcendental insight and

stultifies it. The all‐inclusive mind is my mind as I think, mind in its

living function, and beyond that philosophy cannot go.

Royce, however, while often reasoning on this principle, was incapable

of not going beyond it, or of always remembering it. He could not help

believing that constructive fancy not only feigns individuals and

instances of thought, but is actually seated in them. The Absolute, for

instance, must be not merely the abstract subject or transcendental self

in all of us (although it was that too), but an actual synthetic

universal mind, the God of Aristotle and of Christian theology. Nor was

it easy for Royce, a sincere soul and a friend of William James, not to

be a social realist; I mean, not to admit that there are many collateral

human minds, in temporal existential relations to one another, any of

which may influence another, but never supplant it nor materially

include it. Finite experience was not a mere element in infinite

experience; it was a tragic totality in itself. I was not God looking at

myself, I was myself looking for God. Yet this strain was utterly

incompatible with the principles of transcendentalism; it turned

philosophy into a simple anticipation of science, if not into an

indulgence in literary psychology. Knowledge would then have been only

faith leaping across the chasm of coexistence and guessing the presence

and nature of what surrounds us by some hint of material influence or

brotherly affinity. Both the credulity and the finality which such

naturalism implies were offensive to Royce, and contrary to his

sceptical and mystical instincts. Was there some middle course?

The audience in a theatre stand in a transcendental relation to the

persons and events in the play. The performance may take place to‐day

and last one hour, while the fable transports us to some heroic epoch or

to an age that never existed, and stretches through days and perhaps

years of fancied time. Just so transcendental thinking, while actually

timeless and not distributed among persons, might survey infinite time

and rehearse the passions and thoughts of a thousand characters.

Thought, after all, needs objects, however fictitious and ideal they may

be; it could not think if it thought nothing. This indispensable world

of appearance is far more interesting than the reality that evokes it;

the qualities and divisions found in the appearance diversify the

monotonous function of pure thinking and render it concrete. Instances

of thought and particular minds may thus be introduced consistently into

a transcendental system, provided they are distinguished not by their

own times and places, but only by their themes. The transcendental mind

would be a pure poet, with no earthly life, but living only in his

works, and in the times and persons of his fable. This view, firmly and

consistently held, would deserve the name of absolute idealism, which

Royce liked to give to his own system. But he struggled to fuse it with

social realism, with which it is radically incompatible. Particular

minds and the whole process of time, for absolute idealism, are _ideas_

only; they are thought of and surveyed, they never think or lapse

actually. For this reason genuine idealists can speak so glibly of the

mind of a nation or an age. It is just as real and unreal to them as the

mind of an individual; for within the human individual they can trace

unities that run through and beyond him, so that parts of him, identical

with parts of other people, form units as living as himself; for it is

all a web of themes, not a concourse of existences. This is the very

essence and pride of idealism, that knowledge is not knowledge of the

world but is the world itself, and that the units of discourse, which

are interwoven and crossed units, are the only individuals in being. You

may call them persons, because “person” means a mask; but you cannot

call them souls. They are knots in the web of history. They are words in

their context, and the only spirit in them is the sense they have for

me.

Royce, however, in saying all this, also wished not to say it, and his

two thick volumes on _The World and the Individual_ leave their subject

wrapped in utter obscurity. Perceiving the fact when he had finished, he

very characteristically added a “Supplementary Essay” of a hundred more

pages, in finer print, in which to come to the point. Imagine, he said,

an absolutely exhaustive map of England spread out upon English soil.

The map would be a part of England, yet would reproduce every feature of

England, including itself; so that the map would reappear on a smaller

scale within itself an infinite number of times, like a mirror reflected

in a mirror. In this way we might be individuals within a larger

individual, and no less actual and complete than he. Does this solve the

problem? If we take the illustration as it stands, there is still only

one individual in existence, the material England, all the maps being

parts of its single surface; nor will it at all resemble the maps, since

it will be washed by the sea and surrounded by foreign nations, and not,

like the maps, by other Englands enveloping it. If, on the contrary, we

equalise the status of all the members of the series, by making it

infinite in both directions, then there would be no England at all, but

only map within map of England. There would be no absolute mind

inclusive but not included, and the Absolute would be the series as a

whole, utterly different from any of its members. It would be a series

while they were maps, a truth while they were minds; and if the Absolute

from the beginning had been regarded as a truth only, there never would

have been any difficulty in the existence of individuals under it.

Moreover, if the individuals are all exactly alike, does not their exact

similarity defeat the whole purpose of the speculation, which was to

vindicate the equal reality of the whole and of its _limited_ parts? And

if each of us, living through infinite time, goes through precisely the

same experiences as every one else, why this vain repetition? Is it not

enough for this insatiable world to live its life once? Why not admit

solipsism and be true to the transcendental method? Because of

conscience and good sense? But then the infinite series of maps is

useless, England is herself again, and the prospect opens before us of

an infinite number of supplementary essays.

Royce sometimes felt that he might have turned his hand to other things

than philosophy. He once wrote a novel, and its want of success was a

silent disappointment to him. Perhaps he might have been a great

musician. Complexity, repetitions, vagueness, endlessness are hardly

virtues in writing or thinking, but in music they might have swelled and

swelled into a real sublimity, all the more that he was patient, had a

voluminous meandering memory, and loved technical devices. But rather

than a musician—for he was no artist—he resembled some great‐hearted

mediæval peasant visited by mystical promptings, whom the monks should

have adopted and allowed to browse among their theological folios; a

Duns Scotus earnest and studious to a fault, not having the lightness of

soul to despise those elaborate sophistries, yet minded to ferret out

their secret for himself and walk by his inward light. His was a gothic

and scholastic spirit, intent on devising and solving puzzles, and

honouring God in systematic works, like the coral insect or the spider;

eventually creating a fabric that in its homely intricacy and fulness

arrested and moved the heart, the web of it was so vast, and so full of

mystery and yearning.

Character and Opinion in the United States With Reminiscences of William James and Josiah Royce and Academic Life in America · 第 4 / 7 章