SECTION XV.

_Conclusion of the Discoveries of Columbus_.

Having been very particular in relating the incidents of these two voyages

of Columbus, and of the steps previous to their commencement, to shew by

what means the discovery of America and the West Indies was first made, I

shall only briefly touch upon the remaining particulars of the actions of

that great man. Having left all things in Hispaniola in the best posture

he was able, Columbus returned into Spain, labouring under severe illness

and loaded with heavy accusations: But their Catholic majesties,

considering his great services and extraordinary sufferings, cleared him

in spite of all his enemies, only recommending to him to treat the

Spaniards under his authority with kindness. After receiving from him a

recital of the new discoveries which he had made, and of the immense

wealth to be procured from these countries, they sent him back honourably

to Seville, where eight ships were provided for his third voyage. Two of

these he sent out to his brother Don Bartholomew, who had then begun to

build the city of San Domingo, the capital of Hispaniola, which is

situated on the southern coast of the island at the mouth of the river

Ozama. With the other six ships, Columbus set sail from San Lucar de

Barrameda on the 19th May 1497. In this voyage he held a southerly course

till he came under the line, where he met with long continued calms,

accompanied by such violent heat that the men thought they should all have

perished. At length the wind sprung up and enabled him to proceed to the

westwards; and, on the 1st of August, he discovered the island of _La

Trinidad_, or the Trinity, near that part of the continent of South

America, now called _New Andalusia_[1]. He then continued his voyage

westwards along the coast of the continent, trading with the natives for

gold and pearls, and giving names to noted places. After spending some

time in this new discovery, he sailed back to Trinidad, discovering the

island of Margarite by the way. Thinking his presence might be necessary

in the colony of Hispaniola, he stood across the Caribbean sea from

Trinidad, and arrived at the new city of San Domingo.

Several private adventurers fitted out ships from Spain, upon voyages of

discovery to the new world, after this third voyage of Columbus. In

particular, Alonso de Ojeda went out in 1499, being accompanied by

_Americas Vespucius_, who gave his own name to the new world, which has

ever since been called _America_. On his arrival in Hispaniola, Columbus

found all the Indians in arms against the Spaniards, who gave them several

defeats under the command of Don Bartholomew Columbus. In this war, Don

Bartholomew took fifteen of the caciques prisoners, among whom was

_Guarionex_, who acted as general of their army: But he set them all at

liberty, on their engagement to become subject to their majesties. After

this several of the Spaniards mutinied against the authority of Columbus

and his brother the lieutenant, and separated themselves from the rest of

the colony, which proved more pernicious than all that the natives were

able to do. The discontented party transmitted complaints to the court of

Spain against the admiral and his brother; on which Francis de Bovadilla,

a knight of the order of Calatrava, was sent out with authority to

investigate the cause of the troubles in the infant colony. Bovadilla

carried matters with a high hand, and on very slight pretences sent

Columbus and his brother in irons to Spain, in separate vessels.

Immediately on their arrival in Spain, their majesties ordered them to be

set at liberty, and to repair to court, which was then at Granada: And,

although they cleared themselves of all that had been laid to their charge,

they were deprived of the government of the West Indies, and put off with

fair promises. Bovadilla was afterwards lost at sea, on his return to

Spain.

On the 9th of May 1502, Columbus sailed again from Spain with 170 men. He

arrived before San Domingo on the 29th of June, but the new governor

Nicholas de Ovando would not permit him to come into the harbour, for

which reason he was constrained to sail to the westwards. After struggling

with adverse currents and long calms for some time, he had to contend

against an almost continued storm of sixty days, and then discovered the

island of _Guana ja_, to the northward of Cape Honduras, in Lat. 19° N.

He sent his brother on shore at this place, where he met with a canoe

eight feet wide and as long as a Spanish galley. This canoe was covered

with mats, and had men, women, and children on board, who had abundance of

commodities for barter; such as long webs of cotton of several colours;

short cotton shirts or jerkins without sleeves, curiously wrought; small

cotton cloths used by the natives to conceal their nakedness; wooden

swords edged with flints; copper hatchets, and horse-bells of the same

metal; likewise plates of copper, and crucibles, or melting pots; cocoa

nuts; bread made of maize or Indian corn, and a species of drink made from

the same. Columbus exchanged some commodities with these Indians; and

inquiring at them where gold was to be found, they pointed towards the

east, on which he altered his course in that direction. The first land he

came to was Cape Casinas in the province of Honduras, where his brother

landed and took formal possession. The natives of this coast wore short

cotton jackets without sleeves, and clouts before them. They behaved very

peaceably to the Spaniards, whom they supplied with plenty of provisions.

Sailing several days to the eastwards from thence with contrary winds, he

arrived at a great cape or head-land, whence the coast trended to the

southwards, and called this place _Cabo de Garcias a Dios_, or Cape thanks

to God, because the east winds which had hitherto obstructed his voyage

would now serve for navigating that part of the coast. He accordingly

explored that coast, touching at _Porto Bello_, _Nombre de Dios_, _Belen_

and _Veragua_, trading with the Indians. At _Veragua_ he was informed of

gold mines at no great distance, and sent his brother up the country in

search of them. On his return, Don Bartholomew brought down a considerable

quantity of gold, which he had procured from the natives for toys of

little value. Being encouraged by the prospect of gold, he proposed to

have left his brother in this place with 80 Spaniards to settle a colony,

and even began to build houses for that purpose; but, being opposed by the

Indians, and his own men becoming mutinous, he was obliged to relinquish

his intention.

From Veragua he stood over towards Hispaniola; but his caravels were so

much worm-eaten and shattered by storms that he could not reach that

island, and was forced to run them on shore in a creek on the coast of

Jamaica, where he shored them upright with spars, and built huts on their

decks for his men, all below being full of water. He remained in this

place almost a year, suffering many hardships. At length he found means to

send a canoe over to Hispaniola with intelligence of his forlorn condition,

and procured a vessel to transport him and his men to that island, whence

he went to Spain. This was his last voyage; after which he spent the

remainder of his life at Valadolid, where he died on the 8th of May 1506,

aged 64 years. His body was carried to Seville, as he had ordered in his

will, and was there honourably interred in the church of the Carthusians,

called _De las Cuevas_, with a Latin epitaph commemorating his great

actions.

[1] Trinidad, which is now subject to Britain, is on the coast of Cumana,

or the Spanish main, on the north-eastern shoulder of South America,

between Lat. 10° and 10° 50' N. Long. 61° and nearly 62° W.--E.

* * * * *

CHAPTER III.

THE VOYAGES OF AMERICUS VESPUCIUS TO THE NEW WORLD[1].

INTRODUCTION.

The relation which is here offered to the public, we believe for the first

time in the English language, is only an abridged account of four voyages

made by Americus Vespucius to the New World, as written by himself, in

which he expresses his intention of publishing a more extensive work,

wherein all the events of these four voyages were to be related at large.

The information he has conveyed in the present article is by no means

satisfactory; yet it constitutes an original document respecting the early

discoveries of the southern continent of the New World, and is therefore

essential to the principles and arrangement of our work. Ample

opportunities will occur in the sequel, for inserting more extended

accounts of the countries which were visited lay this early navigator,

whose singular good fortune has raised him an eternal monument infinitely

beyond his merit, by the adoption of his otherwise obscure name for

designating the grand discovery of the immortal Columbus.

Various early editions of the voyages of this navigator are mentioned in

the _Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages_[2], a recent work of much

research, published at Paris in 1808. In the titles of these he is named

_Americo Vespucio_, and _Alberico Vespucio_. In the NOVUS ORBIS of _Simon

Grynaeus_, from which our present article is translated, he is called

_Americus Vesputius_. In another portion of that work, containing some

very slight notices of these four voyages, his name is altered to

_Albericus_[3]. A modern author, we know not on what authority, names him

_Amerigo Vespucci_[4]. In all these publications, the authors or editors

have used their endeavours to deprive the illustrious _Columbus_ of the

well earned glory of being the discoverer of the _New World_, and to

transfer that honour most undeservedly to Americus, whose name has long

been indelibly affixed to this new grand division of our globe. Americus

himself pretended to have made the first discovery of the _continent_ of

the New World, alleging that his great precursor Columbus was only the

discoverer of the large West India islands. It has been already mentioned,

in the introduction to the voyages of Columbus, that in his first voyage

Americus sailed under the command of a Spanish officer named Ojeda or

Hojeda, who had accompanied Columbus in his second voyage: But, though it

sufficiently appears from his own writings that Americus did not command

in chief in any of his four voyages, he anxiously conceals the names of

the commanders under whom he sailed. The actual accomplishment of any of

these voyages by Americus has even been doubted[5]. At all events, there

are strong reasons for believing that all their dates have been

industriously falsified, on purpose to ground a pretension for having

discovered the continent or main-land of Paria, prior to the third voyage

of Columbus, in 1498, when that country and the islands of Trinidada and

Margarita certainly were discovered by Columbus. The same author here

quoted as doubting the reality of the navigations of Americus to the New

World, gives the following account of his pretensions as a discoverer.

"Americus Vespucius, by the interest of Bishop _Fonseca_, the enemy of

Columbus, was made chief pilot of Spain, and to him all the journals of

discovery were communicated, from which he constructed elegant maps,

helping out by his fancy whatever was deficient in his materials, so as to

exhibit things in graceful proportions, and the only thing wanting to his

cosmographic delineation was a strict regard to truth. But they answered

well his purpose; as, besides securing him a good place and competent

salary, they enabled him to impose his own name on the new world, before

he had discovered one foot of its coasts[6]." These are heavy charges; but,

as Harris quotes no authorities, it is utterly impossible to determine on

their justice at this distance of time. In another part of his work,

Harris acknowledges the reality of the first voyage of Americus, under the

command of Alonso Hojeda, and assigns the 20th May 1499 as its

commencement[7]. Americus was probably only pilot of the different

navigations he relates. It will be seen in the first section of this

chapter, that Americus dates his first voyage two years earlier; obviously

to warrant his pretended discovery of the coast of Paria, which Columbus

had actually discovered in July or August 1498.

