SECTION IV.

_The Fourth Voyage of Americus Vespucius_.

It now remains for me to inform your majesty of what things I saw during

my fourth voyage. But, both because I have already satiated your majesty

by long narration, and because this last voyage had an unlucky end, owing

to a great misfortune which befel us in a certain bay of the Atlantic

ocean, I shall be brief in my present account. We sailed from Lisbon with

six ships under the command of an admiral, being bound for a certain

island _towards the horizon_[1], named _Melcha_[2], famous for its riches

and as a station for vessels of all kinds trading between the Gangetic and

Indian seas[3], as Cadiz is the great intermediate harbour for the ships

of all nations sailing between the west of Europe and the Levant. To this

port of Melcha the course is by the famous emporium of Calicut, from which

Melcha is farther to the east and south[4].

Departing from Lisbon on the 10th of May 1508, we sailed to the Cape Verd

islands, where we remained twelve days taking in various accessaries for

the voyage, when we set sail with a S.E. wind, the admiral, contrary to

all our opinions, merely that he might presumptuously shew himself to be

commander over us and our six ships, insisting upon going to Sierra Leone,

in southern Ethiopia, which was altogether unnecessary. On arriving in

sight of that place a dreadful storm arose in a direction opposite to our

course, so that during four days, we were not only unable to attain our

destined object, but were forced to retrace our former course. By this

wind at S.S.W.[4] we were driven 300 leagues into the ocean, insomuch that

we got almost three degrees beyond the line, when to our no small joy we

came in sight of land distant twelve leagues[6]. This was a very high

island in the middle of the ocean, rather exceeding two leagues long and

about one league broad, in which no human being had ever been, yet was it

to us most unfortunate, as on it our commander lost his vessel by his own

folly and bad management. This happened on the night of St Lawrence, or

10th of August, when his ship struck upon a rock, and soon after sunk with

every thing on board, the crew only being saved. This ship was of 300 tons

burthen, and in it we lost the main power of all our hopes. While all were

plying about the sinking vessel, and using our endeavours to save her, I

was ordered by the admiral to go in a boat to the island, to see if any

good harbour could be found for the reception of our ships. He would not

allow me, however, to use my own ship[7] on this service, which was manned

by nine of my sailors, because it was required for aiding his own ship, so

that I had to go in another boat with only four or five men, the admiral

engaging to restore my own when I had found a harbour. I made the best of

my way to the island, from which we were now only four leagues, and soon

found an excellent harbour which could have contained our whole fleet. I

remained here eight days, anxiously looking for the arrival of the admiral

and our squadron, whose non-appearance gave me great uneasiness, and so

greatly dismayed the people who were with me that they were reduced almost

to despair. While in this forlorn condition, we espied on the eighth day a

sail on the horizon, and went off immediately in our boat to meet them,

hopeful that they would take us to a better port. On getting up with this

vessel, we were informed that the admirals ship, which we had left in

great danger, had gone to the bottom. This melancholy intelligence gave us

vast uneasiness, as we were 1000 leagues from Lisbon. But putting our

trust in Providence, we returned with the ship to the before-mentioned

island, on purpose to take in wood and water for the voyage.

This island was wild and uninhabited, but had many pleasant rills of

excellent water, with great abundance of trees, and prodigious numbers

both of land and water-fowl, which were so tame, from being unaccustomed

to man, that they allowed themselves to be caught by hand, so that we

caught as many as filled one of our boats. The only quadrupeds were large

rats, and lizards having forked tails, besides which there were several

serpents. Having taken in such refreshments as the island afforded, we set

sail on a S.S.W. course, the king having ordered us to follow the same

direction we had pursued in our preceding voyage. We at length reached a

port, to which we gave the name of the Bay of all Saints[8], which we

reached in seventeen days sail, being favoured with a fair wind, although

300 leagues distance from the before-mentioned island[9]. Although we

waited here two months and four days, we were not joined by any of the

ships belonging to our squadron. It was therefore agreed upon between the

master and me to proceed farther along this coast, which we did

accordingly for 260 leagues to a certain harbour, where we determined upon

erecting a fort, in which we left twenty-four of our men who had been

saved out of the admirals ship[10]. We remained five months at this

harbour, occupied in building the fort, and in loading our ships with

Brazil-wood; our stay being protracted by the small number of our hands

and the magnitude of our labour, so that we only made slow progress.

Having finished our labours, we determined on returning to Portugal, for

which we required a wind that would allow us to hold a N.N.E. course. We

left twenty-four of our men in the fort, with twelve cannon, abundance of

other weapons, and provisions for six months, having entered into a treaty

of friendship with the natives. Of these I omit any particular notice,

although we saw vast numbers of them, and had much and frequent

intercourse with them during our long stay; having penetrated about forty

leagues into the interior of the country, accompanied by thirty of the

natives. In that expedition I saw many things worthy of notice, which I do

not here insert, but which will be found in my book describing my four

voyages. The situation of this fort and harbour is in latitude 18° S. and

35° W. longitude from Lisbon. Leaving this place we steered our course

N.N.E. for Lisbon, at which place we arrived in seventy-seven days after

many toils and dangers, on the 28th June 1504. We were there received very

honourably, even beyond our expectations, the whole city believing we had

perished on the ocean, as indeed all the rest of our companions did,

through the presumptuous folly of our commander. I now remain in Lisbon,

unknowing what may be the intentions of his majesty respecting me, though

I am now desirous of resting myself after my great labours.

[1] Such is the expression in the original, the _eastern_ horizon being so

named apparently by way of eminence.--E.

[2] As written by an Italian, Melcha has the sound of Melka, and the place

here indicated is obviously the city of Malacca in the Malayan

peninsula, long a famous emporium for the trade of eastern India and

China.--E.

[3] The Bay of Bengal and sea of China.--E.

[4] In the original these positions are thus unaccountably misrepresented,

as literally translated: "Melcha is more to the _west_, and Calicut

more to the _south_; being situated 33° from the Antarctic pole."--E.

It would appear from some circumstances in the sequel, that this fleet

was directed to visit Brazil on its way to India; and that the

ultimate object of the voyage was frustrated through its early

misfortunes.--E.

[5] _Per suduestium, qui ventus est inter meridiem et lebeccium:_ Between

the S. and S.W. or S.S.W.--E.

[6] Perhaps the island of St Matthew, which is nearly in the latitude

indicated in the text, and about the distance mentioned from Sierra

Leone; yet it is difficult to conceive how they could get there with a

storm at S.S.W. as the course is S.S.E. from Sierra Leone.--E.

[7] Such is the literal meaning of the original, yet I suspect Americus

here means his largest boat.--E.

[8] In the original, _Omnium Sanctorum Abbatium_, but which must assuredly

be Bahia dos todos los Santos, in lat 13° S. on the coast of

Brazil.--E.

[9] The distance between the island of St Matthew, and the Bay of All

Saints, is not less than 600 leagues, or thirty degrees; yet that

distance might certainly be run in seventeen days with a fair wind.--E.

[10] The number of leagues mentioned in the text would lead us to the Bay

of Santos on the coast of Brazil, in latitude twenty-four degrees S.

but in the text this first attempt to colonize Brazil is said to have

been in latitude eighteen degrees S. near which the harbour now named

Abrolhos is situated.--E.

* * * * *

CHAPTER IV.

SUMMARY OF THE DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS OF THE SPANIARDS IN THE WEST

INDIES, FROM THE DEATH OF COLUMBUS, TO THE EXPEDITION OF HERNANDO CORTES

AGAINST MEXICO[1].

INTRODUCTION[2].

The surprizing success of the Spaniards, in reducing so many fine islands,

and such extensive, rich, and fruitful countries under their dominion in

so short a time, has occasioned many authors to conceive that they must

have conducted their affairs with extraordinary prudence, and with that

steadiness of character for which their nation has always been remarkable.

But only a little reflection on the history of these events, will shew

that they acted with less judgment and good conduct than could have been

expected from a nation so renowned for wisdom. In truth, the whole of

these vast acquisitions were derived from the valour and exertions of

individuals; for few nations can boast of abler politicians or braver and

more expert captains, than the three great men to whom Spain is indebted

for its mighty empire in America. The first or these was the admiral

Columbus, who discovered the islands, and paved the way by his discoveries

for those who found out and subdued the two great continental empires of

America. The next was Cortes, and the third Pizarro, both men of

incredible valour and ability, and worthy therefore of immortal fame. Let

us compare the expedition of Nearchus with that of Columbus; and consider

with how great a fleet and what a number of men and able commanders, the

Grecian admiral accomplished so small a discovery, sailing always in sight

of land, and only from the mouth of the Indus to the head of the Persian

Gulf: Yet how great a figure does his expedition make in the works of the

greatest authors of antiquity, and what mighty rewards were bestowed upon

him for his services. Columbus, with only three vessels, smaller than any

of those of Nearchus, and with scarcely any encouragement or assistance

from those who accompanied him, made the surprising voyage from Spain to

the West Indies, a region before utterly unknown, and paved the way for

wider and more useful conquests than accrued to Alexander by his Indian

expedition. Let us compare the force with which Alexander attacked the

Indians, yet failed to subdue them, with the handfuls of men commanded by

Cortes and Pizarro; and we shall find the latter much greater conquerors

beyond all question, as will be more clearly seen in the accounts of their

respective expeditions. These are only adduced for the present, as proofs

that it was not to the wisdom of the Spanish government, but to the

personal abilities of those individuals who were accidentally employed in

its service, that these events were owing.

