CHAPTER III—WILLIAM JAMES

William James enjoyed in his youth what are called advantages: he lived

among cultivated people, travelled, had teachers of various

nationalities. His father was one of those somewhat obscure sages whom

early America produced: mystics of independent mind, hermits in the

desert of business, and heretics in the churches. They were intense

individualists, full of veneration for the free souls of their children,

and convinced that every one should paddle his own canoe, especially on

the high seas. William James accordingly enjoyed a stimulating if

slightly irregular education: he never acquired that reposeful mastery

of particular authors and those safe ways of feeling and judging which

are fostered in great schools and universities. In consequence he showed

an almost physical horror of club sentiment and of the stifling

atmosphere of all officialdom. He had a knack for drawing, and rather

the temperament of the artist; but the unlovely secrets of nature and

the troubles of man preoccupied him, and he chose medicine for his

profession. Instead of practising, however, he turned to teaching

physiology, and from that passed gradually to psychology and philosophy.

In his earlier years he retained some traces of polyglot student days at

Paris, Bonn, Vienna, or Geneva; he slipped sometimes into foreign

phrases, uttered in their full vernacular; and there was an occasional

afterglow of Bohemia about him, in the bright stripe of a shirt or the

exuberance of a tie. On points of art or medicine he retained a

professional touch and an unconscious ease which he hardly acquired in

metaphysics. I suspect he had heartily admired some of his masters in

those other subjects, but had never seen a philosopher whom he would

have cared to resemble. Of course there was nothing of the artist in

William James, as the artist is sometimes conceived in England, nothing

of the æsthete, nothing affected or limp. In person he was short rather

than tall, erect, brisk, bearded, intensely masculine. While he shone in

expression and would have wished his style to be noble if it could also

be strong, he preferred in the end to be spontaneous, and to leave it at

that; he tolerated slang in himself rather than primness. The rough,

homely, picturesque phrase, whatever was graphic and racy, recommended

itself to him; and his conversation outdid his writing in this respect.

He believed in improvisation, even in thought; his lectures were not

minutely prepared. Know your subject thoroughly, he used to say, and

trust to luck for the rest. There was a deep sense of insecurity in him,

a mixture of humility with romanticism: we were likely to be more or

less wrong anyhow, but we might be wholly sincere. One moment should

respect the insight of another, without trying to establish too

regimental a uniformity. If you corrected yourself tartly, how could you

know that the correction was not the worse mistake? All our opinions

were born free and equal, all children of the Lord, and if they were not

consistent that was the Lord’s business, not theirs. In reality, James

was consistent enough, as even Emerson (more extreme in this sort of

irresponsibility) was too. Inspiration has its limits, sometimes very

narrow ones. But James was not consecutive, not insistent; he turned to

a subject afresh, without egotism or pedantry; he dropped his old

points, sometimes very good ones; and he modestly looked for light from

others, who had less light than himself.

His excursions into philosophy were accordingly in the nature of raids,

and it is easy for those who are attracted by one part of his work to

ignore other parts, in themselves perhaps more valuable. I think that in

fact his popularity does not rest on his best achievements. His

popularity rests on three somewhat incidental books, _The Will to

Believe_, _Pragmatism_, and _The Varieties of Religious Experience_,

whereas, as it seems to me, his best achievement is his _Principles of

Psychology_. In this book he surveys, in a way which for him is very

systematic, a subject made to his hand. In its ostensible outlook it is

a treatise like any other, but what distinguishes it is the author’s

gift for evoking vividly the very life of the mind. This is a work of

imagination; and the subject as he conceived it, which is the flux of

immediate experience in men in general, requires imagination to read it

at all. It is a literary subject, like autobiography or psychological

fiction, and can be treated only poetically; and in this sense

Shakespeare is a better psychologist than Locke or Kant. Yet this gift

of imagination is not merely literary; it is not useless in divining the

truths of science, and it is invaluable in throwing off prejudice and

scientific shams. The fresh imagination and vitality of William James

led him to break through many a false convention. He saw that

experience, as we endure it, is not a mosaic of distinct sensations, nor

the expression of separate hostile faculties, such as reason and the

passions, or sense and the categories; it is rather a flow of mental

discourse, like a dream, in which all divisions and units are vague and

shifting, and the whole is continually merging together and drifting

apart. It fades gradually in the rear, like the wake of a ship, and

bites into the future, like the bow cutting the water. For the candid

psychologist, carried bodily on this voyage of discovery, the past is

but a questionable report, and the future wholly indeterminate;

everything is simply what it is experienced as being.