It has been alleged, but we have forgot the authority for this assertion,

that the _two_ first voyages of Vespucius, as given in this article, were

in reality one and the same; but thus divided by himself, for giving the

better colour to his assuming a false date to ground his pretended

priority of discovering the continent of Paria.

Soon after the departure of this expedition under Hojeda. Peter Alonso

Nino and Christopher Guerro of Seville obtained a license from the court

of Spain to sail upon discovery to the New World, on condition that they

were not to anchor or land within fifty leagues of any place that had been

discovered by Columbus. Nino had sailed in the third voyage along with

Columbus, when Trinidada, Paria, and Margarita were discovered, and the

sole object of these interlopers appears to have been the acquisition of

pearls, which were found by Columbus in considerable numbers on this coast.

Accordingly, they do not appear to have extended their researches beyond

the coast which Columbus had already discovered; and in what is called the

Bay of Pearls, which is formed between the Island of Margarita and the

main, they procured great numbers of that precious commodity from the

natives, in barter for hawks-bells, and various baubles made of tin. From

thence they proceeded westwards to Coro and Venezuela, where they

augmented their store of pearls. This last place, the name of which

signifies Little Venice, appears to have been the town built in the water,

which is mentioned in the first voyage of Americus. Farther on, at a place

which they named Curiana, they procured some gold, both wrought and in its

native state, with monkeys and beautiful parrots. In the course of this

voyage, they are said to have procured 150 marks, or 1200 ounces of pearls,

all very beautiful, and of a fine water, some as large as hazel-nuts, but

ill bored, owing to the imperfect tools of the natives. Besides pearls and

gold, they took on board a considerable quantity of Brazil wood, though

contrary to their instructions. They returned eastwards along the coast of

Paria or Cumana to the gulf of Paria, whence they took their departure for

Spain, and arrived in Galicia on the 6th February 1500; where they were

accused by their own crew of concealing the pearls, on purpose to deprive

the crown of the established duty, being a fifth of all importations[8].

Vincent Yanez Pinzon, who had accompanied Columbus during his first and

second voyages, sailed on a voyage of discovery about the close of the

year 1499, with four stout vessels fitted out at his own expence. In this

voyage Pinzon appears to have sailed along the east coast of South America,

and to have discovered Cape St Augustine in Brazil, to which he gave the

name of Cape Consolation. On his return to the northwards, he likewise

appears to have discovered the great Maranon, or river of the Amazons, and

the mouth of the Oronoko; which latter he named _Rio Dulce_, or Fresh

River, because he took up fresh water _twenty_ leagues out at sea. He

thence proceeded to the coast of Paria, where he took in a cargo of Brazil

wood, and stood over to the islands between that coast and Hispaniola,

losing two of his ships in a great storm. With the two which remained he

went to Hispaniola to refit, and returned thence into Spain about the end

of September 1500[9].

In the immediately subsequent chapter a summary will be found of the

discoveries and settlements of the Spaniards in the West Indies, from the

death of the great Columbus to the commencement of the expedition under

Cortes, by which the rich and populous empire of Mexico was added to the

Spanish dominions in the New World. The present chapter consists of

voyages to the New World which were contemporary with those of the

immortal Columbus, and all surreptitiously intended to abridge the vast

privileges which he had stipulated for and obtained the grant of for his

inestimable services; but which the court of Spain was anxious to procure

pretexts for abrogating or circumscribing.

Of the other early voyages of discovery to America, very imperfect notices

now remain. England lays claim to have been the next nation in succession,

after the Spaniards and Portuguese, to explore the New World; yet, like

Spain, under the guidance of an Italian. We have already seen that

Columbus, when disappointed in his first views of patronage from the king

of Portugal, and while he went himself to offer his services to the court

of Spain, dispatched his brother Bartholomew into England, to lay his

proposals for discovery before Henry VII. and the circumstances have been

already detailed by which this scheme was disappointed, though Henry is

said to have agreed to the proposals of Columbus _four_ years before that

archnavigator began his career in the service of the crown of Castile.

After the king of England had thus, as it were by accident, missed reaping

the advantage and glory of patronizing the first discovery of the New

World, he is said to have encouraged other seamen of reputation to exert

their talents in his service, by prosecuting the faint light which had

transpired respecting the grand discovery of Columbus. Giovani Gabota, or

John Cabot, a citizen of Venice, who had been long settled in Bristol, was

among those who offered their services to the king of England on this

occasion, and his services appear certainly to have been employed. By

patent, dated 5th of March 1495 at Westminster, John Cabot and his three

sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancio, their heirs and deputies, were

authorised, with five ships of any burthen they thought fit, and as many

mariners as they pleased, to sail under the flag of England to all

countries of the East, West, and North, at their own cost and charges, to

seek out and discover whatever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of

the heathens and unbelievers were hitherto unknown to all Christians; with

power to subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and

isles as they were able, leaving the sovereignty to the crown of England,

and bound to bring back to Bristol all fruits, profits, gains, and

commodities procured in their voyages, paying the fifth part of the profit

to the king, all necessary costs and charges first deducted from the

proceeds. And forbidding all the subjects of England from frequenting or

visiting their discoveries, unless by license from the Cabots, their heirs

or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and goods[10].

In pursuance of the authority of this patent, and of a farther licence

dated 13th February 1497, allowing John Cabot to sail from any of the

ports of England with six ships of 200 tons burthen or under, John Cabot

and his son Sebastian sailed from Bristol, and discovered a land which had

never been before seen, on the 24th June 1497, about five in the morning,

to which they gave the name of _Prima Vista_, because that part was first

seen from sea. The island seen opposite, they named the Island of St John,

because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The inhabitants of

this island wore the skins of beasts, which they held in as much

estimation as we do our finest garments. In their wars they used bows,

arrows, spears, darts, wooden clubs, and slings. The land is barren and

unfruitful, but has white bears, and stags of unusual size. It abounds in

fish of great size, as seawolves, or seals, salmon, and soles above a yard

long; but chiefly in immense quantities of that kind which is vulgarly

called bacalaos. The hawks of this island are as black as crows, and the

eagles and partridges are likewise black[11].

The foregoing account is given by Hakluyt on the authority of a map,

engraved by Clement Adams after the design of Sebastian Cabot, which map

was then to be seen in the private gallery of Queen Elizabeth at

Westminster, and in the houses of many of the merchants of London. From

Ramusio, however, Hakluyt gives rather a different account of this matter.

By this account, it would appear that the father John Cabot had died

previous to the voyage, and that Sebastian went as commander of two

vessels furnished by King Henry. He sailed to the north-west, not

expecting to find any other land than Cathay, or northern China, and from,

thence to proceed for India. But falling in with land, he sailed

northwards along the coast, to see if he could find any gulf that

permitted him to proceed westwards in his intended voyage to India, and

still found firm land to lat 56° N. Finding the coast here turning to the

east, he despaired of finding a passage in that direction: he sailed again

down the coast to the southwards, still looking everywhere for an inlet

that would admit a passage by sea to India, and came to that part of the

continent now called Florida; where, his victuals failing, he took his

departure for England[12]. In the preface to the third volume of his

navigations, Ramusio, as quoted by Hakluyt, says that Sebastian Cabot

sailed as far north in this voyage as 67° 30', where on the 11th June the

sea was still quite open, and he was in full hope of getting in that way

to Cathay, but a mutiny of his people forced him to return to England[13].

Peter Martyr of Angleria, as likewise quoted by Hakluyt, says that

Sebastian was forced to return to the southwards by the immense quantities

of ice which he encountered in the northern part of his voyage[14].

Sebastian Cabot, on his return to England, found matters in a state which

did not promise him any farther advantages as a mariner, on which he went

into Spain, where he was employed by Ferdinand and Isabella, in whose

service he explored the eastern coast of South America, and discovered the

_Rio Plata_, up which he sailed above 360 miles, finding it to flow

through a fine country, everywhere inhabited by great numbers of people,

who flocked from all parts to admire his ships. After making many other

voyages, which are not specified, he settled in Seville, where he employed

himself in making sea charts, and had the appointment of pilot-major, all

pilots for the West Indian Seas having to pass his examination, and to

have his license[15]. He thought fit, however, to return into England, and

was employed by Henry VIII. In the service of that sovereign he made a

voyage to the coast of Brazil in 1516, under the superior command of Sir

Thomas Pert, vice-admiral of England, of which the following imperfect

account is preserved by Haklyut.

"That learned and industrious writer Richard Eden, in an epistle to the

Duke of Northumberland, prefixed to a work which he translated from

Munster in 1553, called _A treatise of the New India_, makes mention of a

voyage of discovery made from England by Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian

Cabota, about the eighth year of Henry VIII. The want of courage in Sir

Thomas Pert occasioned this expedition to fail of its intended effect;

otherwise it might have happened that the rich treasury called _Perularia_,

now in Seville, in which the infinite riches which come from the new-found

country of Peru, would long since have been in the Tower of London to the

great honour of the king, and the vast increase of the wealth of this

realm. Gonsalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludes to this voyage,

in his General and Natural History of the West Indies, as thus quoted by

Ramusio. In the year 1517, an English corsair, under pretence of a voyage

of discovery, came with a great ship to the coast of Brazil, whence he

crossed over to the island of Hispaniola, and arrived near the mouth of

the harbour of St Domingo, where he sent his boat to demand leave of entry

for the purpose of traffic. But Francis de Tapia, the governor of the

castle, caused some ordnance to be fired from the castle at the ship,

which was bearing in for the port; on which the ship put about, and the

people in the boat went again on board. They then sailed to the island of

St John, or Porto Rico, where they went into the harbour of St Germaine,

where they required provisions and other necessaries for their ship, and

complained against the inhabitants of St Domingo, saying that they came

not to do any harm, but to trade for what they wanted, paying in money or

merchandize. In this place they procured provisions, and paid in certain

vessels of wrought tin and other things. They afterwards departed towards

Europe, where it was thought they never arrived, as we never heard any

more news of them[16]."