We have seen how ungratefully the court of Spain treated the first and

great discoverer of the New World, and how far it was from enabling him to

exert his great capacity in its service. After his disgrace and death, the

management of the affairs of the West Indies fell almost entirely into the

hands of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, who of all the statesmen belonging to

the court of Spain was least fit to have been entrusted with affairs of

such importance, and who accordingly misconducted them in a most

surprising manner. Listening on the one hand to the proposals of every

needy adventurer, and slighting all those men on the other hand who were

most likely to have pushed the new discoveries to advantage, by the

knowledge they had acquired of the West Indies, by their wise conduct in

the settlement of the new colonies, and the power they possessed for

prosecuting farther discoveries and establishing new colonies; we

accordingly find that not one of all the bishop's instruments succeeded in

their projects, but uniformly reduced themselves to beggary, by rashly

engaging in enterprises beyond their means and abilities; while all the

successful undertakings were accomplished by persons employed by the

governors of colonies, and consequently the Spanish administration at home

had no right to take any credit to themselves for the successful issue of

any of the expeditions.

The only favourites of Bishop Fonseca who made any figure in the world,

were two bad men, well furnished with impudence, but very indifferently

provided with talents or abilities. The first of these, Americus Vespucius,

was made chief pilot of Spain by the interest of his patron, and had all

the journals of discoveries communicated to him, from which he constructed

very elegant maps, in which he exerted his fancy to supply any defects in

the information he had received; so that he exhibited things in very

graceful proportions, and the only thing wanting in his draughts being a

strict regard to truth. They answered his purpose, however, admirably; as,

besides securing him an honourable office with a competent salary, they

enabled him to impose his name on the New World, even before he had

visited any part of its shores. The other unworthy favourite of the bishop

was Bernard de Santa Clara, whom he appointed treasurer of Hispaniola

under the government of Obando, another of the bishop's worthy favourites.

The treasurer was but an indifferent steward for the king, but he acquired

a great fortune for himself, of which he was so proud, that he caused four

great salt-sellers to be placed every day on his table full of gold dust.

When this piece of vanity became known in Spain, a commission was granted

to examine into his accounts, by which it was discovered that he had

cheated the crown, or was at least indebted to it, to the amount of 80,000

pesos, which is near L.25,000 of our money. The governor Obando was

sensible that the sale of every thing belonging to this man would hardly

suffice to discharge his debt to the crown; but fell upon the following

expedient to save the bishop's credit and his own, and to serve the

treasurer. Professing a strict regard to justice, he ordered the effects

of the treasurer to be sold by auction, and encouraged the people to bid

considerably more than they were worth, warranting all the lots to be good

bargains. On purpose to acquire the favour and protection of the governor,

the colonists bid so much upon each other, that the whole effects sold for

96,000 pesos; so that the crown was paid, and the treasurer had a very

pretty fortune with which to begin the world a-new. Such were the arts and

intrigues of those men by whom the admiral Columbus was oppressed, and

such the dirty contrivances by which they supported each other. Yet these

things were done under the administration of King Ferdinand, who was

esteemed one of the wisest monarchs of his time; and matters were even

worse conducted under the emperor Charles V. though certainly the greatest

prince in every respect that ever sat on the throne of Spain.

The inference I would draw from all this is, that at all events, and under

all administrations, discoveries ought ever to be attempted and encouraged,

because they carry in themselves such incitements for their completion,

that they hardly ever fail to prove beneficial at the end, whatever

mistakes or mismanagements may occur at their commencement. Some ascribe

this to chance, and others, with more sense and decency, to Providence.

However this may be, great occasions are certain to bring forth great

spirits, if they do not produce them; and when once the way is laid open,

and a few instances have shewn that things are practicable that had been

thought impossible for ages, mighty things are performed. Emulation is a

noble principle, and one of the most valuable secrets in government is to

excite this; for every thing that finds favour from the great, or that

meets with popular encouragement, is almost always carried to a great

degree of perfection. When a spirit is once raised, even the most

disastrous reverses are not able to extinguish it. Thus the numbers of

Spaniards who perished in the first attempts to colonize the continent, by

shipwreck, famine, and disease; and the unfortunate catastrophes of Hojeda,

Nicuessa, and Cordova, had no effect to deter others from embarking in

similar enterprises. As all agreed that gold and pearls were to be

acquired in these parts; the thirst of gain in some, and the desire of

glory in others, soon overcame the terrors of such unfortunate examples,

and many attribute the miscarriage of those attempts to the imprudence or

misconduct of the commanders; and as slanders always find an easy belief,

so the imputations on the dead served to encourage the living, and men

were easily led to believe that their own superior abilities or their

better fortune would carry them through, where former adventurers had

failed.

There were several other concurring circumstances which gave life and

vigour to these enterprises, which we shall briefly enumerate under three

principal heads. In the first place, the marriage of Don Diego Columbus

with Donna Maria de Toledo, induced many young gentlemen and ladies of

good families to go over to Hispaniola, which proved of infinite

importance to the new colony; as the strong tincture of heroism or romance

in the Spanish character, was the fittest that could be conceived for

promoting such exploits. Secondly, The establishment of a sovereign

tribunal at St Domingo, the members of which had large salaries, induced

some considerable persons of more advanced age and experience to go there,

in whose train a number of young people of quality went over in search of

profitable or honourable employments. By the continual struggle for power

between this new tribunal and the young admiral, a jealousy and

competition was excited between the dependents of both parties; which,

whatever trouble and perplexity it might occasion to their superiors, had

very favourable effects on the colony in the main, and greatly promoted

its advancement and success. In the third place, The great dislike which

prevailed in Spain against Charles V. especially at his first coming to

the crown, on account of his partiality for his countrymen the Flemings,

induced the Spanish gentry to prefer advancing their fortunes in the West

Indies, to which none but Spaniards were permitted to go, rather than in

the service of the court, which they believed not willing to discern their

merits, or to reward them as they thought they deserved.--_Harris_.

[1] Harris, II. 49.

[2] Harris, II. 62. This introduction is transposed from Harris, who

places it at the end instead of the beginning of his summary.--E.

SECTION I.

_Improvements made in the colony of Hispaniola by Nicholas de Obando, and

the great value of Gold produced in that Island during his Government_.

It is natural to begin this chapter with some account of the progress of

the Spaniards in Hispaniola after the settlement of a regular government,

by which the value of the discovery became apparent; as owing to the great

wealth derived from this colony at the first, the Spaniards were excited

to continue their discoveries. This source of wealth has been long dried

up, and we now hear nothing whatever of the gold of Hispaniola; which

yielded more in proportion at its first discovery than even Peru has done

since. The early prosperity of Hispaniola was in a great measure owing to

the care and judicious industry of Nicolas Obando, who, in the first place,

employed a skilful pilot to sail round the whole inland, and describe its

coast and harbors, and afterwards took much pains to examine and survey

all the provinces of the island. A mine of excellent copper was

discovered in his time near the town of _Puerto Real_, but after a great

deal of money had been expended on the adventure, its produce was found

inadequate to the expence. The 300 Spaniards who inhabited the island at

the first coming of Obando, lived in a very disorderly manner, and had

taken to themselves the most beautiful native women of the island, and of

the highest families, whom they kept as mistresses, though the parents of

these women considered them as married. This lewdness gave great offence

to the Franciscan friars, who made representations to the governor to

remedy the evil. Obando accordingly issued an order, by which the

Spaniards were enjoined either to put away their Indian mistresses or to

marry them. Many of the Spaniards were men of quality, and thought this a

hardship; yet rather than lose the dominion they had acquired over the

Indians through these female connections, they consented to marry them.

The lawyers on the island alleged that this conveyed a legal right of

dominion over the Indians; but Obando, lest the Spaniards should become

proud as hereditary lords, took away the Indian vassals from them as soon

as they were married, and made them grants of equal numbers in other parts

of the island, that he might retain them under submission, as holding the

Indians only by gift. This was considered as depriving these would-be

lords of their just rights, but had the best consequences, by

consolidating and securing the authority of government.

When Nicholas de Obando went to take possession of the government of

Hispaniola in 1500, he carried along with him Roderick de Alcaçar,

goldsmith to their Catholic majesties, as marker of the gold, who was to

receive a fee of one per cent. then thought a very indifferent allowance.

After the distribution of the Indians among the colonists, so much gold

was gathered that it was melted four times every year; twice at the town

of _Buena Ventura_ on the river Hayna, eight leagues from St Domingo,

where the gold brought from the old and new mines was cast into ingots;

and twice a-year at the city of _de la Vega_, or the _Conception_, to

which the gold from _Cibao_ and the neighbouring districts was brought for

the same purpose. At each melting in Buena Ventura, the produce was from

11,000 to 12,000 pesos; and at La Vega between 125,000 and 130,000 pesos,

sometimes 140,000. Hence all the gold of the island amounted to 460,000

pesos yearly, equal to L.150,000 Sterling; which yielded 4,600 pesos, or

L.150 yearly to Alcaçar, which was then thought a very considerable

revenue, insomuch that the grant was revoked by their Catholic majesties.

It seldom happened that the adventurers at the mines were gainers,

notwithstanding the vast quantities of gold procured, as they always lived

luxuriously and upon credit; so that their whole share of the gold was

often seized at melting times for their debts, and very frequently there

was not enough to satisfy their creditors.

SECTION II.

_Settlement of the Island of Porto Rico, under the command of Juan Ponce

de Leon_.

A war which took place in a province of Hispaniola, called _Higuey_, added

greatly to the power of the Spaniards, as Obando appointed Juan Ponce de

Leon to keep the Indians of that quarter under subjection. This man was

possessed of good sense and great courage, but was of an imperious and

cruel disposition, and soon formed projects of extending his authority

beyond the narrow bounds which had been assigned him. Learning from the

Indians of his province, that the island of _St Juan de Puerto Rico_,

called _Borriquen_ by the natives, was very rich in gold, he was anxious

to inquire into this circumstance personally. For this purpose, he

communicated the intelligence he had received to Obando, whose leave he

asked to go over to that island, to trade with the natives, to inquire

into the circumstance of its being rich in gold, and to endeavour to make

a settlement. Hitherto nothing more was known of that island than that it

appeared very beautiful and abundantly peopled to those who sailed along

its coasts. Having received authority from Obando, Juan Ponce went over to

Porto Rico in a small caravel, with a small number of Spaniards, and some

Indians who had been there. He landed in the territories of a cacique

named _Aguey Bana_, the most powerful chief of the island, by whom, and

the mother and father-in-law of the chief, he was received and entertained

in the most friendly manner. The cacique even exchanged names with him, by

a ceremony which they call _guaticos_, or sworn-brothers. Ponce named the

mother of the cacique, Agnes, and the father-in-law Francis; and though

they refused to be baptized, they retained these names. These people were

exceedingly good-natured, and the cacique was always counselled by his

mother and father-in-law to keep on friendly terms with the Spaniards.