At the same time, psychology is supposed to be a science, a claim which

would tend to confine it to the natural history of man, or the study of

behaviour, as is actually proposed by Auguste Comte and by some of

James’s own disciples, more jejune if more clear‐headed than he. As

matters now stand, however, psychology as a whole is not a science, but

a branch of philosophy; it brings together the literary description of

mental discourse and the scientific description of material life, in

order to consider the relation between them, which is the nexus of human

nature.

What was James’s position on this crucial question? It is impossible to

reply unequivocally. He approached philosophy as mankind originally

approached it, without having a philosophy, and he lent himself to

various hypotheses in various directions. He professed to begin his

study on the assumptions of common sense, that there is a material world

which the animals that live in it are able to perceive and to think

about. He gave a congruous extension to this view in his theory that

emotion is purely bodily sensation, and also in his habit of conceiving

the mind as a total shifting sensibility. To pursue this path, however,

would have led him to admit that nature was automatic and mind simply

cognitive, conclusions from which every instinct in him recoiled. He

preferred to believe that mind and matter had independent energies and

could lend one another a hand, matter operating by motion and mind by

intention. This dramatic, amphibious way of picturing causation is

natural to common sense, and might be defended if it were clearly

defined; but James was insensibly carried away from it by a subtle

implication of his method. This implication was that experience or

mental discourse not only constituted a set of substantive facts, but

the _only_ substantive facts; all else, even that material world which

his psychology had postulated, could be nothing but a verbal or

fantastic symbol for sensations in their experienced order. So that

while nominally the door was kept open to any hypothesis regarding the

conditions of the psychological flux, in truth the question was

prejudged. The hypotheses, which were parts of this psychological flux,

could have no object save other parts of it. That flux itself,

therefore, which he could picture so vividly, was the fundamental

existence. The _sense_ of bounding over the waves, the _sense_ of being

on an adventurous voyage, was the living fact; the rest was dead

reckoning. Where one’s gift is, there will one’s faith be also; and to

this poet appearance was the only reality.

This sentiment, which always lay at the back of his mind, reached

something like formal expression in his latest writings, where he

sketched what he called radical empiricism. The word experience is like

a shrapnel shell, and bursts into a thousand meanings. Here we must no

longer think of its setting, its discoveries, or its march; to treat it

radically we must abstract its immediate objects and reduce it to pure

data. It is obvious (and the sequel has already proved) that experience

so understood would lose its romantic signification, as a personal

adventure or a response to the shocks of fortune. “Experience” would

turn into a cosmic dance of absolute entities created and destroyed _in

vacuo_ according to universal laws, or perhaps by chance. No minds would

gather this experience, and no material agencies would impose it; but

the immediate objects present to any one would simply be parts of the

universal fireworks, continuous with the rest, and all the parts, even

if not present to anybody, would have the same status. Experience would

then not at all resemble what Shakespeare reports or what James himself

had described in his psychology. If it could be experienced as it flows

in its entirety (which is fortunately impracticable), it would be a

perpetual mathematical nightmare. Every whirling atom, every changing

relation, and every incidental perspective would be a part of it. I am

far from wishing to deny for a moment the scientific value of such a

cosmic system, if it can be worked out; physics and mathematics seem to

me to plunge far deeper than literary psychology into the groundwork of

this world; but human experience is the stuff of literary psychology; we

cannot reach the stuff of physics and mathematics except by arresting or

even hypostatising some elements of appearance, and expanding them on an

abstracted and hypothetical plane of their own. Experience, as memory

and literature rehearse it, remains nearer to us than that: it is

something dreamful, passionate, dramatic, and significative.