From the above hint respecting the riches of Peru finding their way to the

Tower of London, and as combined with the former voyage of Cabot to the

north-west; in search of a passage to India, it may be inferred, that the

object of the present voyage was to discover a passage to India by the

south-west, or by what is now called Cape Horn. The passage to India by

the Cape of Good Hope, had been granted exclusively by the Pope to the

Portuguese; and Henry VIII. then a good catholic, wished to evade this

exclusive privilege by endeavouring to discover a new route. It was well

observed by one of the kings of France, in reference to the Pope having

granted all the East to the Portuguese, and all the West to the Spaniards,

"I wish my brothers of Spain and Portugal would shew me the testament of

our father Adam, by which they claim such ample inheritance." The

supposition that Cabot had perished on his voyage from Porto Rico to

England was unfounded. He was alive there in 1549, in which year Edward VI.

granted a yearly pension for life to him and his assigns, of L.166, 13s.

4d. to be paid quarterly, in consideration of the good and acceptable

service done and to be done by him[17].

We have been induced to insert this long digression in this place, because

no journals remain of the voyages to which they relate. The other early

voyages of the English to the New World, were all for the purpose of

discovering a N.W. passage by sea to India, or for colonizing the

provinces of North America, and will fail to be particularly noticed in

other divisions of our work.

[1] Novus Orbis, p. 111.

[2] Vol. I. 262, and Vol. V. 479.

[3] Nov. Orb. 87.

[4] Mod. Geogr. III. 8.

[5] Harris, Col. of Voy. and Trav. II. 167.

[6] Harris, Coll. of Voy. and Trav. II. 62.

[7] Id. II. 87.

[8] Harris, II. 33.

[9] Harris, II. 38.

[10] Hakluyt, III. 25.

[11] Hakluyt, III. 27.

[12] Hakl. III. 28.

[13] Id. III. 29.

[14] Id. ib.

[15] Id. ib.

[16] Hakl. III. 591.

[17] Hakl. III. 31.

DEDICATION.

_To the most illustrious Renee, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, Duke

of Lorain and Bar, Americas Vespucius in all humble reverence and due

gratitude, wisheth health and prosperity_.

Most illustrious sovereign, your majesty may perhaps be surprised at my

presumption in writing this prolix epistle, knowing, as I do, that your

majesty is continually engaged in conducting the arduous affairs of

government. I may deserve blame for presuming to dedicate to your majesty

this work, in which you will take little interest, both because of its

barbarous style, and that it was composed expressly for Ferdinand king of

Spain. But my experience of your royal virtues has given me a confident

hope that the nature of my subject, which has never yet been treated of by

ancient or modern writers, may excuse me to your majesty. The bearer,

_Benvenuto_, a servant of your majesty, and my valued friend, whom I met

with at Lisbon, earnestly entreated me to write this history, that your

majesty might be informed of all those things which I had seen during the

four voyages to different parts of the world, which I had undertaken for

the discovery of unknown countries. Of these four voyages, two were made

through a vast extent of ocean towards the West, at the command of the

illustrious Don Ferdinand king of Spain: The other two were to the south,

in the service of Don Manuel king of Portugal. I have used my utmost

diligence in the composition of this work, in hopes that your majesty

would graciously receive me among the number of your dependants,

considering that we were formerly companions during youth, while studying

grammar under the tuition of my venerable uncle, Fra George Antony

Vespucius. I wish that I were able to imitate that worthy person, as I

should then be quite different from what I am: Yet I am not ashamed of

myself, having always placed my chief delight in the practice of virtue,

and the acquisition of literature. Should these voyages displease you, I

may say, as Pliny said to his patron, "formerly my pleasantries used to

delight you." Although your majesty is always occupied in affairs of state,

you may certainly have as much leisure as will permit you to peruse these

pages; which, however trivial in comparison, may yet please by their

novelty. After the cares of government, your majesty will, I hope, receive

amusement from my labours, as a pleasant desert promotes digestion after a

plentiful repast. But, if I have been too tedious in my narrative, I ask

pardon and take my leave.

Be it known to your majesty that I first went to these new countries in

search of trade, in which I was occupied for four years, during which I

experienced various reverses of fortune; at one time raised to the summit

of human wishes, and afterwards reduced to the lowest ebb of misery, in so

much that I had resolved to abandon commerce, and to confine my exertions

to more laudable and safer exertions. I disposed myself, therefore, to the

purpose of exploring various parts of the world, that I might see the

wonderful things which it contains. An opportunity soon fortunately

offered for satisfying this desire, as King Ferdinand of Spain fitted out

four ships for the discovery of new countries towards the west, and was

pleased to employ me upon this service. We set sail on the 20th of May

1497 from the port of Cadiz, taking our course through the great gulf of

the ocean, in which voyage we were occupied for eighteen months,

discovering _many continents_, and almost innumerable islands, most of

which were inhabited, all of which were utterly unknown to our

predecessors and the ancients. If I am not mistaken, I have somewhere read

that the ocean is entirely void of countries and inhabitants, as appears

to have been the opinion of our poet Dante, in his _Inferno_. But of the

wonderful things which I have seen there, your majesty will find an

account in the following narrative.

SECTION I.

_The first Voyage of Americus Vespucius_.

As already mentioned, we set sail with four ships in company from Cadiz on

the 20th May 1497[1], shaping our course with the wind at S.S.W.[2] for

the islands formerly called the _Fortunate_, and now named the Grand

Canaries; which are situated in the western extremity of the then known

habitable world, and in the third climate, the elevation of the pole being

twenty-seven degrees and two thirds. These islands are 280 leagues distant

from Lisbon, where this work was written. After spending about a week

there, taking in wood, water, and other necessaries, commending ourselves

to GOD, we set sail with a fair wind towards the west, one quarter

south-west[3], and made such progress that in about twenty-seven we

arrived at a country which we believed to be a continent, about a thousand

leagues distant from the Great Canaries, in 16° north latitude, and 75°

west longitude from the Canary islands[4]. Our fleet cast anchor at this

place, a league and a half from shore, to which we went in some boats well

armed and full of men. On nearing the beach, we could plainly see great

numbers of naked people going about, at which circumstance we were much

rejoiced. The natives, however, were astonished on seeing us, on account

of the unusual appearance of our dress and manners, so that as we advanced

they all fled to a hill in the neighbourhood, whence at that time we could

not allure them by any signs of peace and friendship. On the approach of

night, considering that the place in which our ships were anchored was

altogether unsafe in the event of any storm arising, we determined to quit

this part of the coast in the morning, for the purpose of seeking out some

harbour where our ships might ride in safety. We accordingly made sail

along the coast, and in sight of the shore, on which we could always see

the natives, and after two days sail we found a convenient anchorage for

the ships at the distance of half a league from the shore. At this place

we saw a great multitude of people, and being anxious to examine them, and

to establish a friendly intercourse, we landed that same day with about

forty of our men in good array. But the natives shewed themselves

extremely averse to any communication with us, and could not be allured to

a conference by any means. At length a small number of them were induced

to come near by presents of bells, small mirrors, glass beads, and similar

toys, and a friendly intercourse was thus established. As night came on,

we left them and returned to the ships. At dawn of the following day, we

saw immense numbers of the natives on shore, men, women, and children:,

and could observe that they had all their household stuff along with them,

of which an account will be given hereafter. On our approach towards the

shore, many of the natives threw themselves into the sea, being most

expert swimmers, and came to meet us with much appearance of kindness, and

joined us in perfect confidence of security, as if we had been old

acquaintances, which gave us much pleasure.

The whole of these people, men as well as women, went entirely naked.

Though of rather small stature, they are exceedingly well proportioned,

their complexion being reddish brown, like the hair of lion; but if they

were always clothed, they would in my opinion become as white as our

people. They have no hair on any part of their bodies, except on the head,

where it is long and black; especially the women, who wear their long

black hair in a very comely manner. Their faces are by no means handsome,

being broad like the Tartars, and they allow no hair to remain on their

eyebrows or eyelids, nor on any other part of their bodies, as already

mentioned, it being esteemed by them quite beastly to have hair remaining

on their bodies. Both men and women are amazingly agile in walking and

running, as we frequently experienced, the very women being able to run

one or two leagues at a stretch with the utmost ease, and in this exercise

they greatly excelled us Christians. They are likewise wonderfully expert

swimmers, in which the women excel the men and we have seen them swim two

leagues out to sea without any aid whatever. Their arms are bows and

arrows, which are more craftily made than ours; and, being destitute of

iron or any other metal, they arm the points of their arrows with the

teeth of wild beasts or fishes, often hardening their ends in the fire to

make them stronger. They are most expert archers, hitting any thing they

aim at with wonderful precision; the women also, in some places, being

excellent archers. Their other arms are a kind of very sharp lances or

pointed stakes, and clubs, having their heads very nicely carved. They are

chiefly accustomed to make war against their neighbours speaking a

different language; and as they give no quarter, unless to such as are

reserved for the most horrid tortures, they fight with extraordinary fury.