Ponce very soon applied himself to make inquiries as to the gold mines,

which the natives of Hispaniola alleged to be in this island, and the

cacique conducted him all over the island, shewing him the rivers where

gold was found. Two of these were very rich, one called Manatuabon and the

other Cebuco, from which a great deal of treasure was afterwards drawn.

Ponce procured some samples of the gold, which he carried to Obando in

Hispaniola, leaving some Spaniards in the island, who were well

entertained by the cacique, till others came over to settle in the island.

The greatest part of the island of Porto Rico consists of high mountains,

some of which are clothed with fine grass, like those of Hispaniola. There

are few plains, but many pleasant vales with rivers running through them,

and all very fertile. The western point of the island is only 12 or 15

leagues from the eastern cape of Hispaniola, so that the one may be seen

from the other in clear weather from the high land of either cape. There

are some harbours, but none of them good, except that called Porto Rico,

where the city of that name is situated, which is likewise an episcopal

see. This island is at least forty leagues long by fifty in breadth, and

measures 120 leagues in circumference. The south coast is in latitude 17°,

and the north coast in 18°, both N. It formerly produced much gold, though

not quite so pure as that of Hispaniola, yet not much inferior.

SECTION III.

_Don James Columbus is appointed to the Government of the Spanish

Dominions in the West Indies_.

We have already had occasion to notice the mean and scandalous behaviour

of King Ferdinand to Columbus, in depriving him and his family of their

just rights, for services of such high importance, that hardly any rewards

could be a sufficient recompense. After the death of the discoverer of

America, his eldest son and heir, James Columbus, succeeded to his

father's pretensions, along with which he inherited the dislike of King

Ferdinand, and the hatred of Bishop Fonseca. He long endeavoured by

petitions and personal applications at court to obtain his rights, but

could never procure any satisfaction, being always put off with fair words

and empty promises. Being at length wearied with ineffectual applications

for redress, he petitioned the king to allow his demands to be decided

upon by the courts of law; and as that could hardly be denied with any

decency, it was granted. This suit, as may well be supposed, was tedious

and troublesome; yet at length he obtained a clear decision in his favour,

and was re-established by the judges in all those rights which had been

granted to his father; in which he assuredly obtained nothing more than a

judicial recognition of a clear right which ought never to have been

disputed. To strengthen his interest at court, he married _Donna Maria_,

daughter to _Don Ferdinand de Toledo_, brother to the duke of _Alva_, and

cousin to the king; thus allying himself with one of the most illustrious

families in Spain. By the interest of his wifes relations, he at last

obtained the government of Hispaniola, in which he superseded Obando, the

great enemy of his father; but he had only the title of governor, not of

viceroy, which was his just and undoubted right. Don James Columbus went

out to his government of Hispaniola in 1508, two years after the decease

of his father, accompanied by his brother Don Ferdinand, and his uncles

Bartholomew and James, with many young Spanish noblemen. His lady was

likewise attended by several young ladies of good families; so that by

these noble attendants, the lustre of the new colony was restored and

augmented. His power in the government was no way greater than that which

had been confided to his predecessor, and was soon afterwards considerably

circumscribed by the establishment of a new court at St Domingo, under the

title of the _Royal Audience_, to which appeals were allowed from all parts

of the Spanish dominions in the New World.

While Ponce de Leon was occupied in the discovery of Porto Rico, Don James

Columbus came out to assume the government of Hispaniola in the room of

Obando, bringing with him from Spain a governor for the island of Porto

Rico. But Ponce de Leon, who had made the first settlement on that island,

disputed this new appointment; on which the young admiral set them both

aside, and appointed one Michael Cerron to the government, with Michael

Diaz as his lieutenant. De Leon, however, procured a new commission from

Spain, through the interest of his friend Obando with which he went over

to Porto Rico, and soon found pretext for a quarrel with Cerron and Diaz,

both of whom he sent prisoners to Spain. He now proceeded to make a

conquest of the island, which he found more difficult than he expected,

and had much ado to force the Indians to submit. This he at length

effected, reducing the natives to slavery, and employing them in the mines

till they were quite worn out, since which gold has likewise failed, which

many Spanish writers have considered as a judgment of God for that

barbarous proceeding, more especially as the same has happened in other

parts of their dominions.

SECTION IV.

_Settlement of a Pearl-Fishery at the Island of Cubagua_.

The court of Spain was at this time very solicitous to turn the

settlements already made in the New World to advantage, and was therefore

easily led into various projects which were formed for promoting the royal

revenue from that quarter. Among other projects, was one which recommended

the colonization of the island of Cabagua, or of Pearls, near Margarita,

on purpose to superintend the pearl-fishery there, and the young admiral

was ordered to carry that into execution. The Spanish inhabitants of

Hispaniola derived great advantage from this establishment, in which they

found the natives of the Lucayo or Bahama islands exceedingly useful, as

they were amazingly expert swimmers and divers, insomuch that slaves of

that nation became very dear, some selling for 150 ducats each. But the

Spaniards both defrauded the crown of the fifth part of the pearls, and

abused and destroyed the Lucayans, so that the fishery fell much off. The

island of Cubagua, which is rather more than 300 leagues from Hispaniola,

nearly in latitude 10° N. is about three leagues in circumference,

entirely flat, and without water, having a dry barren soil impregnated

with saltpetre, and only producing a few guiacum trees and shrubs. The

soil does not even grow grass, and there are no birds to be seen, except

those kinds which frequent the sea. It has no land animals, except a few

rabbits. The few natives which inhabited it, fed on the pearl oysters, and

had to bring their water in canoes from the continent of Cumana, seven

leagues distant, giving seed pearls in payment to those who brought it

over. They had their wood from the isle of Margarita, which almost

surrounds Cubagua from east to north-west, at the distance of a league. To

the south is Cape _Araya_ on the continent, near which there are extensive

_salines_ or salt ponds. Cubagua has a good harbour on the northern shore,

which is sheltered by the opposite island of Margarita. There was at first

such abundance of pearl oysters, that at one time the royal fifth amounted

to 15,000 ducats yearly. The oysters are brought up from the bottom by

divers, who stay under water as long as they can hold in their breath,

pulling the shells from the places to which they stick. Besides this place

there are pearls for above 400 leagues along this coast, all the way from

Cape _de La Vela_ to the gulf of Paria; for Admiral Christopher Columbus,

besides Cubagua, which he named the Island of Pearls, found them all along

the coast of Paria and Cumana, at _Maracapana_, _Puerto Flechado_, and

_Curiana_, which last is near _Venezuela_.

SECTION V.

_Alonzo de Hojeda and Diego de Nicuessa are commissioned to make

Discoveries and Settlements in the New World, with an account of the

adventures and misfortunes of Hojeda_.

Among the adventurers who petitioned the court of Spain for licenses to

make discoveries, was Alonzo de Hojeda, a brave man, but very poor, who

had spent all he had hitherto gained; but John de la Cosa, who had been

his pilot and had saved money, offered to assist him with his life and

fortune. They got the promise of a grant of all that had been discovered

on the continent; but one Diego Nicuessa interposed, and being a richer

man, with better interest, he stopped their grant and procured half of it

to himself. Hojeda and Cosa got a grant of all the country from Cape _De

la Vela_ to the gulf of _Uraba_, now called the Gulf of Darien, the

country appropriated to them being called _New Andalusia_; while Nicuessa

received the grant of all the country from the before-mentioned gulf to

Cape _Garcias a Dios_, under the name of _Castilla del Oro_, or Golden

Castile. In neither of these grants was any notice taken of the admiral,

to whom, of right, all these countries belonged, as having being

discovered by his father. Nicuessa got likewise a grant of the island of

Jamaica; but the admiral being in the West Indies secured that to himself.

Hojeda fitted out a ship and a brigantine, and Nicuessa two brigantines,

with which vessels they sailed together to St Domingo, where they

quarrelled about their respective rights, and their disputes were adjusted

with much difficulty. These were at length settled, and they both

proceeded for their respective governments, or rather to settle the

colonies of which these were to be composed; but the disputes had occupied

so much time that it was towards the end of 1510 before either of them

left Hispaniola.

Hojeda, accompanied by Francis Pizarro, departed from the island Beata,

standing to the southward, and arrived in a few days at Carthagena, which

is called Caramari by the Indians. The natives of that place were then in

great confusion, and ready to oppose the Spaniards, because of the

injuries which had been done them by Christopher Guerra and others, who

had carried away many of the natives for slaves not long before. The

natives of this coast were of large stature, the men wearing their hair

down to their ears, while the women wore theirs long, and both sexes were

very expert in the use of bows and arrows. Hojeda and Cosa had some

religious men along with them, their Catholic majesties being very

desirous to have the Indians converted to Christianity; and having some

natives of Hispaniola along with them as interpreters, they tried by their

means to persuade the Indians to peace, leaving off their cruelty,

idolatry, and other vicious practices; but they were much incensed against

the Spaniards, on account of the villanous conduct of Guerra, and would by

no means listen to any peace or intercourse. Having used all possible

methods to allure them to peace and submission, pursuant to his

instructions, he had also orders to declare war and make slaves of them,

in case of their proving obstinate. He had at first endeavoured to procure

gold from these natives in exchange for Spanish toys; but as they were

fierce and refractory, Cosa recommended that they should establish their

colony at the bay of _Uraba_, where the natives were more gentle, after

which they could return to Carthagena better provided to overcome the

resistance of the natives. Hojeda, having been engaged in many quarrels

and encounters, both in Spain and Hispaniola, in all of which he had come

off without hurt, was always too resolute and fool hardy, and would not

listen to the salutary advice of his companion. He therefore immediately

fell upon the natives who were preparing to attack him, killed many,

seized others, and made booty of some gold in their habitations. After

this, taking some of his prisoners as guides, he marched to an Indian town,

four leagues up the country, to which the natives had fled from the

skirmish at the shore, and where he found them on their guard in greater

numbers, armed with targets, swords of an extraordinary hard wood, sharp

poisoned arrows, and a kind of javelins or darts. Shouting their usual war

cry, St Jago, the Spaniards fell furiously upon them, killing or taking

all they met, and forcing the rest to fly into the woods. Eight of the

natives who were not so expeditious as their fellows, took shelter in a

thatched hut, whence they defended themselves for some time, and killed

one of the Spaniards. Hojeda was so much incensed at this, that he ordered

the house to be set on fire, in which all these Indians perished miserably.