Certainly this personal human experience, expressible in literature and

in talk, and no cosmic system however profound, was what James knew best

and trusted most. Had he seen the developments of his radical

empiricism, I cannot help thinking he would have marvelled that such

logical mechanisms should have been hatched out of that egg. The

principal problems and aspirations that haunted him all his life long

would lose their meaning in that cosmic atmosphere. The pragmatic nature

of truth, for instance, would never suggest itself in the presence of

pure data; but a romantic mind soaked in agnosticism, conscious of its

own habits and assuming an environment the exact structure of which can

never be observed, may well convince itself that, for experience, truth

is nothing but a happy use of signs—which is indeed the truth of

literature. But if we once accept _any_ system of the universe as

literally true, the value of convenient signs to prepare us for such

experience as is yet absent cannot be called truth: it is plainly

nothing but a necessary inaccuracy. So, too, with the question of the

survival of the human individual after death. For radical empiricism a

human individual is simply a certain cycle or complex of terms, like any

other natural fact; that some echoes of his mind should recur after the

regular chimes have ceased, would have nothing paradoxical about it. A

mathematical world is a good deal like music, with its repetitions and

transpositions, and a little trill, which you might call a person, might

well peep up here and there all over a vast composition. Something of

that sort may be the truth of spiritualism; but it is not what the

spiritualists imagine. Their whole interest lies not in the experiences

they have, but in the interpretation they give to them, assigning them

to troubled spirits in another world; but both another world and a

spirit are notions repugnant to a radical empiricism.

I think it is important to remember, if we are not to misunderstand

William James, that his radical empiricism and pragmatism were in his

own mind only methods; his doctrine, if he may be said to have had one,

was agnosticism. And just because he was an agnostic (feeling

instinctively that beliefs and opinions, if they had any objective

beyond themselves, could never be sure they had attained it), he seemed

in one sense so favourable to credulity. He was not credulous himself,

far from it; he was well aware that the trust he put in people or ideas

might betray him. For that very reason he was respectful and pitiful to

the trustfulness of others. Doubtless they were wrong, but who were we

to say so? In his own person he was ready enough to face the mystery of

things, and whatever the womb of time might bring forth; but until the

curtain was rung down on the last act of the drama (and it might have no

last act!) he wished the intellectual cripples and the moral hunchbacks

not to be jeered at; perhaps they might turn out to be the heroes of the

play. Who could tell what heavenly influences might not pierce to these

sensitive half‐flayed creatures, which are lost on the thick‐skinned,

the sane, and the duly goggled? We must not suppose, however, that James

meant these contrite and romantic suggestions dogmatically. The

agnostic, as well as the physician and neurologist in him, was never

quite eclipsed. The hope that some new revelation might come from the

lowly and weak could never mean to him what it meant to the early

Christians. For him it was only a right conceded to them to experiment

with their special faiths; he did not expect such faiths to be

discoveries of absolute fact, which everybody else might be constrained

to recognise. If any one had made such a claim, and had seemed to have

some chance of imposing it universally, James would have been the first

to turn against him; not, of course, on the ground that it was

_impossible_ that such an orthodoxy should be true, but with a profound

conviction that it was to be feared and distrusted. No: the degree of

authority and honour to be accorded to various human faiths was a moral

question, not a theoretical one. All faiths were what they were

experienced as being, in their capacity of faiths; these faiths, not

their objects, were the hard facts we must respect. We cannot pass,

except under the illusion of the moment, to anything firmer or on a

deeper level. There was accordingly no sense of security, no joy, in

James’s apology for personal religion. He did not really believe; he

merely believed in the right of believing that you might be right if you

believed.

It is this underlying agnosticism that explains an incoherence which we

might find in his popular works, where the story and the moral do not

seem to hang together. Professedly they are works of psychological

observation; but the tendency and suasion in them seems to run to

disintegrating the idea of truth, recommending belief without reason,

and encouraging superstition. A psychologist who was not an agnostic

would have indicated, as far as possible, whether the beliefs and

experiences he was describing were instances of delusion or of rare and

fine perception, or in what measure they were a mixture of both. But

James—and this is what gives such romantic warmth to these writings of

his—disclaims all antecedent or superior knowledge, listens to the

testimony of each witness in turn, and only by accident allows us to

feel that he is swayed by the eloquence and vehemence of some of them

rather than of others. This method is modest, generous, and impartial;

but if James intended, as I think he did, to picture the _drama_ of

human belief, with its risks and triumphs, the method was inadequate.