When they go to battle they are accompanied by their wives, not to assist

them in fighting, but on purpose to carry their provisions and other

necessaries; and one of their women will carry a greater weight on her

back for a journey of thirty or forty leagues, than a strong man is able

to lift from the ground, as we have often seen. They have no regular

captains or commanders in their wars; and although any one may assume the

office of leader, they always march onwards without any order whatever.

Their wars do not originate in any desire of extending their power or

territory, neither from any inordinate lust of dominion, but from ancient

enmities, transmitted from one generation to another; and when asked the

cause of these enmities, their only answer is that they are bound to

revenge the death of their ancestors. These people living in perfect

liberty, are not subjected to any kings or rulers, and are chiefly excited

to war when any of their tribe happens to be slain or made prisoner. On

such occasions, the elder relations of the slain person or of the prisoner

go about among the huts and villages, continually crying out, and urging

all the warriors of the tribe to make haste and accompany them to war,

that they may recover their friend from captivity, or revenge his death.

All being moved to compassion and revenge by these incitements,

immediately prepare for war, and march away in haste to the assistance of

their friends.

These people have no laws, or any idea of distributive justice, neither

are malefactors ever punished among them. Parents even neither teach nor

chastise their children. We have sometimes seen them conferring together

among themselves in a strange manner. They seem very simple in their

discourse, yet are they very cunning and shrewd. In speaking they are

neither loud nor loquacious, using accents similar to ours, but squeezing

as it were most of their words between the teeth and the lips. They have a

great number of dialects, as at every hundred leagues distance we found a

different language, the different tribes not understanding each other.

Their manner of feeding is very barbarous, as they have no fixed periods

for eating, but just as inclination or opportunity offers, whether by day

or night. When taking food they recline on the ground, using neither

table-cloths nor napkins, as they have no linen or any other kind of cloth.

Their food is put into vessels of earthen ware, manufactured by themselves,

or into half gourd shells instead of dishes. They sleep in large net

hammocks made of cotton, suspended at some height; and however

extraordinary or disagreeable this custom may appear, I have found it

exceedingly pleasant, and much preferable to the carpets which we use.

Their bodies are very clean and sleek, owing to their frequent bathing.

When about to ease nature they are at great pains to conceal themselves

from observation, yet are very indecent in discharging their urine, which

they would do at any time, both men and women, while conversing with us.

They observe no law or covenant in regard to marriage, every man having as

many wives as he pleases or can procure, and dismissing them at pleasure,

and this license is common both to men and women. They are little addicted

to jealousy, yet much given to lust, in which the women far exceed the men.

From motives of decency I here omit describing the expedients they put in

practice for satisfying their inordinate desires. The women are very

prolific, and do not shun labour or fatigue while pregnant. Their

deliveries are attended with little pain, so that they are able

immediately afterwards to go about their usual occupations in perfect

health and vigour; going in the first place to wash themselves in the

nearest river. Yet such is their proneness to cruelty and malignant spite,

that if exasperated by their husbands, they take a certain poison in

revenge, which kills the foetus within them, so that they afterwards

miscarry, by which abominable practice vast numbers of their children are

destroyed. Their bodies are so elegant and well proportioned, that hardly

is any the smallest deformity to be seen among them. Though they go

entirely naked among the women, their appearance is tolerably decent[5],

yet are they no more moved by this exposure than we are by shewing our

faces. It is rare among them to see any women with lax breasts or

shrivelled bellies through frequent child-birth, as they are all equally

plump and firm afterwards as formerly. Their women were extremely fond of

our men.

We could not perceive that this nation had any religion, nor ought they on

that account to be accounted worse than the Jews, or Moors, since these

nations are much more reprehensible than the pagans or idolaters. We could

not discover that they performed any sacrifices or sacred rites of any

kind, neither had they any temples or other places for worship. Their way

of living, which is exceedingly voluptuous, I consider as epicurean[6].

Their houses, which are common to all, are built in the shape of a bell,

firmly constructed of large pieces of timber, and covered over with palm

leaves, so strong as to be able to resist winds and storms; some of them

so large as to be able to contain six hundred persons. Among these we

found eight that were exceedingly populous, as in them there dwelt ten

thousand souls[7]. Every seven or eight years they change their place of

residence; and when asked the reason of this, they said that through the

heat of the sun, the air would become infected by a longer residence in

the same place, which would occasion various diseases. Their riches

consisted in the various coloured feathers of different birds, in certain

stones resembling those called _pater-nosters_, in plates, or beads made

of fish bones, or of green or white stones, which they hang by way of

ornaments on their cheeks, lips, and ears. They likewise consider as

valuable several other trifling things which we despise. They employ no

medium for sale or barter, being satisfied with those things which are

offered spontaneously by nature. Gold, pearls, and precious stones, and

others of like nature, which are considered in Europe as riches, they hold

in no estimation, or rather despise them as of no use. They are extremely

liberal of every thing they possess, so that they never refuse any thing

that is asked from them; but are equally greedy in their demands, after

they have entered into friendship with any one. As the greatest mark of

friendship, they give their wives and daughters to their friends; and

every parent thinks himself much honoured when any one asks from him his

virgin daughter, which cements the firmest friendships among them. They

use various rites and customs in burying their dead. Some deposit them in

the earth, accompanied with victuals and water at their head, which they

believe are used by the deceased. After this no farther mourning or

ceremonial is customary. In other places, their mode of sepulture is very

barbarous and cruel. When any person is considered to be near his end, his

relations carry him out into a large wood, where they suspend him in a

hammock from two trees; and having danced round him for a whole day, they

place at night as much water and provisions as may suffice him for four

days, and every one returns to his own home. After this, if the sick

person is able to eat and drink, and is so far restored to health as to be

enabled to return to his habitation, he is received back by his relations

with much ceremony. But very few are able to do so, as no one ever visits

the sick person after his suspension. Should any of these leave the

hammock and die in the wood, they get no other burial. They have several

other barbarous customs, which I omit mentioning, to avoid being prolix.

They use various medicines for curing their diseases, which are so totally

different from those used among us, that it is wonderful any one should

recover by their means. When any one is ill of a fever, they plunge the

patient at its heighth in the coldest water, after which he is forced to

run round a large fire for two hours till he is all over in a violent

perspiration, and is then taken to bed. By this strange remedy we have

seen many restored to health. They will sometimes refrain from food for

three or four days. They draw blood, not from the arms, but from the loins

and the calves of the legs. They excite vomiting by means of certain herbs

which they chew, and keep in their mouths. They use likewise various other

remedies and antidotes, which it were tedious to enumerate. They are

subject to different sanguineous and phlegmatic humours, occasioned by the

nature of their food, which consists of fish, with various roots, fruits,

and herbs. They use no meal of any kind of corns or other seeds; but their

chief food is made from the root of a certain tree, which they bruise down

into a tolerably good kind of meal. This root is called by some _jucha_,

by others _chambi_, and by others _igname_. They scarcely eat of any kind

of flesh except that of men, in the use of which they exceed every thing

that is brutal and savage among mankind; devouring their enemies, whether

slain or taken prisoners, both men and women indiscriminately, in the most

ferocious manner that can be conceived. I have often seen them employed in

this brutal feast, and they expressed surprize that we did not eat our

enemies as they did. All this your majesty may be assured is absolutely

true; and that their customs are so many and barbarous, it were tedious to

describe them all. Having seen many things during my four voyages

exceedingly different from our manners and customs, I have composed a book

in which all these are particularly described, but which I have not yet

published.

In this beginning of our course along the coast, we did not discover any

thing from which any great profit could be derived, probably because we

did not understand the language of the natives, except that we observed

several indications that gold was to be found in this country, which in

all other repects is most admirably situated. It was therefore agreed upon

to continue our voyage, always keeping as near as possible to the shore,

which occasioned us to make many tacks and circuits, keeping up frequent

intercourse with the natives as we proceeded. After several days sailing,

we arrived at a certain port, where it pleased God to rescue us from very

imminent danger. Immediately on entering this harbour; we descried a town

built in the water, as Venice is, consisting of about twenty large

bell-shaped houses, founded on solid wooden foundations, and having

draw-bridges by which the inhabitants could pass from house to house. As

soon as the inhabitants of this place saw us they drew up their bridges

for security, and retreated into their houses. Soon afterwards we

perceived twelve almadias or canoes, each of them hollowed out of the

trunk of a large tree, which advanced towards us, surrounding us on all

sides at some distance, their crews admiring our dress and appearance. We

likewise continued looking at them, endeavouring by friendly signs to make

them come towards us without fear, which however they declined. We

therefore steered towards them, on which they all hastened to land, giving

us to understand that they would soon return. They went in all haste to a

certain mountain, from whence they brought sixteen girls, whom they took

into their canoes, and brought towards us, putting four of them on board

each of our four ships, to our great surprize. After this they went about

among our ships with their canoes, and conversed with us so peaceably that

we thought them in every respect friendly disposed. About this time

likewise a vast number of people came swimming towards our ships from the

town before-mentioned, and we did not in the least suspect any evil

intention. By and by we beheld several old women at the doors of the

houses, who set up violent outcries, tearing their hair in token of great

distress, by which we began to suspect some evil was intended towards us.

The young women who had been put on board our ships leapt all of a sudden

into the sea, and those in the canoes removing to some distance bent their

bows and plied us briskly with arrows. Those likewise who were swimming

towards the ships were all armed with lances, which they concealed under

water. Being now convinced of their treachery, we stood on the defensive,

and in our turn attacked them so hotly that we destroyed several of their

canoes and killed a considerable number of the natives. The survivors

abandoned the remaining canoes, and made for the shore by swimming, after

twenty of the natives were slain and many wounded. On our side only five

men were wounded, all of whom are restored to health by the blessing of

God. We took two of the before-mentioned young women, and three men, after

which we visited the houses of the natives, where we only found two old

women and a sick man. We returned to the ships, not choosing to burn the

town, and put the five prisoners in fetters; but the two girls and one of

the men made their escape from us next night.