Hojeda took sixty prisoners at this town, whom he sent to the ships, and

followed after the Indians who had fled. Coming to a town called _Yarcabo_,

he found it deserted by the Indians, who had withdrawn to the woods and

mountains with their wives, children, and effects, on which the Spaniards

became careless, and dispersed themselves about the country, as if they

had no enemies to fear. Observing the careless security of the Spaniards,

the Indians fell upon them by surprise while they were dispersed in small

parties, and killed and wounded many of them with their poisoned arrows.

Hojeda, with a small party he had drawn together, maintained the fight a

long while, often kneeling that he might the more effectually shelter

himself under his target; but when he saw most of his men slain, he rushed

through the thickest of the enemy, and running with amazing speed into the

woods, he directed his course, as well as he could judge, towards the sea

where his ships lay. John de la Cosa got into a house which had no thatch,

where he defended himself at the door till all the men who were with him

were slain, and himself so sore wounded with poisoned arrows that he could

no longer stand. Looking about him in this extremity, he noticed one man

who still fought with great valour, whom he advised to go immediately to

Hojeda and inform him of what had happened. Hojeda and this man were all

that escaped of the party, seventy Spaniards being slaughtered in this

rash and ill-conducted enterprize.

In this unfortunate predicament, it happened luckily for the survivors

that Nicuessa appeared with his ships. Being informed of what had happened

to his rival, through his own rashness, he sent for him, and said that in

such a case they ought to forget their disputes, remembering only that

they were gentlemen and Spaniards. He offered at the same time to land

with his men, to assist Hojeda in revenging the death of Cosa and the rest.

Nicuessa accordingly landed with 400 men, which was more than sufficient

to defeat the Indians, whose town was taken and burnt. By this victory the

Spaniards acquired a vast number of slaves, and got so much booty that

each shared seven thousand pieces of gold. Nicuessa and Hojeda now agreed

to separate, that each might pursue the plan of discovery and settlement

which was directed by their respective commissions.

Understanding that Nicuessa intended to steer for Veragua, Hojeda made all

sail for the river of Darien; but having lost his old pilot, on whose

experience he chiefly depended, he missed the river, and resolved to

establish a settlement on the eastern promontory of the gulf of Uraba,

which he did accordingly, calling his new town St Sebastian; because that

saint is said to have been martyred by the arrows of the infidels, and was

therefore thought a fit patron to defend him against the poisoned arrows

of the Indians. He had scarcely fixed in this place when he found all the

inhabitants of the country to be a race of barbarous savages, from whom he

could only expect all the injury they could possibly do him and his colony.

In this situation, he dispatched one of his ships under Enciso to

Hispaniola, with orders to bring him as large a reinforcement of men as

possible, and immediately set to work in constructing entrenchments to

secure his remaining people against the natives. Provisions growing scarce,

so that his people could not subsist, be found himself soon obliged to

make excursions into the country in order to obtain a supply; but he was

unsuccessful in this measure, and had the misfortune to lose many of his

men by the arrows of the Indians, which were poisoned with the juice of a

stinking tree which grows by the sea side. By these disasters, his new

colony was speedily reduced to a very wretched situation; starved if they

remained within their works, and sure to meet death if they ventured out

into the country. While in this state of absolute despair, they were

surprised one day by seeing a ship entering the port. This was commanded

by Bernard de Talavera, no better than a pirate, who, flying from justice,

had taken shelter in this place, to him unknown. Hojeda was in too great

extremity to be nice in his inquiries into the character of Talavera, but

readily bought his cargo, and treated him so well in other respects, that

Talavera entered into his service. However serviceable this relief, it was

but of short continuance, as all their provisions were soon consumed, and

the savages were even more troublesome than before, if possible. As no

succours appeared from Hispaniola, they were reduced to vast straits, and

Hojeda at length determined upon going to St Domingo in order to procure

supplies. Leaving Francis Pizarro to command the colony in his absence, he

embarked in the vessel belonging to Talavera, but the voyage was

unfortunate from its very commencement. Hojeda not only used too much

severity to the crew, but behaved haughtily to Talavera, who laid him in

irons; but a storm soon arose, and the crew knowing him to be an

experienced seaman, set him at liberty, and it was chiefly through his

skill that they were enabled to save their lives, by running the ship

ashore on the coast of Cuba. Although it was only a short distance from

thence to Hispaniola, Talavera durst not go there, and prevailed on Hojeda

to venture a voyage of an hundred leagues in a canoe to Jamaica, which

they performed in safety. Hojeda had some pretensions by his commission to

the island of Jamiaca, and on hearing formerly that the admiral Don James

Columbus had sent Don Juan de Esquibel to that island, he had threatened

to cut off his head if ever he fell into his hands. He was now, however,

under the necessity of applying to Esquibel for assistance, and was used

by him with kindness. After a short stay in Jamaica, he went over to

Hispaniola, where he learnt that Enciso had sailed to St Sebastian; and

his own credit was now so low that he was hardly able to purchase food,

and died shortly afterwards of want, though he deserved a better fate,

being one of the bravest men that ever sailed from Spain to the West

Indies. Talavera remained so long in Jamaica, that the admiral heard of

his being there, and had him apprehended, tried, and executed for piracy.

SECTION VI.

_The History of Fasco Nugnez de Balboa, and the establishment by his means

of the Colony of Darien_.

In the meantime Pizarro quitted St Sebastian with a small remnant of the

unfortunate colony, and escaped with much difficulty to Carthagena, where,

by good fortune for him, Enciso had just arrived with two ships and a

considerable reinforcement. He took Pizarro on board, and they returned to

St Sebastian, where they had the misfortune to run their ships aground,

and after getting on shore with much difficulty, they found the place

reduced to ashes by the savages. They restored it as well as they could,

and got on shore all the provisions and stores from their stranded vessels,

but were soon afterwards reduced to the utmost extremity of distress by

war and famine. Hunger frequently forced them out into the country to

endeavour to procure provisions, and the savages as often drove them back

with the loss of some of their number, which they could very ill spare,

having only been 180 men at the first They were relieved from their

present distressed situation, by the dexterity and presence of mind of a

very extraordinary person who happened to be among them. Vasquez Nugnez de

Balboa, the person now alluded to, was a gentleman of good family, great

parts, liberal education, of a fine person, and in the flower of his age,

being then about thirty-five. He had formerly sailed on discovery along

with _Bastidas_, and had afterwards obtained a good settlement in

Hispaniola; but had committed some excesses in that island, for which he

was in danger of being put to death. In this extremity, he procured

himself to be conveyed into the ship commanded by Enciso, concealed in a

bread cask, in which he remained for some days, and at last ventured to

make his appearance, when the ship was 100 leagues from Hispaniola. Enciso

had been strictly enjoined not to carry any offenders from the island, and

now threatened to set Balboa ashore on the first desert island; but the

principal people on board interceded for him with the captain, who at last

relented and granted him protection. This did not efface from his memory

the threats of Enciso, as will be seen hereafter. Observing the state of

despair to which the company was now reduced, Balboa undertook to

encourage them, by asserting that their situation was not so helpless as

they imagined. He told them that he had been upon this coast formerly with

Bastidas, when they sailed to the bottom of the gulf, where they found a

fine large town, in a fruitful soil and salubrious climate, inhabited

indeed by warlike Indians, but who did not use poisoned arrows. He

exhorted them, therefore, to bestir themselves in getting off their

stranded vessels, and to sail to that place. They approved of this advice,

and sailed to the river named Darien by the Indians, where they found

every thing to correspond with the description given by Balboa. On

learning the arrival of the Spaniards, the natives secured their wives and

children, and waited on a little hill under their cacique, named Cemano,

for the attack of the Spaniards. After having performed their devotions,

the Spaniards fell resolutely on the Indians, whom they soon routed; and

then went to the town, which they found full of provisions to their wish.

Next day, they marched up the country among the neighbouring mountains,

where they found many empty houses, all the inhabitants having fled; but

they found the houses well replenished with household goods of various

kinds, such as earthen vessels, cotton garments like short petticoats for

women, a great deal of cotton, both spun and unspun, plates of gold which

the natives wear on their breasts, and many other things, amounting in

all to the value of 10,000 pieces of fine gold. Enciso was greatly

rejoiced at this unexpected good fortune, and immediately sent for the

rest of the men, who had been left on the other side of the bay, because

the brigantines could not carry the whole at once. Balboa gained much

reputation by the success of this enterprize, and was henceforwards held

in high esteem by the people.