Dramatists never hesitate to assume, and to let the audience perceive,

who is good and who bad, who wise and who foolish, in their pieces;

otherwise their work would be as impotent dramatically as

scientifically. The tragedy and comedy of life lie precisely in the

contrast between the illusions or passions of the characters and their

true condition and fate, hidden from them at first, but evident to the

author and the public. If in our diffidence and scrupulous fairness we

refuse to take this judicial attitude, we shall be led to strange

conclusions. The navigator, for instance, trusting his “experience”

(which here, as in the case of religious people, means his imagination

and his art), insists on believing that the earth is spherical; he has

sailed round it. That is to say, he has seemed to himself to steer

westward and westward, and has seemed to get home again. But how should

he know that home is now where it was before, or that his past and

present impressions of it come from the same, or from any, material

object? How should he know that space is as trim and tri‐dimensional as

the discredited Euclidians used to say it was? If, on the contrary, my

worthy aunt, trusting to her longer and less ambiguous experience of her

garden, insists that the earth is flat, and observes that the theory

that it is round, which is only a theory, is much less often tested and

found useful than her own perception of its flatness, and that moreover

that theory is pedantic, intellectualistic, and a product of academies,

and a rash dogma to impose on mankind for ever and ever, it might seem

that on James’s principle we ought to agree with her. But no; on James’s

real principles we need not agree with her, nor with the navigator

either. Radical empiricism, which is radical agnosticism, delivers us

from so benighted a choice. For the quarrel becomes unmeaning when we

remember that the earth is _both_ flat and round, if it is experienced

as being both. The substantive fact is not a single object on which both

the perception and the theory are expected to converge; the substantive

facts are the theory and the perception themselves. And we may note in

passing that empiricism, when it ceases to value experience as a means

of discovering external things, can give up its ancient prejudice in

favour of sense as against imagination, for imagination and thought are

immediate experiences as much as sensation is: they are therefore, for

absolute empiricism, no less actual ingredients of reality.

In _The Varieties of Religious Experience_ we find the same apologetic

intention running through a vivid account of what seems for the most

part (as James acknowledged) religious disease. Normal religious

experience is hardly described in it. Religious experience, for the

great mass of mankind, consists in simple faith in the truth and benefit

of their religious traditions. But to James something so conventional

and rationalistic seemed hardly experience and hardly religious; he was

thinking only of irruptive visions and feelings as interpreted by the

mystics who had them. These interpretations he ostensibly presents, with

more or less wistful sympathy for what they were worth; but emotionally

he wished to champion them. The religions that had sprung up in America

spontaneously—communistic, hysterical, spiritistic, or medicinal—were

despised by select and superior people. You might inquire into them, as

you might go slumming, but they remained suspect and distasteful. This

picking up of genteel skirts on the part of his acquaintance prompted

William James to roll up his sleeves—not for a knock‐out blow, but for a

thorough clinical demonstration. He would tenderly vivisect the

experiences in question, to show how living they were, though of course

he could not guarantee, more than other surgeons do, that the patient

would survive the operation. An operation that eventually kills may be

technically successful, and the man may die cured; and so a description

of religion that showed it to be madness might first show how real and

how warm it was, so that if it perished, at least it would perish

understood.

I never observed in William James any personal anxiety or enthusiasm for

any of these dubious tenets. His conception even of such a thing as

free‐will, which he always ardently defended, remained vague; he avoided

defining even what he conceived to be desirable in such matters. But he

wished to protect the weak against the strong, and what he hated beyond

everything was the _non possumus_ of any constituted authority.

Philosophy for him had a Polish constitution; so long as a single vote

was cast against the majority, nothing could pass. The suspense of

judgement which he had imposed on himself as a duty, became almost a

necessity. I think it would have depressed him if he had had to confess

that any important question was finally settled. He would still have

hoped that something might turn up on the other side, and that just as

the scientific hangman was about to despatch the poor convicted

prisoner, an unexpected witness would ride up in hot haste, and prove

him innocent. Experience seems to most of us to lead to conclusions, but

empiricism has sworn never to draw them.