Leaving this harbour on the day following, we sailed eighty leagues

farther along the coast, when we found another nation quite different from

the former, both in language and behaviour. We agreed to anchor at this

place and to go ashore in our boats, when we saw a crowd of near 4000

people, who all fled into the woods on our approach, leaving every thing

behind them. On landing we proceeded about a gun-shot along a road leading

into the woods, where we found many tents which the natives had erected

for a fishing station, and in which we found fires on which abundance of

victuals were boiling, and various kinds of wild beasts and fishes

roasting. Among these was a certain strange animal very like a serpent,

without wings, which seemed so wild and brutal that we greatly admired its

terrible fierceness. As we proceeded farther among the tents, we found

many more serpents of this description, having their feet bound, and their

mouths tied to hinder them from biting. They had so hideous and fierce an

aspect that none of us dared to touch them, from fear of being poisoned.

They were equal in size to a wild goat, and about a yard and a half long,

having long and strong feet, armed with strong claws. Their skins were

variegated, with many colours, and their snouts and faces resembled those

of real serpents. From their nostrils to the extremity of their tails, a

line of rough bristles extends along the ridge of the back, insomuch that

we concluded they were actually serpents, yet they are used as food by

this nation[8]. Instead of bread, these Indians boil the fish, which they

catch abundantly in the sea, for a short time, then pounding them together

into a cake, they roast this over a hot fire without flame, which they

preserve for use, and which we found very pleasant food. They have many

other articles of food, which they prepare from various roots and fruits,

but which it would be tedious to describe. Finding that the natives did

not return from the woods to their dwellings, we resolved not to take away

any of their effects, lest they should be afraid of us, and even left many

trifling European articles hung up in their huts, after which we returned

to the ships.

Going on shore early next morning, we saw a vast number of people

collected on the shore, who were at first very timid on our approach, yet

mingled freely among us, and soon became quite familiar, shewing great

desire to enter into a friendly correspondence. They soon made us

understand that they did not dwell in this place, to which they resorted

merely for the purpose of fishing, and solicited us in a most friendly

manner to go along with them to their villages. Indeed they conceived a

great friendship for us on acccount of the two prisoners whom we had in

custody, who happened to belong to a nation with whom they were at enmity.

In consideration of their great importunity, twenty-three of us agreed to

go along with them well armed, with a fixed resolution to sell our lives

dear if necessity required. Having remained with them for three days, we

arrived after a journey of three leagues inland at a village consisting of

nine houses, where we were received with many barbarous ceremonies not

worth relating, consisting of dances, songs, lamentations, joy, and

gladness, strangely mixed together, and accompanied with plentiful

entertainments. We remained in that place all night, on which occasion the

natives pressed their wives upon us as companions with so much earnestness

that we could hardly resist. By the middle of the following day a

prodigious number of people crowded to see us, shewing no signs of fear,

and we were entreated by their elders to accompany them to their other

villages, farther inland, with which we complied. It is not easy to

describe the multiplied attentions which we received from them during nine

days, in which time we visited a great number of their villages, on which

occasion those who remained at the ships were exceedingly anxious at our

long absence. On our return to the ships we were accompanied by an

incredible number of men and women, who paid us every possible attention.

If any of us were fatigued with walking, they were eager to carry us in

one of their hammocks. As we had to pass a great many rivers, some of

which were large, they contrived to carry us over with perfect safety.

Many of the natives who were in our train carried in hammocks great

quantities of their own commodities which they had given us, such as the

many-coloured feathers which have been already mentioned, many of their

bows and arrows, and great numbers of variegated parrots. Others of them

carried all their household goods and animals. They were so eager to serve

us, that he who happened to carry any of our company over a river, seemed

transported at his good fortune. When we came to the boats which were to

carry us on board our ships, such numbers pressed in to accompany us, that

they might see our ships, that our boats were ready to sink under the load.

We accordingly carried as many of them to the ships as our boats could

possibly accommodate, and vast numbers followed us by swimming, insomuch

that we were somewhat alarmed at their numbers, though naked and unarmed,

more than a thousand of them being on board at once, admiring the

prodigious size of our ships as compared with their own canoes, and

astonished at every part of the tackle and artillery. A ludicrous scene

took place on occasion of firing off some of our guns, for immediately on

hearing the prodigious report, the greatest part of the natives jumped

overboard; just as frogs are apt to do when, sunning themselves on a bank,

they happen to hear any unusual noise. We were a good deal concerned at

this incident, but we soon reconciled the natives and removed their terror,

by explaining to them that we used such weapons for destroying our enemies.

Having entertained the natives on board our ships the whole of that day,

we advised them to go on shore at night, as it was our intention to depart

on the day following, and they all took leave of us with every

demonstration of friendship. While here, we observed many singular customs

among these people, which I do not propose enlarging upon at present, as

your majesty will be afterwards more particularly informed of every thing

worthy of attention, when I shall have completed the geographical relation

of my four voyages, which still requires revision and enlargement.

This country is exceedingly populous, and abounds everywhere with many

animals of different kinds, few of which resemble ours, and even these

differ in some measure from ours in shape and appearance. They have no

lions, bears, deer, swine, roes, or goats; neither have they any horses,

mules, asses, or dogs; sheep likewise and cows are not to be found among

them. Their woods, however, abound with great numbers of different kinds

of animals, which I cannot easily describe, as they are all in a wild

state, none of them being domesticated by the natives. Their birds are so

numerous, and so different from ours in colours and species, as is quite

surprising to the beholders. The country is extremely pleasant and

fruitful, abounding everywhere with beautiful groves and extensive forests,

consisting of trees which are verdant during the whole year, and never

lose their leaves, producing innumerable fruits entirely different from

ours. This land is situated in the torrid zone, directly under the

parallel described by the tropic of _cancer_, and in the second climate,

where the pole is elevated 23 degrees above the horizon[9]. While there, a

prodigious number of people came to see us, wondering at our colour and

appearance, and inquiring whence we came. We answered, that we had come

down from heaven to visit the earth, and they believed us. We constructed

several fonts in this place, at which a prodigious number of people came

to be baptized, calling themselves _charaibs_, which word in their

language signifies _wise men_. The country is by them named _Parias_.

Leaving the before-mentioned harbour, we sailed along the coast, which we

kept always in sight for the space of 860[10] leagues, during which we had

to make many tacks and circuitous courses, always holding intercourse with

the numerous nations on the coast. We procured gold in many places, but

not in any considerable quantities, as our principal object was to

discover and explore these regions, and to learn whether they produced any

gold. Having employed thirteen months already in our voyage, and nearly

expended our stores and provisions, and our men being worn out with

continual watching and fatigue, we determined to take measures for

repairing our ships, which let in water on all sides, that we might return

into Spain. For the purpose, therefore, of repairing our ships, we entered

one of the best harbours in the world, where we were received in a most

friendly manner by the natives, who were here very numerous. Having

constructed a raft or lighter from the remains of our old boats and casks,

we carried all our guns and stores ashore. After completely unloading our

ships, we hauled them upon the beach, where we repaired them effectually.

In this laborious employment we were materially assisted by the natives,

who likewise most liberally supplied us with provisions, so that we

consumed very little of our own sea stores during our stay at this place.

This circumstance was of singular importance to us, as our own provisions

were much diminished, and we should hardly have been able to reach Spain

without this assistance, unless upon short allowance. We remained

thirty-seven days at this port, going frequently along with the natives to

their villages, where we were always received with much respect. When

ready to resume our voyage, the natives complained to us of a certain very

savage nation which was in use at certain times of the year to invade

their territories by sea, sometimes falling upon them by surprise, and at

other times by main force, who killed many of their people and devoured

the slain, carrying away others into captivity. They told us that this

nation, against whom they were hardly able to defend themselves, inhabited

a certain island at about an hundred leagues from their country; and as we

sympathised in their distress, we engaged to revenge them upon their cruel

enemies. They greatly rejoiced at this intelligence, and offered to

accompany us in the expedition, which we declined for substantial reasons,

and only agreed to take seven of them along with us by way of guides, who

were to go in one of their own canoes, as we could not engage to bring

them back to their own country; with which arrangement they gratefully

acquiesced, and we parted from them in great friendship.

Having repaired our ships and taken every thing belonging to them on board,

we put to sea, and sailed seven days with the wind at E.N.E. beating to

windward, after which we fell in with several islands, some of which were

inhabited and others not, near one of which we came to anchor, called

_Ity_[11] by the natives, on which we saw a great crowd of people. Arming

our boats with a good number of picked men and three pieces of ordnance,

we approached the shore at a place where there were at least 400 men and

many women. All of these, as noticed in formerly visited places, went

entirely naked, of strong bodies, and warlike appearance, and were all

armed with bows, arrows, and lances, many of them having round or square

shields for their defence, which did not at all impede them in discharging

their arrows. All of them had their bodies painted of many colours, and

were adorned with the feather's of various birds; and the friendly Indians

who had accompanied us from the continent assured us that their painting

and adornment were sure indications that they were prepared for battle.

Accordingly, when we had reached to within an arrow-flight of the beach,

they all advanced into the sea towards us, and began to let fly a vast

number of arrows, using their utmost efforts to prevent our landing,

insomuch that we were constrained to make several discharges from our

artillery against them. Oh hearing the reports of our guns, and seeing a

good many of their companions slain, all the rest retreated to the shore.