The whole party agreed to establish a colony at this place, which they

named _Santa Maria el Antiqua del Darien_, the first part of the name

being that of a church in Seville, and Darien being the Indian name of the

river. Balboa being now in great credit with the colonists, and brooding

revenge for the former threats of Enciso, secretly plotted to deprive him

of the command, alleging that they were now beyond the limits of Hojedas

government, who had no authority in this place. While this was in

agitation, Enciso thought proper to prohibit all the colonists from

trading with the Indians for gold, under pain of death; but they,

believing that he did this entirely for his own advantage, unanimously

threw off all subjection to his authority, alleging that his command was

void for the reasons already mentioned, and others. They then proceeded to

choose alcaldes and regidores, being the titles of the chief magistrates

in the towns of Old Spain, and Balboa and Zamadio were elected alcaldes,

and Yaldibia regidore. The people, however, were dissatisfied with this

mode of governing, repenting that they had deposed Enciso, and the whole

colony divided into parties. One party alleged that it was not proper to

be without a commander in chief, and that Enciso ought to be restored till

another governor was appointed by the king: A second party said that they

ought to submit to Nicuessa, because the place they were in was within his

grant. The third party, being the friends of Balboa, wished to continue

the present frame of government; but if the majority were for a single

commander, they insisted that Balboa ought to have the command.

In the midst of these disputes, Roderic Enriquez de Colmenares arrived

with two ships, having on board provisions, military stores, and seventy

men. This captain had met with a great storm at sea, and had put into the

port of Santa Maria, which the Indians call Gayra, 50 or 60 leagues from

Carthagena. On the boats going on shore for water, the cacique came

forwards with twenty of his people, dressed in a kind of cotton cloaks,

though the natives of that part of the coast usually go naked. He advised

them not to take water from the place where they were, saying that it was

not good, and offered to shew them another river of better water. But on

coming to it, they could not get their boats to the place, owing to a

heavy surf, and returned to the first place. While filling their casks,

about seventy armed Indians rushed suddenly upon them, and before the

Spaniards could stand to their defence, forty-five of them were wounded by

poisoned arrows. The wounded men swam off to the ships, as the Indians had

staved their long-boat, and all of them died save one. Seven of the

Spaniards saved themselves in a large hollow tree, intending to swim off

at night; but those on board supposing them all killed, sailed away much

dejected, for Uraba, to inquire after Nicuessa. Finding no person on the

east side of the bay, where they thought to have found either their own

men or those belonging to Hojeda, Colmenares suspected they were all dead,

or had gone to some other place; but he thought fit to fire off some

cannon, that they might hear him if still in the neighbourhood; besides

which he made fires at night, and smokes by day on some of the adjacent

high rocks. The people at Santa Maria el Antiqua del Darien heard his guns,

which resounded through the whole bay to the westwards, and making signals

in return, he came to them about the middle of November 1510. Colmenares

distributed his provisions among the colonists of Darien, by which he

gained the good will of most of those who had opposed the calling of

Nicuessa to the command, whom they now agreed to send for that he might

assume the government.

SECTION VII.

_The Adventures, Misfortunes, and Death of Don Diego de Nicuessa, the

founder of the Colony of Nombre de Dios_.

After parting from Hojeda, whom he had so generously assisted, Nicuessa

met a few days afterwards with as great misfortunes at sea as Hojeda had

encountered by land; for he was tossed by a dreadful tempest from without,

and betrayed within by _Lopez de Olano_, who, perceiving the squadron

separated by the storm, took one of the largest ships into the river

_Chagre_, and left his patron to shift for himself. After some unlucky

adventures, Olano arrived at Veragna, which was their place of rendezvous,

where he endeavoured to persuade the people to abandon their original

design as impracticable, and to sail for Hispaniola to make the most of

what they had left, alleging that Nicuessa had certainly perished with all

his men. While meditating upon this project, a boat came into the port

with four men, who reported that Nicuessa had been stranded on an unknown

coast, and after marching a great way by land with incredible fatigue, was

now not far off, but that he and his followers were in a very miserable

condition. On hearing this melancholy account, Olano relented, and

immediately sent back the boat with provisions and refreshments, which

came very opportunely to save Nicuessa and his men from starving, which

they certainly must have done without this seasonable relief. Yet this did

not in the least soften his resentment against Olano for deserting him,

whom he would have hanged, if he had not been afraid of irritating the men,

and instead of that he put him in irons, threatening to send him to Spain

in that condition. The authority, however, did not remain long in his

hands; for, endeavouring to establish a settlement on the _Bethlehem_

river, he was so straitened for provisions, that he was obliged to leave a

part of his men there, and to sail with the rest to Porto Bello; but, not

being allowed by the Indians to land there, he was obliged to proceed four

or five leagues farther to the port which Columbus named _Bastimentos_.

Immediately on entering he exclaimed, _Paremos aqui en el nombre de Dios_,

Let us stay here in the name of God. He immediately landed and began to

erect a fortress, which was named _Nombre de Dios_, from the above

mentioned expression. He had not been long here till he found himself as

much straitened for provisions as at Bethlehem, on which account he sent

one of his ships to St Domingo to request assistance from the governor.

Scarcely was this vessel out of the port, before that with Colmenares

arrived from the river Darien, with the invitation to take the command of

the Spanish colony at that place. Colmenares and his men were so

astonished to see the miserable condition of Nicuessa and seventy of his

people, who were all that remained with him at Nombre de Dios, that they

shed tears. They were lean, ragged, and barefooted, and excited pity by

the recital of the intolerable distresses they had undergone, and the

numbers of their companions who had already died.

Colmenares did all he could to comfort Nicuessa, telling him that the

people of Darien wished him to come and assume the government of that

colony, which was situated in a fine country abounding in provisions, and

which did not want gold. Nicuessa began to recover his spirits, by the

seasonable supply of provisions, and the comfortable intelligence brought

by Colmenares, and gave thanks to God for this merciful relief. But he

soon forfeited the reputation for prudence which he had formerly enjoyed

among the colonists of Hispaniola; as, forgetting the miserable condition

from which he was so recently relieved, and not considering that the

people of Darien had submitted to his authority of their own free will, he

foolishly declared in public that he would take all their gold from them

on his arrival, and would even punish them for encroaching on his province.

This news soon spread abroad, and heaven had the imprudence to send a

caravel before him to Darien, having a desire to examine some islands

which lay in the way thither. That same night, Olano, who still remained a

prisoner, conversed with some of the people who came from Darien, to

incense them against Nicuessa; and when Nicuessa was embarking, he said to

some of those who were in his confidence, "Nicuessa fancies he will be as

well received by Hojedas men, as by us after his shipwreck at Veragua, but

he will probably find a considerable difference." James Albetes and the

bachelor Corral were in the caravel which went before, and gave notice to

the colonists at Darien of the threats which Nicuessa had made, of taking

away their gold and punishing them; saying that his misfortunes had

rendered him peevish and cruel, abusing all who were under his authority.

From the little islands which he had stopped to explore, Nicuessa sent one

Juan de Cayzedo to acquaint the colony at Darien of his approach; and this

man being privately his enemy, still farther exasperated the people

against him, so that they came to a resolution not to admit him into the

colony. This resolution was principally forwarded by Balboa, who secretly

advised all the principal people to exclude him, yet declared in public

that he was for receiving Nicuessa, and even got the public notary to give

him a certificate to that effect[1].

After spending eight days among these islands, where he took a few Indians

for slaves, Nicuessa made sail for Darien. On coming to the landing-place,

he found many of the Spaniards on the shore waiting his arrival; when, to

his great surprise, one of them required him in the name of all the rest,

to return to his own government of Nombre de Dios. Nicuessa landed next

day, when the people of Darien endeavoured to seize him, but he was

extraordinarily swift of foot, and none of them could overtake him. Balboa

prevented the colonists from proceeding to any farther extremities,

fearing they might have put Nicuessa to death, and even persuaded them to

listen to Nicuessa, who entreated them, since they would not receive him

as their governor, that they would admit him among them as a companion;

which they peremptorily refusing, he even requested them to keep him as a

prisoner, for he would rather die than go back to starve at Nombre de Dios.

In spite of every thing he could urge, they forced him to embark in an old

rotten bark, with about seventeen of his men, ordering them to return to

Nombre de Dios, on pain of being sunk if they remained at Darien. Nicuessa

and his people accordingly set sail, but were never seen more, and no one

knew what became of them. There was a story current in the West Indies,

that when the Spaniards came afterwards to settle the island of Cuba, they

found inscribed on the bark of a large tree, "Here the unfortunate

Nicuessa finished his life and miseries."

[1] We learn from the history of the conquest of Mexico, by Bernal Diaz

del Castillo, one of the conquerors, that the government of the

province of Tierra Firma, in which Darien and Nombre de Dios were

situated, was afterwards granted by the court of Spain to Pedro Arias

de Avila, in 1514, who gave his daughter in marriage to Vasco Nugnez

de Balboa; yet caused him afterwards to be beheaded; on suspicion that

he intended to revolt.--E.

SECTION VIII.

_The Conquest and Settlement of the Island of Cuba by Diego Velasquez_.

The admiral Don James Columbus was much blamed for not endeavouring to

give succour to these adventurers, although the grants which they had

received of separate governments were in direct contradiction to his just

rights. His enemies made use of this to his prejudice at the court of

Spain, which was always jealous of him, and listened therefore with much

complacency to every complaint that was proffered against him. He on the

other hand, was very sensible of the disposition of the court, and used

every means he could think of to secure his rights in these countries,

pursuant to the agreement which had been made with his father. In this

view, having learnt that the court was desirous of discovering and

colonizing the great island of Cuba, although there were no accounts of

any rich mines in that country, he resolved to be beforehand with the

court, and sent a body of men there at the beginning of the year 1511,

under a confidential person; that having a lieutenant there of his own,

the court might have no pretence for granting it away to new undertakers,

as they had done that part of the continent which was discovered by his

father, and even the island of Jamaica, which last, however, he had

recovered. For this purpose, he made choice of James Velasquez, who was

the wealthiest and best beloved of all the Spanish inhabitants of

Hispaniola, and was besides a man of experience, and of a mild and affable

temper, who knew well how to maintain his authority. As soon as it was

known in Hispaniola that Velasquez was going to establish a settlement in

Cuba, abundance of people resolved to bear him company, some of them from

attachment to his person, and others because they were involved in debt.