In the discourse on “The Energies of Men,” certain physiological marvels

are recorded, as if to suggest that the resources of our minds and

bodies are infinite, or can be infinitely enlarged by divine grace. Yet

James would not, I am sure, have accepted that inference. He would,

under pressure, have drawn in his mystical horns under his scientific

shell; but he was not naturalist enough to feel instinctively that the

wonderful and the natural are all of a piece, and that only our degree

of habituation distinguishes them. A nucleus, which we may poetically

call the soul, certainly lies within us, by which our bodies and minds

are generated and controlled, like an army by a government. In this

nucleus, since nature in a small compass has room for anything, vast

quantities of energy may well be stored up, which may be tapped on

occasion, or which may serve like an electric spark to let loose energy

previously existing in the grosser parts. But the absolute autocracy of

this central power, or its success in imposing extraordinary trials on

its subjects, is not an obvious good. Perhaps, like a democratic

government, the soul is at its best when it merely collects and

coordinates the impulses coming from the senses. The inner man is at

times a tyrant, parasitical, wasteful, and voluptuous. At other times he

is fanatical and mad. When he asks for and obtains violent exertions

from the body, the question often is, as with the exploits of conquerors

and conjurers, whether the impulse to do such prodigious things was not

gratuitous, and the things nugatory. Who would wish to be a mystic?

James himself, who by nature was a spirited rather than a spiritual man,

had no liking for sanctimonious transcendentalists, visionaries, or

ascetics; he hated minds that run thin. But he hastened to correct this

manly impulse, lest it should be unjust, and forced himself to overcome

his repugnance. This was made easier when the unearthly phenomenon had a

healing or saving function in the everyday material world; miracle then

re‐established its ancient identity with medicine, and both of them were

humanised. Even when this union was not attained, James was reconciled

to the miracle‐workers partly by his great charity, and partly by his

hunter’s instinct to follow a scent, for he believed discoveries to be

imminent. Besides, a philosopher who is a teacher of youth is more

concerned to give people a right start than a right conclusion. James

fell in with the hortatory tradition of college sages; he turned his

psychology, whenever he could do so honestly, to purposes of

edification; and his little sermons on habit, on will, on faith, and

this on the latent capacities of men, were fine and stirring, and just

the sermons to preach to the young Christian soldier. He was much less

sceptical in morals than in science. He seems to have felt sure that

certain thoughts and hopes—those familiar to a liberal

Protestantism—were every man’s true friends in life. This assumption

would have been hard to defend if he or those he habitually addressed

had ever questioned it; yet his whole argument for voluntarily

cultivating these beliefs rests on this assumption, that they are

beneficent. Since, whether we will or no, we cannot escape the risk of

error, and must succumb to some human or pathological bias, at least we

might do so gracefully and in the form that would profit us most, by

clinging to those prejudices which help us to lead what we all feel is a

good life. But what is a good life? Had William James, had the people

about him, had modern philosophers anywhere, any notion of that? I

cannot think so. They had much experience of personal goodness, and love

of it; they had standards of character and right conduct; but as to what

might render human existence good, excellent, beautiful, happy, and

worth having as a whole, their notions were utterly thin and barbarous.

They had forgotten the Greeks, or never known them.

This argument accordingly suffers from the same weakness as the similar

argument of Pascal in favour of Catholic orthodoxy. You should force

yourself to believe in it, he said, because if you do so and are right

you win heaven, while if you are wrong you lose nothing. What would

Protestants, Mohammedans, and Hindus say to that? Those alternatives of

Pascal’s are not the sole nor the true alternatives; such a

wager—betting on the improbable because you are offered big odds—is an

unworthy parody of the real choice between wisdom and folly. There is no

heaven to be won in such a spirit, and if there was, a philosopher would

despise it. So William James would have us bet on immortality, or bet on

our power to succeed, because if we win the wager we can live to

congratulate ourselves on our true instinct, while we lose nothing if we

have made a mistake; for unless you have the satisfaction of finding

that you have been right, the dignity of having been right is apparently

nothing. Or if the argument is rather that these beliefs, whether true

or false, make life better in this world, the thing is simply false. To

be boosted by an illusion is not to live better than to live in harmony

with the truth; it is not nearly so safe, not nearly so sweet, and not

nearly so fruitful. These refusals to part with a decayed illusion are

really an infection to the mind. Believe, certainly; we cannot help

believing; but believe rationally, holding what seems certain for

certain, what seems probable for probable, what seems desirable for

desirable, and what seems false for false.