Having called a council of war, it was resolved, that forty-two of us

should land and attack them boldly. We accordingly leaped from the boats

with our arms in our hands, and were so manfully opposed, that the battle

lasted almost two hours, till at length we gained a complete victory,

killing a considerable number of the natives, and taking some prisoners.

The enemy then fled into the woods, several of them being slain in their

flight by our hand-guns[12], but we did not pursue far, as we were already

much fatigued. We returned therefore to our ships, the seven friendly

natives being greatly rejoiced at our victory.

Next day we saw an immense number of the islanders collecting on the shore,

sounding horns and other instruments used by them in war, all painted and

adorned with feathers, so that it was wonderful to behold them. It was

again determined in council that we should go on shore in force, and

should treat the natives as enemies if they rejected our friendship. We

accordingly landed in a body, unopposed by the islanders, who seemed

afraid of our cannon. Our force consisted on this occasion of four bodies

of fifty-seven men, each under its proper commander, and we had a long and

severe engagement with the natives hand to hand. After many of them were

slain, they at length took to flight, and we pursued them to one of their

villages, where we took twenty-five prisoners, and burned the village; and

we killed and wounded a great many more on our return towards the ships.

On our side one only was slain in this fight, and twenty-two wounded, all

of whom, by the blessing of God, recovered from their wounds. It was now

determined to return into Spain: wherefore the seven men who had

accompanied us from the continent, of whom five were wounded in the battle,

embarked in a canoe which we seized at this place, and returned to their

own country, very joyful for the vengeance we had taken of their cruel

enemies, and full of admiration at our war-like prowess. On this occasion

we gave them seven of our prisoners, three men and four women. Proceeding

from this place in our voyage to Spain, we arrived at Cadiz on the 15th

October 1498, carrying with us 222 prisoners whom we had taken during the

voyage, all of whom we sold. These are all the circumstances worthy of

notice which occurred during our first voyage.

[1] It is highly probable that the date is here falsified by error, or

rather purposely to give a pretext for having discovered the continent

of the New World before Columbus; for we are assured by Harris, II. 37,

that the real date of this voyage was 1499. Alonzo Hojeda and Americus

Vespucius were furnished by Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, with charts and

projects of discovery made by Columbus, whose honour and interest the

bishop was eager to destroy by this surreptitious invasion of his

rights as admiral and viceroy of the West Indies.--E.

[2] In the original, having the wind between south and south-west. It is

often impossible to ascertain, as here, from the equivocal language of

the original, whether the author intends to express the course of the

voyage or the direction of the wind. The course of the voyage from

Cadiz to the Cananaries, whither Americus was now bound, certainly was

towards the direction expressed in the text, and to this course the

wind indicated is adverse.

[3] In the original, _per Ponentem, sumpta una Lebeccio quarta_. _Ponente_

is the West in Italian, and _Lebeccio_ the south-west; but it is

difficult to express in English nautical language the precise meaning

of the original, which is literally translated in the text.--E.

[4] The latitude and longitude of the text would indicate the eastern

coast of Yucutan, near the bay of Honduras; but from other

circumstances, it is probable the coast now visited by Americus was

that of Paria or the Spanish main, between the latitudes of 10° and

12° N. and perhaps twenty-five degrees less to the west than

expressed in the text. But the geographical notices in this work of

Americus are scanty and uncertain.--E.

[5] Praeterquam regiuncula illa anterior, quam verecundiore vocabulo

pectusculum imum vocamus.

[6] The author appears to mean here that they were entirely destitute of

religious belief.--E.

[7] The expression of the author seems here ambiguous. He probably means

towns or collections of huts as containing such large numbers; and it

is hard to say whether he meant to say that these eight populous

_habitations_ had 10,000 each, or altogether.--E.

[8] The expression of the original _serpens_, here translated serpent, had

been better expressed, perhaps, by the fabulous term _dragon_.

The animal in question was probably the _lacerto iguana_, or it may

have been a young alligator.--E.

[9] This is a most singularly mistaken account of the situation of the

coast of Paria, now Cumana or the Spanish main; which, beginning on

the east at the island of Trinidad, about lat. 10° N. joins Carthagena

in the west about the same latitude, and never reaches above 12° N.

Were it not that the author immediately afterwards distinctly names

the coast of Paria, the latitude of the text would lead us to suppose

that he had been exploring the northern coast of Cuba.--E.

[10] Even supposing Americus to have coasted along the whole northern

shore of South America, from Trinidad to Costa-rica, the distance does

not exceed twenty-three degrees of longitude, and the coast of Paria

or Cumana is scarce 15 degrees. The number of leagues, therefore, in

the text is greatly exaggerated, unless we suppose them only to have

been Italian miles.--E.

[11] The relation of this voyage is so exceedingly vague that we have no

means of determining any of the places which were touched at. From the

resemblance of the name in the text to Haiti, or Aiti, this island may

possibly have been Hispaniola.--E.

[12] The author affects classical names for modern fire-arms, naming what

we have translated hand-guns _balistae colubrinae_. Cannon are

sometimes called _tormenta bellica_, and at other times _machina

saxivoma_--E.

SECTION II.

_The Second Voyage of Americas Vespucius_.

We set sail from Cadiz on our second voyage on the 11th of May 1499,

taking our course past the Cape Verds and Canaries for the island of

_Ignis_, where we took in a supply of wood and water: Whence continuing

our voyage with a south-west wind for nineteen days, we reached a certain

undiscovered land, which we believed to be the continent, over against

that which we had explored in our former voyage, and which is situated in

the torrid zone upon the southern side of the equator, and in 5° of south

latitude[1], being 500 leagues from the before-mentioned islands, to the

south-west. In this country we found the days and nights to be equal on

the 27th of June, when the sun was in the tropic of cancer[2]. We found

this country inundated and pervaded by large rivers, having a very verdant

appearance, with large tall trees, but with no appearance of any

inhabitants. Having anchored our ships, we went to land with some of our

boats, but after a long search we found the whole land so covered with

water that we could not land anywhere, though we saw abundant indications

of a numerous population, after which we returned to the ships. Hoisting

our anchors, we sailed along shore with the wind at S.S.E. for above forty

leagues, frequently endeavouring to penetrate into the land, but in vain,

as the flux of the sea was so rapid from the S.E. to the N.W. that it was

impossible for the vessels to stem the current. In consideration of this

circumstance, we resolved to steer a course to the N.W. in the course of

which we came to a harbour, where we found a beautiful island, and an

excellent creek at the entrance. While sailing with the intention of

entering this harbour, we saw an immense number of people on this island,

which was about four leagues from shore. Having hoisted out our boats on

purpose to land on the island, we perceived a canoe with several natives

coming from seawards, which we endeavoured to surround with our boats,

that we might make them prisoners. After a long chase, finding that we

gained upon them, the whole of the natives in the canoe, to the number of

about twenty, jumped into the sea about two leagues from shore, and

endeavoured to escape by swimming, which they all did except two whom we

secured. In the canoe which they had deserted, we found four young men of

another nation whom they had made prisoners, and whose members had been

quite recently cut off, at which strange circumstance we were greatly

astonished. On taking these unfortunate captives to our ships, they made

us understand by signs that they had been taken away from their own

country to be eaten, as the nation by whom they had been made captives

were savage cannibals. After this, taking the captured canoe along with us,

we brought our ships to anchor within half a league of the shore, where we

observed great numbers of the natives wandering about. We then went on

shore, taking the two prisoners belonging to the canoe along with us; but

immediately on landing, all the natives fled into the woods. Seeing this,

we set free one of our prisoners, to whom we gave several trinkets, as

bells and small mirrors, in token of friendship, assuring him that he and

his countrymen need not be afraid of us, as we were desirous of entering

into friendship with them. This man soon brought back about four hundred

of the natives from the woods, accompanied by many of their women, all of

whom came to us unarmed, and an entire friendship was established between

us to all appearance, on which we set free the other prisoner, and

restored the captured canoe. This vessel, which was hollowed from a single

piece of wood, measured twenty-six paces long, and two yards broad, and

was very artificially constructed. As soon as they had secured their canoe

in another part of the river beyond our reach, the whole of the natives

suddenly deserted us, and never could be brought to renew their

intercourse.

Being disappointed in our expectation of any friendly connection with

these people, among whom we only saw a small quantity of gold, which they

wore as ornaments in their ears, we sailed about eighty leagues further

along the coast, when we discovered a safe harbour, into which we brought

our ships, and found the country exceedingly populous. We soon established

a friendly intercourse with these people, and even accompanied them to

several of their villages, where we found ourselves in perfect security,

and received the kindest treatment imaginable, and procured from them

about five hundred pearls for one bell and a small quantity of gold. The

natives of this country make a kind of wine, which they express from

fruits and seeds, resembling beer, both red and white. The best is made

from a species of apple[3]. Of these and many other excellent fruits of

fine flavour, we eat abundantly, and found them extremely wholesome. The

inhabitants of this place were more peaceably disposed, more civilized in

their manners and dispositions, and more abundantly supplied with all

kinds of necessaries and household-stuff than any we had seen hitherto. We

remained seventeen days in this harbour with much satisfaction, vast

numbers of the natives coming daily to visit us, admiring our appearance,

the whiteness of our complexions, the fashion of our clothes and arms, and

the magnitude of our ships. From these people we were informed of another

nation more to the west, by whom they were very much annoyed, and who

possessed great quantities of pearls; both because they had these in their

own country, and were accustomed to carry them off from those other tribes

against whom they went to war. They likewise informed us in what manner

the pearls originated, and how they were fished for; all of which we

afterwards found to be true.