All these rendezvoused at the town of _Salvatierra de la Zavana_, at the

western extremity of Hispaniola, whence they proposed to embark for Cuba.

Before proceeding with the transactions of Velasquez, it may be proper to

give some description of the island of Cuba, from the Spanish writers.

Cuba is within the tropic of Cancer, from 20° to 21° of N. latitude. It is

230 leagues in length, from Cape _St Antonio_ to Cape _Mayci_. Its breadth

between Cape _Cruze_ and port _Manati_ is forty-five leagues, whence it

narrows to about twelve leagues between _Matamano_ and the _Havanna_. Most

of the island is flat, and full of woods and forests; but from the eastern

point of Mayci, there are exceedingly high mountains for thirty leagues.

Beyond these to the westwards, and in the middle of the island, there are

many hills, but not very high. Many fine rivers run down the sides of

these hills, both to the north and south, which are full of fish,

especially skates and olaves, which ascend the streams a great way from

the sea. On the south of Cuba there are a prodigious number of small

islands, which were named the _Queens Garden_, by the admiral Don

Christopher Columbus. There are other small islands on the north side,

though not so numerous, which Velasquez named the _Kings Garden_. About

the middle of the south side, a considerable river, named _Cauto_ by the

natives, runs into the sea, containing vast numbers of alligators, the

banks of which river are very agreeable. The island is wonderfully well

wooded, insomuch that people may travel almost 230 leagues, or from one

end of the island to the other, always under their shelter. Among these

are sweet-scented red cedars of such astonishing size, that the natives

used to make canoes of one stick hollowed out, large enough to contain

fifty or sixty persons, and such were once very common in Cuba. There are

such numbers of storax trees, that if any one goes up to a height in the

morning, the vapours arising from the earth smell strongly of storax,

coming from the fires made by the natives in the evening, which are now

drawn up from the earth by the rising sun. Another kind of tree produces a

fruit called _xaquas_, which being laid by four or five days, though

gathered unripe, become full of a liquor like honey, and richer than the

finest pears. There are great quantities of wild vines, which climb very

high on the trees; these bear grapes, from which wine has been made, which

is somewhat sharp. Such is their universal abundance all over the island,

that the Spaniards used to say there was a vineyard in Cuba 230 leagues in

length. Some of the trunks of these vines are as thick as a mans body. The

whole island is very pleasant, more temperate and healthy than Hispaniola,

and has safer harbours for ships, made by nature, than any that have been

constructed by art in other countries. On the southern coast is that of

_St Jago_, which is in form of a cross, and _Xaquas_, which is hardly to

be matched in all the world. Its entry is not above a cross-bow shot in

breadth, and the interior part is 10 leagues in circumference, having

three little islands to which ships may be fastened by means of stakes,

where they are safe from every wind that blows, being everywhere shut in

by high mountains as in a house. In this harbour the Indians had pens in

which they shut up the fish. On the north side there are likewise good

harbours, the best of which was formerly called _Carenas_, but now Havanna,

which is so large and safe that few can be compared to it. Twenty leagues

east is the harbour of Matanaos, which is not quite safe. About the middle

of the island there is another good port, called _del Principe_; and

almost at the end is the port of _Baraca_, where good ebony is cut. All

along this coast there are good anchorages, though none so large and

commodious as those already mentioned.

Cuba produces great numbers of birds, as pigeons, turtle-doves, partridges

like those of Spain but smaller, and cranes. There are none of these two

latter on the other islands, but there are cranes on the continent. There

is another bird, not found on the continent, as large as cranes, which are

white when young, but grow red at their full growth, which are called

_flamences_ or _flamingos_. These would have been much valued in New Spain,

for the curious feather-works which are made by the natives. These

flamingos are found in vast flocks of 500 to 1000 together. They seldom

fly, but stand much in the water. When the Indians kept any of these birds

about their houses, they had to put salt into the water they gave them to

drink. There are infinite numbers of parrots, which are very good eating

when young, about the month of May. They have few land animals, except a

kind of rabbits like those of Hispaniola; but to make amends for this want,

they have vast quantities of fish both in the sea and the rivers: among

these the chiefest is tortoises or turtles, in vast abundance, excellent

of their kind, and very wholesome, which cure the leprosy and the itch, in

such as are content to make them their constant food. It produces maize or

Indian corn in great abundance; and every thing considered, it may be

pronounced the finest and best provided country in that part of the world.

The natives of Cuba were of the same nation with those of the Lucayos

islands, a good sort of people, and very well tempered. They were governed

by caciques, having towns of 200 or 300 houses, in each of which several

families resided, as in Hispaniola.

They had no religion, having no temples, idols, or sacrifices; but they

had a kind of conjuring priests or jugglers, like those in Hispaniola, who

pretended to have communication with the devil, and to obtain answers from

him to their questions. To obtain this favour, they fasted three or four

months, using only the juice of herbs; and when reduced to extreme

weakness, they were worthy of inspiration, and to be informed whether the

seasons of the year would be favourable or otherwise; what children were

to be born, and whether those born were to live, and such like questions.

These conjurors, who were called _behiques_, were the oracles of the

natives, whom they led into many superstitions and absurdities; pretending

to cure the sick by blowing on them, and other mummeries, muttering some

unintelligible words between their teeth. The natives of Cuba acknowledged

that the heavens and earth, and all things contained in these, had been

created. They are even said to have had traditions concerning the flood,

and the destruction of the world by water, occasioned by three persons who

came three several ways. The old men reported, that a sage who knew the

approaching deluge, built a great ship, into which he went with his family,

and many animals. That he sent out a crow, which remained a long while out,

feeding on the dead bodies, and afterwards returned with a green branch.

They added many other particulars respecting the deluge, even to two of

Noah's sons covering him when drunk, while the third scoffed him; adding

that the Indians were descended from the latter, and therefore had no

clothes, whereas the Spaniards descended from the other sons, and had

therefore clothes and horses. As they lived in towns under the authority

of caciques, it is probable that the will of these chiefs served as law.

Some time before the expedition of Velasquez to Cuba, a cacique of the

province of _Guatiba_, in Hispaniola, named _Hatuey_, to escape from the

tyranny of the Spaniards, went over to the eastern end of Cuba with as

many of his people as he could induce to accompany him; the distance

between the two islands being only eighteen leagues. He settled with his

followers in the nearest district of Cuba, called _Mayci_, reducing the

inhabitants of that place to subjection, but not to slavery. In fact

slavery does not appear to have been practised in any part of the West

Indies, no difference being made even by the caciques between their people

and their children; except in New Spain and other provinces of the

continent, where they used to sacrifice prisoners of war to their idols.

This cacique Hatuey, always had spies in Hispaniola, to inform him what

was going on there, as he feared the Spaniards would pass over into Cuba.

Having information of the admiral's design, and the intended expedition of

Velasquez, he assembled all the warriors of his tribe, and putting them in

mind of the many sufferings they had endured under the Spaniards, he

informed them of their new intentions. Then taking some gold from a basket

of palm leaves, he addressed them as follows: "The Spaniards have done all

these things which I have told you of for the sake of this, which is the

god whom they serve, and their only object in coming over to this island

is in search of this their lord. Let us therefore make a festival, and

dance to this lord of the Spaniards, that when they come hither, he may

order them not to do us any harm." They accordingly all began to dance and

sing, and continued till they were quite tired, as it is their custom to

dance from nightfall till daybreak, as long as they can stand. Their

dances, as in Hispaniola, are to the music of their songs; and though

50,000 men and women may have assembled at one time, no one differed in

the motions of their hands, feet, and bodies from all the rest. But the

natives of Hispaniola sung much more agreeably than those of Cuba. After

the subjects of Hatuey were quite spent with singing and dancing around

the little basket of gold, the cacique desired them not to keep the lord

of the Christians in any place whatsoever; for even if they were to

conceal him in their bowels, the Christians would rip them up to fetch him

out; wherefore he advised them to cast him into the river, where the

Christians might not be able to find him; and this they did.

James Velasquez set out from Salvatierra de la Zavana in November 1511,

and landed at a harbour called _Palina_, in the territories of Hatuey, who

stood on his defence, taking advantage of the woods, where the Spaniards

could not use their horses. During two months, the Indians hid themselves

in the thickest parts of the forests, where the Spaniards hunted them out,

carrying all they took to Velasquez, who distributed them among his men as

servants, not as slaves. Hatuey withdrew into the most inaccessible places

of the mountains, where he was at length taken after inexpressible toil,

and brought to Velasquez, who caused him to be burnt. After this example

of severity, the whole province of Mayci submitted, no one daring any

longer to resist. When it was known in Jamaica that Velasquez had gone

with the command to Cuba, many of those who were with Esquibel asked leave

to go and serve under him. Among these was Panfilo de Narvaez, a gentleman

of a graceful person, well behaved, but rather imprudent. He carried with

him a company of thirty cross-bows, and was well received by Velasquez,

who gave him the chief command under himself. When the Indians of the

province of Mayci were reduced under subjection, Velasquez distributed

them among the Spaniards as had formerly been done in Hispaniola by Obando,

taking the inhabitants of five Indian towns to himself. He likewise

founded a town at a harbour on the north side of the island, called

_Barracoa_ by the natives, which was the first Spanish colony in this

island. From this place Velasquez sent Narvaez with thirty men to reduce

the province of Bayamo, about 50 leagues from Barracoa, a fine open

country, very fertile and agreeable. Of this company, Narvaez alone was

mounted, all the rest marching on foot. The natives of the country came

out submissively to meet Narvaez, bringing him provisions, as they had no

gold, and were very much astonished at the sight of the mare on which

Narvaez rode. The Spaniards took up their residence in a town belonging to

the Indians, who, seeing the small number of their invaders, resolved to

rid themselves of them by surprise. Narvaez was by no means sufficiently

watchful, yet had his mare along with him in the house where he lay, and a

guard posted during the night. Near seven thousand Indians had assembled

from all parts of the province, armed with bows and arrows, who had

resolved to fall upon Narvaez and the Spaniards after midnight, though it

was unusual for them to fight during the night. They gave the assault in

two places at once, and found the centinels asleep on their posts; but

being more eager to plunder the Spaniards than to kill them, as they had

always anxiously wished for clothing ever since they saw the Christians,

they did not observe the time previously concerted, but began their

several attacks at different times, and one of the parties, which was the

most forward, even entered the town shouting. Narvaez awoke in great

consternation, and the Spaniards, who were astonished at the noise, knew

not well what to do in their fright. At length, the Indians whom Narvaez

had brought with him from Jamaica, lighted some fire-brands, by which the

Spaniards were enabled to see their danger; and Narvaez, though wounded by

a stone, found means to come at his mare, which he mounted, and rallied

his Spaniards to their defence. At that time part of the horse furniture

used by the Spaniards was hung with bells; and on hearing the sound of

these, and seeing Narvaez coming towards them at a round trot, with his

sword drawn, they lost heart, and not only abandoned the enterprize, but

fled out of the country, some of them to the distance of 50 leagues,

leaving none but their old and decrepid people behind. After this

Velasquez sent a reinforcement to Narvaez, who became absolute master of

the country.