In this matter, as usual, James had a true psychological fact and a

generous instinct behind his confused moral suggestions. It is a

psychological fact that men are influenced in their beliefs by their

will and desires; indeed, I think we can go further and say that in its

essence belief is an expression of impulse, of readiness to act. It is

only peripherally, as our action is gradually adjusted to things, and

our impulses to our possible or necessary action, that our ideas begin

to hug the facts, and to acquire a true, if still a symbolic,

significance. We do not need a will to believe; we only need a will to

study the object in which we are inevitably believing. But James was

thinking less of belief in what we find than of belief in what we hope

for: a belief which is not at all clear and not at all necessary in the

life of mortals. Like most Americans, however, only more lyrically,

James felt the call of the future and the assurance that it could be

made far better, totally other, than the past. The pictures that

religion had painted of heaven or the millennium were not what he

prized, although his Swedenborgian connection might have made him tender

to them, as perhaps it did to familiar spirits. It was the moral succour

offered by religion, its open spaces, the possibility of miracles _in

extremis_, that must be retained. If we recoiled at the thought of being

dupes (which is perhaps what nature intended us to be), were we less

likely to be dupes in disbelieving these sustaining truths than in

believing them? Faith was needed to bring about the reform of faith

itself, as well as all other reforms.

In some cases faith in success could nerve us to bring success about,

and so justify itself by its own operation. This is a thought typical of

James at his worst—a worst in which there is always a good side. Here

again psychological observation is used with the best intentions to

hearten oneself and other people; but the fact observed is not at all

understood, and a moral twist is given to it which (besides being

morally questionable) almost amounts to falsifying the fact itself. Why

does belief that you can jump a ditch help you to jump it? Because it is

a symptom of the fact that you _could_ jump it, that your legs were fit

and that the ditch was two yards wide and not twenty. A rapid and just

appreciation of these facts has given you your confidence, or at least

has made it reasonable, manly, and prophetic; otherwise you would have

been a fool and got a ducking for it. Assurance is contemptible and

fatal unless it is self‐knowledge. If you had been rattled you might

have failed, because that would have been a symptom of the fact that you

were out of gear; you would have been afraid because you trembled, as

James at his best proclaimed. You would never have quailed if your

system had been reacting smoothly to its opportunities, any more than

you would totter and see double if you were not intoxicated. Fear is a

sensation of actual nervousness and disarray, and confidence a sensation

of actual readiness; they are not disembodied feelings, existing for no

reason, the devil Funk and the angel Courage, one or the other of whom

may come down arbitrarily into your body, and revolutionise it. That is

childish mythology, which survives innocently enough as a figure of

speech, until a philosopher is found to take that figure of speech

seriously. Nor is the moral suggestion here less unsound. What is good

is not the presumption of power, but the possession of it: a clear head,

aware of its resources, not a fuddled optimism, calling up spirits from

the vasty deep. Courage is not a virtue, said Socrates, unless it is

also wisdom. Could anything be truer both of courage in doing and of

courage in believing? But it takes tenacity, it takes _reasonable_

courage, to stick to scientific insights such as this of Socrates or

that of James about the emotions; it is easier to lapse into the

traditional manner, to search natural philosophy for miracles and moral

lessons, and in morals proper, in the reasoned expression of preference,

to splash about without a philosophy.

William James shared the passions of liberalism. He belonged to the

left, which, as they say in Spain, is the side of the heart, as the

right is that of the liver; at any rate there was much blood and no gall

in his philosophy. He was one of those elder Americans still disquieted

by the ghost of tyranny, social and ecclesiastical. Even the beauties of

the past troubled him; he had a puritan feeling that they were tainted.

They had been cruel and frivolous, and must have suppressed far better

things. But what, we may ask, might these better things be? It may do

for a revolutionary politician to say: “I may not know what I

want—except office—but I know what I don’t want”; it will never do for a

philosopher. Aversions and fears imply principles of preference, goods

acknowledged; and it is the philosopher’s business to make these goods

explicit. Liberty is not an art, liberty must be used to bring some

natural art to fruition. Shall it be simply eating and drinking and

wondering what will happen next? If there is some deep and settled need

in the heart of man, to give direction to his efforts, what else should

a philosopher do but discover and announce what that need is?

There is a sense in which James was not a philosopher at all. He once

said to me: “What a curse philosophy would be if we couldn’t forget all

about it!” In other words, philosophy was not to him what it has been to

so many, a consolation and sanctuary in a life which would have been

unsatisfying without it. It would be incongruous, therefore, to expect

of him that he should build a philosophy like an edifice to go and live

in for good. Philosophy to him was rather like a maze in which he

happened to find himself wandering, and what he was looking for was the

way out. In the presence of theories of any sort he was attentive,

puzzled, suspicious, with a certain inner prompting to disregard them.