Leaving this harbour, we continued our voyage along the coast, all of

which was numerously inhabited by different nations. Having entered a

certain harbour for the purpose of repairing one of our vessels, we there

found a great number of inhabitants, with whom we were unable to establish

any intercourse, either by force or good-will. When we endeavoured at any

time to land from our boats, they fiercely opposed us; and finding all

their resistance ineffectual, they fled into the woods, and could not be

prevailed on to enter into any intercourse with us. For which reason we

departed from their inhospitable shore.

Continuing our voyage, we came to a certain island about fifteen leagues

from the coast, which we agreed to visit, that we might see if it were

inhabited; and we accordingly found it possessed by a race of exceedingly

savage people, who were notwithstanding extremely simple and very

courteous. In manners and appearance they are little better that brutes,

and all of them have their mouths constantly filled with a certain green

herb, which they are continually chewing like ruminating cattle, so that

they can hardly speak to be understood[4]. Each individual among them

carries two small gourd shells hung from the neck, one of which contains

the herb which they chew, and the other is filled with a particular kind

of white meal resembling powdered gypsum, which, with a small stick chewed

and moistened, they draw out from this gourd, and sprinkle therewith the

chewed herb, which they again replace in their mouths. Although we

wondered much at this strange custom, we could not for a long while

discover its reason and object. But, as we walked about their country,

trusting to their friendly attentions, and endeavoured to learn from them

where we could procure fresh water, they explained to us by signs that

none was to be had in these parts, and they offered us the herb and powder

which they are in use to chew as a substitute. After accompanying them a

whole day, without food or drink, we learnt that all the water which they

used was gathered during the night, by collecting dew from certain plants

having leaves resembling asses ears, which are filled every night by the

dews of heaven. This nation is likewise destitute of any vegetable food,

and live entirely on fish, which they procure abundantly from the sea.

They even presented us with several turtles, and many other excellent

fish. The women of this nation do not use the herb which is chewed by the

men, but each of them carries a gourd shell filled with water to serve

them for drink.

This nation has no villages, nor even any huts or cabins, their only

shelter consisting in certain prodigiously large leaves, under which they

are protected from the scorching heat of the sun. When employed in fishing,

each individual carries one of these enormous leaves, which he sticks into

the ground directly between him and the sun, and is thus enabled to

conceal himself entirely under its shade; and although this is not a

sufficient protection against rain, it is wonderful how little rain falls

in this country. This island has many animals of various kinds, all of

which have only very dirty water for drinking.

Finding no prospect of advantage at this island, we went from it to

another in hope of procuring a supply of water. At our first landing, we

believed this other island to be uninhabited, as we saw no people on its

coast at our arrival; but on walking along the beach, we noticed the

prints of human feet of such uncommon magnitude, that if the rest of the

body were of similar proportions, the natives must be of astonishing size.

We at length noticed a path which led into the country, which nine of us

determined to pursue, that we might explore the island, as we imagined it

was of small size, and could not consequently have many inhabitants.

Having advanced near a league, we observed five cabins in a valley which

we believed to be inhabited; and going into these, we found five women,

two of whom were old, and three of them young, all of whom were of most

unusual stature, so that we were much amazed. On their side, likewise,

they were so much astonished at our appearance, that they were even unable

to run away from us. The old women spoke kindly to us in their language,

and all of them accompanying us into one of their huts, presented us with

plenty of their victuals. All of these women were taller than the tallest

men of our country, being as tall even as _Francisco de Albicio_[5], but

better proportioned than any of us. After consulting together, we agreed

among ourselves to carry off the young women by force, that we might shew

them in Spain as objects of wonder; but, while conversing together on this

project, about thirty-six of their men began to enter the cabin. These men

were much taller than the women, and of such handsome proportions that it

was a pleasure to behold them. They were armed with bows, arrows, spears,

and large clubs, and inspired us with such dread that we anxiously wished

ourselves safe back at the ships. On entering, they began to talk among

themselves, and we suspected that they were deliberating upon making us

prisoners, on which account we consulted together how we should act for

own safety. Some of our party proposed to attack them in the hut, while

others thought it would be safer to do so in the open ground, and the rest

were against proceeding to extremities till we were quite certain of the

intentions of the natives. We accordingly stole out of the cabin, and

resumed the path which led towards the shore. The men followed us at the

distance of a stones-throw, always speaking among themselves, and

apparently as much afraid of us as we were of them,; for when we stopped

they did the same, and only continued to advance as we retreated, always

keeping at a respectful distance. When at length we reached the boats, and

had pushed off from the shore, they all leapt into the sea, and shot a

number of their arrows against us, of which we were not now in much fear.

We fired two shots among them, more for the purpose of intimidation than

of killing them; and scared by the report, they all fled away into the

woods, and we saw no more of them. All of these people went naked, as has

been said of the other natives whom we had seen; and on account of the

prodigious size of these men, we named this place the island of Giants.

Proceeding on our voyage at no great distance from this last place, we had

frequent encounters with the natives, as they were unwilling to allow of

any thing being taken from their country. On this account, and because our

stock of provisions had become scanty, as we had been near a year at sea,

we resolved on returning to Spain. Since our departure from the Cape Verde

islands, we had been always in the torrid zone, and had twice crossed the

equator, insomuch that the remaining provisions in our ships were much

injured by the heat of the climate. In prosecuting our determination of

returning home, it pleased God to conduct us to a place for repairing our

vessels, where we found a people who received us with much kindness, and

from whom we procured a great number of oriental pearls. During

forty-seven days which we spent among this tribe, we purchased an hundred

and nineteen fine pearls, at an expence not exceeding forty ducats; as we

gave them in return bells, mirrors, and beads of glass and amber of very

little value. For one bell we could obtain as many pearls as we pleased to

take. We also learned where and how they procured their pearls, and they

even gave us many of the oysters in which they are found, several of which

we likewise bought, in some of which we found an hundred and thirty pearls,

but in others considerably fewer. Unless when perfectly ripe, and quite

detached from the shells in which they grow, they are very imperfect, for

they wither and come to nothing, as I have frequently experienced; but

when ripe, they separate from among the flesh, except that they then

merely stick to it, and these, are always the best.

After a stay of forty-seven days at this place in great friendship with

the natives, we took our departure, and went to the island of _Antilia_[6],

which was discovered a few years ago by Christopher Columbus, where we

remained two months and two days repairing our vessels and procuring

necessaries for the voyage home. During our stay there we suffered many

insults from the Christian inhabitants, the particulars of which are here

omitted to avoid prolixity. Leaving that island on the 22d of July, we

arrived at the port of Cadiz on the eighth of September[7], after a voyage

of six weeks, where we were honourably received; having thus, by the

blessing of God, finished our second voyage.

[1] This latitude of 5° S. would lead to Cape St Roquo on the coast of

Brazil; but the indications given by Americus during his several

voyages are exceedingly vague and uncertain.--E.

[2] The sun on the 27th of June has just passed to the south side of the

equator, and is in the tropic of cancer on the 23d of March.--E.

[3] Called in the text myrrh-apples, _Poma myrrhae_, perhaps meant to

imply mirabolans.--E.

[4] This appears to refer to chewing tobacco, and gives a strong picture

of that custom carried to excess.--E.

[5] This person was probably a noted giant, or remarkably tall man, then

well known in the south of Europe: Or it may refer to a colossal image

of St Francis.--E.

[6] The island of Hispaniola is certainly here meant, to which Americus

has chosen to give the fabulous or hypothetical name of Antilia,

formerly mentioned; perhaps with the concealed intention of

depreciating the grand discovery of Columbus, by insinuating that the

Antilles were known long before his voyage.--E.

[7] Though not mentioned in the text, this date must have been of the year

1500; or at least intended to be so understood by Americus--E.

SECTION III.

_The Third Voyage of Americus Vespucius_.

While I was at Seville recovering from the fatigues of my late voyages,

and intending again to visit the _Land of Pearls_, it happened that

Emanuel king of Portugal chose, for what reason I know not, to send me a

letter by a messenger, earnestly desiring my immediate presence at Lisbon,

where he engaged to do much for my advantage. I signified by the messenger

that I was entirely disposed to comply with the commands of his majesty,

but was then ill, and should certainly evince my obedience if I recovered.

The king of Portugal afterwards sent Julian Bartholomew Jocundus from

Lisbon, with orders to use his endeavours to bring me with him to the

royal presence; and as all my acquaintances urged me against attempting

another voyage on account of my bad health, I was obliged to comply, and

immediately departed from Spain, where I had been very honourably

entertained, the king even having conceived a good opinion of me, and so

great was the urgency that I set out without taking leave of my host. On

presenting myself to Emanuel, I was graciously received, and strongly

urged to go along with three of his ships which had been fitted out for

discovering new countries; and as the requests of kings are equivalent to

commands, I consented to his desire.

I accordingly departed from Lisbon with the three ships belonging to his

majesty on the 10th of May 1501. We steered, in the first place, for the

Canaries, after which we proceeded for the western coast of Africa, where

during three days stay we took a prodigious number of certain fishes which

are called _Phargi_. From thence we went to that part of Ethiopia which is

called _Besilica_[1], which is situated in the torrid zone and first

climate, in 14° of north latitude. We here remained for eleven days,

taking in wood and water to enable us to continue our voyage through the

southern Atlantic. Leaving this port with a S.E. wind, we arrived in about

sixty-seven days at a certain island which is 700 leagues to the S.E. of

the before-mentioned port. During this voyage, we suffered prodigiously,

owing to the tempestuous weather which we encountered, especially near the

equator. At that place it was winter in the month of June, the days and

nights were of equal length, and our shadows were always towards the south.