SECTION IX.

_The Strange Expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon to Discover the Fountain of

Youth, in which he Discovered Florida and the Bahama Channel_.

We have already seen that Juan Ponce de Leon had been restored to the

government of Porto Rico by the interest of his friend Obando, and had

sent his predecessors, Cerron and Diaz, prisoners into Spain. This

circumstance, which he thought a bold stroke in politics, turned much

against himself; for these men presented a petition against him to the

court of Spain, and being strongly supported by the interest of the

admiral, they were sent back to resume their former employments. By this

reverse, De Leon was reduced to a private condition; but he had made good

use of his time, and had acquired a large fortune, which induced him to

attempt recovering his power and credit by means of discoveries. He

accordingly sailed from the port of St German on the 1st of March 1512,

with two stout ships which he had fitted out at his own expence; and

steering through among the Lucayos islands, he discovered land on the 2d

April, in lat. 30° 8' N. till then unknown to the Spaniards. Elated by

this good fortune, he ran along the coast in search of some good harbour,

and anchored at night near the shore in eight fathoms water. Believing

this land to be an island, and because it appeared beautiful, being all

level, with many pleasant groves, he named it the island of _Florida_,

also because discovered at Easter, which the Spaniards call _Pascha de

Flores_. De Leon went on shore at this place to take formal possession of

the country. He sailed thence on the 8th of April, and came to a place on

the 20th, where some Indians were seen on the shore. He here anchored and

went ashore, when the Indians endeavoured to get possession of the boat,

with the oars and arms. This was not at first resented, till one of the

natives knocked down a sailor with a blow on the head, on which the

Spaniards were obliged to fight in their own defence, and had two men

wounded by arrows or darts pointed with sharp bones. The Indians were

repulsed with some difficulty, and received little damage; and at night De

Leon got his men on board and sailed to the mouth of a river, where he

took in wood and water. They were here ineffectually opposed by sixty

natives, one of whom was made prisoner to give them some information of

the country, and to learn Spanish. They called this river _Rio de la Cruz_,

as they left in this place a stone cross with an inscription. On the 8th

of May they doubled Cape Florida, which was named _Cabo de las Corrientes_,

or the Cape of Currents, because they found the currents here stronger

than the winds; and they came to an anchor near a town called _Abacoa_.

All this coast, from Cape _Arracaifes_ to Cape _Corrientes,_ or Cape

Florida, lies north and south, one point east, and is all quite free of

shoals and rocks, with six fathoms water. They found Cape Florida to be in

lat. 18° 15' N. Sailing on to the southward, till in lat. 27°, they met

with two islands, one of which, about a league in circuit, they named

Santa Monta[1].

On the 15th of May, they proceeded 10 leagues along a line of small

islands, as far as two white ones, and called the whole group _los

Martyres_, or the Martyrs, because the high rocks at a distance had the

appearance of men upon crosses. This name has been since considered as

prophetic, on account of the great numbers of seamen who have been lost on

these rocks. They held on their course, sometimes north, and sometimes

north-east, and on the 24th were as far to the southwards as some small

islands lying out to sea, yet never perceived that they were going along

the continent. Finding a convenient place for wood and water, they

remained here to the 3d of June, careening one of their ships called the

St Christopher. Here the Indians came out in canoes to see the Christians,

as the Spaniards declined going on shore, though often invited by signs.

One day, being about to weigh an anchor, only to remove it to fresh ground,

the Indians supposing the Christians were going away, came off in their

canoes and laid hold of the cable, meaning to draw the ship away; on which

some men were sent in the long-boat to drive them away, and following the

Indians to the shore, took four women, and destroyed two old canoes. At

times while here, they bartered with the Indians for some skins, and a

small quantity of indifferent gold. On the 4th of June, while waiting for

a wind to go in search of a cacique named Carlos, who was said to have

gold, by some Indians on board, a canoe came off having an Indian on board

who understood Spanish, and was supposed to be a native of Hispaniola, or

some of the islands inhabited by Christians. This man desired them to wait,

as the cacique would send gold to barter. They accordingly waited, and

soon saw twenty canoes coming towards them, some of which were made fast

two and two together. A part of these went to the anchors, and others to

the ships, and began to fight. As those at the anchors were unable to

weigh them, they attempted to cut the cables; but a long-boat was sent out

against them, which obliged them to fly, taking four men and killing

several others. De Leon sent two of his prisoners to the cacique, saying

that although he had killed a Spaniard, he was willing to treat of peace

and friendship. Next day the boats went to sound the harbour, and some of

the men landed. Some Indians brought a message from the cacique, saying

that he would come next day on purpose to trade: But this was merely a

feint to gain time, that they might collect their power; as at eleven

o'clock, eighty canoes full of armed men attacked the nearest ship, and

fought till night without doing the Spaniards any harm, all their arrows

falling short, as they durst not come near, for fear of the cross-bows and

artillery. At night the Indians retired. Having remained here nine days,

they began to think of returning to Hispaniola and Porto Rico, and

discovered some islands by the way, of which they received intelligence

from the Indian prisoners they had on board. They sailed among islands

till the 21st, when they arrived at some small islands which they called

_las Tortugas_, or the Tortoises, as they took 170 of these creatures in a

very short time in one of these islands, and might have had many more if

they would. On the 28th, seeing land, they came to an anchor to overhaul

their sails and tackle, but could not tell whereabout they were. Most of

them thought it was the island of Cuba, because they found canoes and dogs,

with some knives and other tools of iron. On the 25th of July they were

among a parcel of low islands, still ignorant of their situation, till De

Leon sent to examine an island which he believed to be Bahama, in which he

was confirmed by an old woman who was found alone in another island. They

were likewise confirmed in this circumstance by James Miruelo, a pilot,

who happened to be there with a boat from Hispaniola. Having ranged

backwards and forewards to the 23d of September, and refitted their ships,

Juan Ponce de Leon sent one of his ships, commanded by Juan Perez de

Ortubia, with Antonio de Alaminos as pilot, with orders to examine the

island of Bimini, in which the Indians reported there was a spring which

made old people young again. Twenty days afterwards, Juan Ponce returned

to Porto Rico, and not long afterwards the ship returned there which he

had sent to Bimini, but without discovering the famous spring. Ortubia

reported that the island was large, and pleasantly diversified with hills,

plains, and meadows, having many rivers and delightful groves[2].

Besides his main design of making discoveries, which all Spaniards then

aspired to, Ponce was eager to find out the spring of Bimini, and a

certain river in Florida, both of which were affirmed by the Indians of

Cuba to have the property of turning old people young by bathing in their

waters. Some time before the arrival of the Spaniards, many Indians were

so thoroughly convinced of the reality of such a river, that they went

over to Florida, where they built a town, and their descendants still

continue there. This report prevailed so universally among the caciques in

these parts, that there was not a brook in all Florida, nay scarcely a

lake or puddle, that they had not bathed in; and some still ignorantly

persist in believing that this virtue resides in the river now called

_Jordan_, at Cape _Santa Helena_, forgetting that the Spaniards first gave

it this name in 1520, when they discovered the country of _Chicora_.

Though this voyage of Ponce de Leon turned out to no account to him, it

gave him encouragement to go to court to seek a reward for the countries

he had discovered, which he believed to be all islands, and not the

continent, as it afterwards turned out. Yet his voyage was beneficial, on

account of the route soon afterwards found out, by which the ships returned

to Spain through the Bahama channel, which was first accomplished by the

pilot Antonio de Alaminos, formerly mentioned. For the better

understanding this voyage of Juan Ponce, it must be understood that there

are three different groups in the archipelago of the Lucayos. The first is

composed of the _Bahama_ islands, giving name to the channel where the

currents are most impetuous. The second is called _los Organos_; and the

third _los Martyres_, which are next the shore of _los Tortugas_ to the

westwards; which last being all sand, cannot be seen at any distance,

wherefore many ships have perished on them, and all along the coasts of

the Bahama channel and the Tortugas islands. Havanna in the island of Cuba

is to the southwards, and Florida to the northward, and between these are

all the before mentioned islands, of Organos, Bahamas, Martyres, and

Tortugas. Between Havanna and los Martyres, there is a channel with a

violent current, twenty leagues over at the narrowest; and it is fourteen

leagues from los Martyres to Florida. Between certain islands to the

eastwards, and the widest part of this passage to the westwards, is forty

leagues, with many shoals and deep channels; but there is no way in this

direction for ships or brigantines, only for canoes. The passage from the

Havanna, for Spain is along the Bahama channel, between the Havanna the

Martyres, the Lucayos, and Cape Canaveral; and the giving occasion to this

discovery was the great merit of Ponce de Leon, for which he was well

rewarded in Spain.