He lived all his life among them, as a child lives among grown‐up

people; what a relief to turn from those stolid giants, with their

prohibitions and exactions and tiresome talk, to another real child or a

nice animal! Of course grown‐up people are useful, and so James

considered that theories might be; but in themselves, to live with, they

were rather in the way, and at bottom our natural enemies. It was well

to challenge one or another of them when you got a chance; perhaps that

challenge might break some spell, transform the strange landscape, and

simplify life. A theory while you were creating or using it was like a

story you were telling yourself or a game you were playing; it was a

warm, self‐justifying thing then; but when the glow of creation or

expectation was over, a theory was a phantom, like a ghost, or like the

minds of other people. To all other people, even to ghosts, William

James was the soul of courtesy; and he was civil to most theories as

well, as to more or less interesting strangers that invaded him. Nobody

ever recognised more heartily the chance that others had of being right,

and the right they had to be different. Yet when it came to

understanding what they meant, whether they were theories or persons,

his intuition outran his patience; he made some brilliant

impressionistic sketch in his fancy and called it by their name. This

sketch was as often flattered as distorted, and he was at times the dupe

of his desire to be appreciative and give the devil his due; he was too

impulsive for exact sympathy; too subjective, too romantic, to be just.

Love is very penetrating, but it penetrates to possibilities rather than

to facts. The logic of opinions, as well as the exact opinions

themselves, were not things James saw easily, or traced with pleasure.

He liked to take things one by one, rather than to put two and two

together. He was a mystic, a mystic in love with life. He was comparable

to Rousseau and to Walt Whitman; he expressed a generous and tender

sensibility, rebelling against sophistication, and preferring daily

sights and sounds, and a vague but indomitable faith in fortune, to any

settled intellectual tradition calling itself science or philosophy.

A prophet is not without honour save in his own country; and until the

return wave of James’s reputation reached America from Europe, his

pupils and friends were hardly aware that he was such a distinguished

man. Everybody liked him, and delighted in him for his generous,

gullible nature and brilliant sallies. He was a sort of Irishman among

the Brahmins, and seemed hardly imposing enough for a great man. They

laughed at his erratic views and his undisguised limitations. Of course

a conscientious professor ought to know everything he professes to know,

but then, they thought, a dignified professor ought to seem to know

everything. The precise theologians and panoplied idealists, who exist

even in America, shook their heads. What sound philosophy, said they to

themselves, could be expected from an irresponsible doctor, who was not

even a college graduate, a crude empiricist, and vivisector of frogs? On

the other hand, the solid men of business were not entirely reassured

concerning a teacher of youth who seemed to have no system in

particular—the ignorant rather demand that the learned should have a

system in store, to be applied at a pinch; and they could not quite

swallow a private gentleman who dabbled in hypnotism, frequented

mediums, didn’t talk like a book, and didn’t write like a book, except

like one of his own. Even his pupils, attached as they invariably were

to his person, felt some doubts about the profundity of one who was so

very natural, and who after some interruption during a lecture—and he

said life was a series of interruptions—would slap his forehead and ask

the man in the front row “What _was_ I talking about?” Perhaps in the

first years of his teaching he felt a little in the professor’s chair as

a military man might feel when obliged to read the prayers at a funeral.

He probably conceived what he said more deeply than a more scholastic

mind might have conceived it; yet he would have been more comfortable if

some one else had said it for him. He liked to open the window, and look

out for a moment. I think he was glad when the bell rang, and he could

be himself again until the next day. But in the midst of this routine of

the class‐room the spirit would sometimes come upon him, and, leaning

his head on his hand, he would let fall golden words, picturesque, fresh

from the heart, full of the knowledge of good and evil. Incidentally

there would crop up some humorous characterisation, some candid

confession of doubt or of instinctive preference, some pungent scrap of

learning; radicalisms plunging sometimes into the sub‐soil of all human

philosophies; and, on occasion, thoughts of simple wisdom and wistful

piety, the most unfeigned and manly that anybody ever had.

Character and Opinion in the United States With Reminiscences of William James and Josiah Royce and Academic Life in America · 第 3 / 7 章