At length it pleased the Almighty to conduct us to a new country on the

17th of August, where we came to anchor about a league and a half from the

shore, to which we went in our boats to see whether it were inhabited. We

accordingly found that it was full of inhabitants, who were worse than

beasts; though at our first landing we could not see any of the natives,

we yet saw by numerous traces on the shore that the country was very

populous. We took possession of this land for the king of Castile[2],

finding it in all appearance fertile and pleasant. This place is five

degrees beyond the equator to the south. After the ceremony of taking

possession, we returned to our ships; and as we required a supply of wood

and water, we went on shore next day for that purpose. While employed on

that service, we saw some natives on the top of a hill at some distance,

who could not be prevailed on to come towards us. They were all naked, and

of a similar colour and appearance with those we had seen in the former

voyages. As we had not been able to have any intercourse with the natives,

we left some bells, looking-glasses, and other trifles for them on the

ground, when we returned to our ships in the evening. When they saw us at

some distance from the shore, they came down from the hill to where we had

been, and shewed many tokens of surprise at the things we had left.

As we had only provided ourselves with water at this first trip, we

proposed going on shore next day, when we saw numbers of the natives

making several fires and smokes along the shore, as if inviting us to land.

Yet when we actually landed, though great numbers of people collected at

some distance, they could not be induced to join us, yet made signals for

us to go farther into the land along with them. On this account, two of

our men who were prepared for exposing themselves to such dangers[3], on

purpose to learn what kind of people these were, and whether they

possessed any spices or rich commodities, asked permission from the

commander of our ships to go with the natives, and took a number of

trinkets along with them for the purpose of barter. They accordingly set

off, engaging to return to the shore at the end of five days, and we

returned to the ships. Eight days elapsed without seeing any thing of our

men, during all which time many of the natives came down every day to the

beach, but would never enter into any intercourse with us. On the eighth

day we went again on shore, where we found that the natives were

accompanied by great numbers of their women; but as soon as we advanced

towards them the men withdrew, yet sent many of their women to meet us,

who seemed exceedingly shy and much afraid. On this account we sent

forwards a stout active young man, thinking that the women would be less

afraid of one than of many, and we returned to our boats. The women all

flocked about the young man, touching and examining him with eager

curiosity, while another woman came down the mountain, having a large

spear in her hand, with which she pierced the youth, who fell dead

immediately. The women then dragged his dead body by the feet to the

mountain; and the men came down to the shore armed with bows and arrows,

and began to shoot at us to our great alarm, as our boats dragged on the

sand, the water being very shallow, so that we were unable to get quickly

out of their way. For some time we had not presence of mind to take to our

arms, but at length we shot off four pieces against them; and although

none of the natives were hit, they were so astonished at the reports, that

they all fled to the mountain, where they joined the women who had killed

our young man. We could now see them cut his body in pieces, which they

held up to our view, after which they roasted these at a large fire, and

eat them. By signs, likewise, they made us understand that they had killed

and eaten our two men who went among them eight days before. We were sore

grieved at the savage brutality of these people, insomuch that forty of us

resolved to go on shore and attack them in revenge of their ferocious

cruelty; but our commander would on no account permit us, and we were

forced to depart unrevenged and much dissatisfied.

Leaving this savage country, with the wind at E.S.E. we saw no people for

a long time that would allow of any intercourse with them. We at length

doubled a head-land, which we named Cape St Vincent, which is 150 leagues

from the place where our men were slain towards the east, this new land

stretching out in a S.W. direction. This cape is eight degrees beyond the

equinoctial line towards the south [4]. Continuing our voyage beyond this

cape, we sailed along the coast of a country hitherto unvisited, and one

day saw a vast number of people who seemed greatly to admire both

ourselves and the size of our vessels. Having brought our vessels to

anchor in a safe place, we landed among these natives, whom we found of

much milder dispositions than those we were last among, yet it cost us

much trouble and patience to make them familiar with us, but we at length

succeeded in making them our friends, and remained five days among them,

trafficking for such articles as their country produced: Among these were

sugar-canes, green reeds, great quantities of unripe figs, some of which

we likewise found ripe on the tops of the trees. We agreed to take away

two of the natives from hence, that we might learn their language, and

three of them accompanied us to Portugal of their own accord.

Leaving this harbour with the wind at S.W. we proceeded along the land,

keeping it always in sight, and keeping up frequent intercourse with the

inhabitants, until we at length went beyond the tropic of Capricorn, so

far south that the south pole became elevated thirty-two degrees above the

horizon[5]. We had already lost sight of the Ursa Minor; the Ursa Major

appeared very low, almost touching the northern horizon; and we had now to

guide our course by the new stars of another hemisphere, which are more

numerous, larger, and brighter than those of our pole. On this account, I

delineated the figures of many of these new constellations, especially of

the largest, and took their declinations on the tracks which they describe

around the south pole, together with the measurement of the diameters and

semidiameters of their tracks, as shall be found in the history of my four

voyages which I am preparing for publication. In this long course,

beginning from Cape St Augustine[6], we had run 700 leagues along the

coast; 100 of these towards the west, and 600 towards the S.W.[7]. Were I

to attempt enumerating every thing we saw in this long and arduous

navigation, my letter would exceed all bounds. We found few things of any

value, except great numbers of _cassia_ trees, and many others which

produce certain nuts, to describe which and many other curious things

would occasion great prolixity. We spent ten months in this voyage, but

finding no precious minerals, we agreed to bend our course to a different

quarter. Accordingly orders were issued to lay in a stock of wood and

water for six months, as our pilots concluded that our vessels were able

to continue so much longer at sea.

Having provided ourselves for continuing the voyage, we departed with a

south-east wind, and on the 13th of February, when the sun had already

begun to approach the equinoctial on its way to our northern hemisphere,

we had gone so far that the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees

above the horizon, so that we had now lost sight not only of the Less but

of the Great Bear; and by the 3d of April we had got 500 leagues from the

place of our last departure[8]. On that day, 3d April, so fierce a tempest

arose at S.W. that we had to take in all our sails and scud under bare

poles, the sea running mountains high, and all our people in great fear.

The nights now were very long, as on the 7th April, when the sun is near

the sign of Aries, we found them to last fifteen hours, the winter now

beginning. While driving amid this tempest, we descried land on the 2d of

April[9] at about twenty leagues distance. We found this land altogether

barren, without harbours, and destitute of inhabitants, in my opinion

because the intense cold would render it almost impossible for any one to

live there[10].

We had undergone such fatigue and danger from this storm, that all now

agreed to return towards Portugal; yet on the following day we were

assailed by a fresh tempest of such violence that every one expected to be

overwhelmed by its fury. In this extremity, our sailors made many vows of

pilgrimages for their safety, and performed many ceremonies according to

the customs of sea-faring men. We were driven by this terrible storm for

five days without a single rag of sail in which time we proceeded 250

leagues on the ocean, approaching towards the equator, the temperature of

the sea and air always improving, till at length, by the cessation of the

storm, it pleased God to relieve us from our danger. In this course our

direction was towards the N.N.E. because we wished to attain the coast of

Africa, from which we were 1300 leagues distant across the Atlantic; and

by the blessing of the Almighty, we arrived on the 10th of May at that

province which is named _Sierra Leone_, where we remained fifteen days for

refreshments, and to rest ourselves from the fatigues of our long and

perilous voyage. From thence we steered for the Azores, distant 750

leagues from Sierra Leone, and arrived there near the end of July, where

likewise we stopped fifteen days for refreshments. We sailed hence for our

port of Lisbon, whence we were now 300 leagues distant to the west, and

arrived there by the aid of the Almighty in 1502[11], with two only of our

ships, having been forced to burn the other at Sierra Leone, as it was

incapable of being navigated any farther. During this third voyage we

were absent about sixteen months, eleven of which we had sailed without

sight of the north Star or of the Greater and Lesser Bears, during which

time we directed our course by the other stars of the southern pole.

[1] Assuredly Brasil is here meant, yet the latitude is absurdly

erroneous.--E.

[2] This must necessarily be an error, as he now sailed in the service of

the king of Portugal.--E.

[3] Perhaps malefactors, who have been formerly mentioned in the early

Portuguese voyages to India, as employed in such hazardous

commissions.--E.

[4] Could we trust to the position in the text, lat. 8° S. this voyage

must have been upon the coast of Brazil, and the cape named St Vincent

by Americus ought to be that now called St Augustine: Indeed in a

subsequent passage of this same voyage he gives this cape that

name.--E.

[5] Lat. 32° S. as in the text, would bring this voyage of Americus all

down the coast of Brazil almost to the mouth of the _Rio Grande_, or

of St Pedro, now the boundary between Portuguese America and the

Spanish viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres.--E.

[6] Obviously the same cape which was called St Vincent only a little way

before, and which now receives its true name.--E.

[7] The difference of latitude between Cape St Augustine and the Rio

Grande, is 24 degrees, or 480 leagues, and their difference of

longitude 17 degrees or 340 leagues.--E.

[8] The circumstances in the text would indicate that Americus had now run

down the eastern coast of South America, almost to the entrance of the

Straits of Magellan.--E.

[9] The tempest has been already stated as beginning on the 3d of April,

whence we must presume the present date in the text to be a

typographical error, perhaps for the _twenty_-second.--E.

[10] From the high latitude of 52° S. in which they were at the

commencement of the storm, and the direction of the wind from the S.W.

it seems highly probable that this barren land was what is now called

the Falkland Islands.--E.

[11] Though not mentioned in the text, we may conclude, from the time

occupied in this voyage, as indicated a little farther on, that

Americus returned to Lisbon in August 1502, the voyage having

commenced in May 1501, and lasted sixteen months.--E.