[1] The account of this voyage is often contradictory, and almost always

unintelligible. In this instance, De Leon is made, with a southern

course, to increase his latitude almost nine degrees to the north.--E.

[2] This account of the island of Bimini is perfectly ridiculous, as its

whole extent does not exceed twenty miles in length, and not exceeding

one mile broad; it is one of the smallest of the Bahama or Lucayo

islands, and the largest of them cannot possibly contain any stream of

water beyond the size of a brook.--E.

SECTION X.

_The Martyrdom of two Dominican Friars on the coast of Venezuela, through

the Avarice of the Spaniards_.

There happened about this time a very singular and melancholy event, which

I find recorded in many Spanish historians, which shews to what a height

corruption had grown in so short a time among the Spanish settlements in

the West Indies. Reports had reached Spain of the harsh and cruel manner

in which the natives were treated by the Spaniards, being distributed

among the proprietors of land as if they had been cattle. This moved some

religious men of the Dominican order to go over to the new world, to try

what progress they could make in converting the Indians by spiritual means

only. Three of these fathers landed in the island of Porto Rico, where one

of them fell sick and was unable to proceed. The other two procured a

vessel to carry them over to the main, where they were landed at no great

distance from the Indian town which Hojeda and Vespucius had seen in their

first voyage, standing in the water, and which therefore they had named

_Venezuela_ or little Venice. The fathers found the natives at this place

very docile and tractable, and were in a fair way of making them converts

to the Christian religion; when unluckily a Spanish pirate, whose only

employment was to steal Indians to sell them as slaves to the colonists,

anchored on the coast. The poor natives, confident of being well treated

by Christians, went freely on board along with their cacique, and the

pirate immediately weighed anchor, and made all sail for Hispaniola,

carrying them all away into slavery. This naturally raised a great ferment

among the remaining natives, who were on the point of sacrificing the two

Dominicans to their resentment, when another Spanish ship arrived in the

harbour, commanded by a man of honour. He pacified the Indians for the

present as well as he possibly could, and receiving letters from the

Dominicans with a true statement of the transaction, he promised to send

back their cacique and the rest of their countrymen in four months. As he

really intended to perform his promise, he immediately made application to

the supreme tribunal at St Domingo, called the royal audience, setting

forth the particulars of the case, and the imminent danger to which the

two fathers were exposed, unless these Indians were sent back in due time.

But it so happened that these very people had been purchased as slaves by

some of the members of the royal audience, and these members of the

supreme tribunal were not so much in love with justice as to release them.

The consequence of this was, that at the end of the four months, the

Indians murdered the two Dominicans, Francisco de Cordova and Juan Garcias,

in revenge for the loss of their prince and relations.

SECTION XI.

_Discoveries on the Continent of America by command of Velasquez, under

the conduct of Francis Hernandez de Cordova_.

After James de Velasquez had reduced the greatest part of the island of

Cuba, and had settled colonies of Spaniards in many districts of the

island, he became desirous of shaking off the authority of the Admiral

James Columbus, by whom he was appointed to the command, and setting up

for himself. By this time the admiral had been recalled into Spain, and

opposed this project of Velasquez to the utmost of his power; but his

credit was now so low; that he could not fully succeed; as, though

Velasquez was still ordered to give an account to Columbus of the exercise

of his authority, the admiral was not allowed to recal him from the

government of Cuba, unless with the concurrence of the crown. This so far

answered the purpose of Velasquez, that he resolved to fit out ships for

discovery. This project was no sooner made known, than numbers of rich

Spanish planters embraced the proposal, and offered to contribute large

sums for carrying it into execution. Among those who distinguished

themselves on this occasion, was Francis Hernandez de Cordova, a rich and

brave man who had Indians of his own, and offered to go as captain on this

expedition. Having received a commission from Velasquez, he fitted out two

ships and a brigantine, with all necessary stores, and listed 110

soldiers[1]. He sailed from St Domingo, in Cuba, to the Havanna, and left

Havanna on the 8th of February 1517. On the 12th, they doubled cape _St.

Antonio_, holding their course to the westwards, as Antony de Alaminos,

their pilot, said that the first admiral always inclined in that way,

having sailed with him when a boy. They encountered a great storm which

lasted two days, during which they expected to have perished. After being

twenty-one days at sea, laying to always at night, they got sight of land,

and could perceive a large town about two leagues from the coast. As they

drew nigh the shore, two canoes full of men came off to the ships, from

which thirty Indians went on board Cordova's ship, having jackets without

sleeves, and pieces of cloth wrapped about them instead of breeches. The

Spaniards gave them meat and wine, and a few strings of beads; and the

Indians before going away, made them understand by signs, having no

interpreter, that they would return next day with more canoes to carry all

the Spaniards on shore. These Indians expressed great admiration at the

Spaniards, their ships, beards, arms, and every thing which they had not

seen before. They returned next day with twelve canoes, and their cacique

continually called out _conez cotoche_, that is Come to my house, for

which reason this place was called Cape _Cotoche_. After the Spaniards had

consulted together, they hoisted out their boats, and went on shore with

their arms, where a prodigious multitude of people waited to see them. The

cacique still pressed them to go to his house, and having received so many

tokens of peace and friendship, they resolved to comply, in order to take

a view of the country. On coming to a wood, the cacique called out to a

great number of armed men who lay in ambush; when there immediately

appeared a great number of men in armour of quilted cotton, with targets,

wooden swords edged with flints, large clubs, spears, bows and arrows, and

slings. These warriors had their faces painted of many colours, and were

all adorned with plumes of feathers. They gave a hideous shout, pouring in

at the same time such a shower of stones and arrows, that they wounded

fifteen Spaniards at the first onset; after which they fell on sword in

hand, and fought with great resolution. The Spaniards had only twenty-five

cross-bows and muskets, which were well plied; but when the Indians felt

the sharpness of the Spanish swords, they soon fled, having seventeen

killed and many wounded. Two youths were taken in this action, who

afterwards became Christians by the names of Julian and Melchior. The

Spaniards returned to their ships, well pleased at having discovered a

more civilized people than any which had been hitherto seen at Darien, or

in any of the islands; more especially as they had houses of stone and

lime, which had not till then been seen in the West Indies.

They held their course along the coast for fifteen days, always laying to

at night, when they came to a large town with a bay, which they believed

to be a river in which they might find water, of which they were now in

great need. They landed, and hearing the Indians call the place

_Quimpeche_, it ever afterwards was called _Campechy_. Being come to a

well of excellent water, of which the natives used to drink, and having

taken what they needed, they were about to return to the ships, when fifty

Indians clad in jackets and large cotton cloth cloaks came up, asking by

signs what they wanted, whether they came from the east, and finally

invited them to their town. When they had seriously considered this, and

put themselves into a good posture of defence, lest they should be

treacherously used as they had already been at Cotoche, they accompanied

the Indians to certain temples or places of worship, built of stone and

lime, where there were many idols of very ugly shapes, with fresh signs of

blood, and several painted crosses, at which last they were much amazed.

Great numbers of men, women, and children, flocked to look at them,

shewing signs of great amazement, though some of them smiled. Soon

afterwards, two parties of armed men appeared in good order, clothed and

armed like those they had seen at Cotoche. In the next place, ten men in

very long white mantles came from one of the temples, having their long

black hair twisted up in rolls behind. In their hands these men held

little earthen fire-pans, into which they cast gum _anime_, which they

call _copal_, with which they perfumed the Spaniards, ordering them to

depart from the country on pain of death. They then began to beat upon

small kettle drums, and to sound their horns, trumpets, and pipes. The

Spaniards, who were rather weak, as two of the men wounded at Cotoche had

died, and the rest were not yet quite recovered, thought it prudent to

retire to the shore, which they did in good order, followed by the armed

Indians, and embarked without any conflict. After sailing six days longer,

the wind came round to the north, blowing with such violence on the coast

that they thought to have been cast away. When the storm abated, they

endeavoured to approach the shore for water, as the casks had become leaky,

and soon ran out. They landed accordingly in a bay near an Indian town,

and about a league from the town of Pontonchan, and filled their casks at

a well near certain places of worship, which were built of stone and lime

like those they had seen formerly. When ready to return to the ships, they

perceived a party of armed men advancing towards them, who asked whether

they had come from where the sun rises? On being answered in the

affirmative, the Indians drew back to some houses not far off, and the

Spaniards, because night was coming on, resolved to remain on shore. A

great noise was heard soon afterwards among the Indians, and the Spaniards

became divided in opinion; some being clear for getting on board

immediately, while others thought it would be dangerous to retreat in the

dark, as there seemed 300 Indians to every one of their small party.

When day broke next morning, it appeared that the Indians had been joined

by many others during the night, and they all surrounded the Spaniards,

pouring in a great shower of arrows, stones, and darts, by which eighty of

the Spaniards were wounded at the first onset. After this they closed in

with the Christians, using their swords and spears; and though the

Spaniards were not idle with their fire-arms, cross-bows, and swords, the

Indians distressed them greatly. On experiencing the sharpness of the

Spanish swords, the Indians drew farther off, continuing to ply their

arrows with a good aim, crying out calachani! calachani! which in the

language of Yucutan, signifies cacique or captain, meaning that they

should aim especially at the commander Cordova. In this they succeeded, as

he received twelve arrow wounds, as he exposed himself foremost in every

encounter, when he ought rather to have directed his men than fought

personally. Finding himself sorely wounded, and that the courage of his

men was unable to overcome so great a multitude, which was continually

increasing, he made a furious onset, and broke through the Indians, who

still pursued the Spaniards on their way to the boats. On getting to the

boats, they had nearly sunk them all by the hurry of so many men crowding

to embark; but they at length put off from the shore, the Indians still

plying them with missile weapons, and many of them advancing into the

water to wound the Spaniards with their spears.