CHAPTER XV.

THE BAD EFFECTS OF ABOLITIONISM ON THE FREE COLORED POPULATION, AND ON

THE CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF SLAVES.

It cannot be denied, that Abolitionism has created a very unpleasant

state of feeling in the minds of the free colored population, and made

them unhappy; that it has excited them, in no inconsiderable degree,

to insubordination as citizens; that it has vitiated their domestic

and social character, as servants, wherever they are employed; that it

has invested them with an importance, in their own esteem, which the

present state of society is not prepared to award them, and

encouraged them to assume airs which are often rebuked to their great

unhappiness, and to the disturbance and injury of their temper; and

that it has exposed them to insult and outrage from the lower classes

of the white population, which very naturally provokes the same kind

of treatment in return, and consequently keeps alive perpetual feuds

in these conditions of life, not unfrequently leading to tragical

results, in which generally the colored people have the worst of it.

It will be observed, that we are now stating facts, not principles.

Abolitionists may say, it ought not to be so, and we admit it. But

their error is, in this, as in all departments of their cause, that

they build and go on the principle of _perfectionism_, and refuse to

submit to the suggestions of practical wisdom--of experience. They

assume, that it is possible to manage society just as if it were

perfect in its structure, and morally perfect in all its component

parts, and insist, that it shall be so managed. The consequence is,

that disturbance instantly insues, on the attempt to enforce their

principles, and the colored people are doomed to suffer the evil

consequences of the rashness of their pretended friends and

benefactors, besides that they are injured in their temper and

character as citizens.

Again we observe, that we are stating facts, as we know that we are

exposed to misrepresentation. We say, then, what every body

knows--though we regret the fact as sincerely as any one can--that the

free colored people of this country, with few exceptions, have risen,

in person or by genealogy, from a depressed condition, from a state of

bondage, which, in connexion with the public feeling and prejudice

against the race, on account of a difference of physical constitution,

subjects them unfortunately to social disadvantage, in a white

population, who have always had the ascendency, and to whom society,

as it exists, owes its origin and maintenance. This may be wrong in

the widest view and with the most generous construction of human

rights, as they are commonly maintained in the abstract; but it is a

fact. We say, moreover, in reference to such a fact, it has never been

known, in the history of human society, that such a class has risen,

by a single step, to a full equality of social immunity and privilege.

We know it is a doctrine of _perfectionism_, but it is not a

practicable doctrine, in our opinion. It will doubtless commonly be

regarded as impossible for such a class to be qualified, except by

time and degrees, for such a station in society with a white

population. To attempt, therefore, to enforce it on the people of this

country, in such circumstances, is only to make the colored people

unhappy, to put a claim into their mouths which they cannot hope to

realize, and to arm the white population with still stronger

prejudices against them.

Look, for example, to the effect of the Abolition agitation, in the

formation and adoption of the new Constitution of the State of

Pennsylvania: Before, free colored people, of specific qualifications,

were entitled to the privilege of electors; now they are all

disfranchised. We are inclined to the opinion, that if all

the Northern States were now engaged in remodelling their

Constitutions--especially where the colored people are numerous--they

would do the same thing, merely as the effect of the Abolition

movement. However this may be regretted, it is a natural consequence,

and on the Abolitionists rests the responsibility. Just in proportion

as they violently urge their measures, will the social privileges of

the colored population be abridged, and their comfort, happiness, and

prospects impaired. Before this agitation commenced, the colored

people were comparatively contented and happy, their privileges were

being extended, they were gradually rising in the scale of society,

and every body--at least the public generally--were gratified to see

them rise, and ready to help them. There was a common pleasure in

encouraging the worthy and industrious of their color; and though an

Abolitionist may be surprised at the fact, _we_ have entertained them

_as guests_ in our house, and at our table for days in succession, in

the same manner and with the same hospitalities which we are

accustomed to render to those of our own color, and with much greater

satisfaction, because we were delighted to see such proofs of their

excellence and worth. And notwithstanding that the measures of the

Abolitionists have thrown formidable obstacles in the way, we declare,

we would do the same thing again, in like circumstances. But however

worthy they may be, and the more worthy they are, they would be

backward and diffident in accepting such hospitalities, simply because

the effect of the Abolition movement has been to depress, instead of

raising them in society. It has abridged their privileges at all

points, and in all their relations with the white population, the

Abolitionists only excepted. Nor can the favor of the Abolitionists be

regarded as a fair and full indemnification for the loss they have

sustained by such an unfortunate alliance, inasmuch as the highest and

most influential agencies of society are now, and are likely to

continue, indirectly armed against them, by maintaining the

Government, and defending the institutions of the country, against

violence. The effect of the agitation, generally and particularly, on

the colored people themselves, and on the white population

individually and collectively, is to abridge the privileges of the

former, and to injure them.

We are aware, that the Abolitionists will probably say, such

incidental and unavoidable evils are always the concomitants of great

reformations in society. We suppose, of course, they will not say, it

is a proof of the justice of their cause, as such a reason would go to

authorize any mischief. These facts, then, are admitted. Indeed, we

see not, how they can be denied. It remains to be seen, whether the

final result will be any better than the beginning. We fear it will

not.

But the effects of Abolitionism on the condition and prospects of the

slaves, is even and far worse than on the free colored people. It has

rivetted the chains of slavery with a manifold firmness and strength;

it has greatly abridged the privileges before allowed them for

intellectual and moral culture; it has barred the door, in the slave

States, against all open and free discussion of the subject of

emancipation, which before was tolerated; it has interdicted all

intercourse between the North and South, that presumes to meddle with

the subject of slavery, and of course raised an insurmountable barrier

against the social influence of the North in this particular

direction; it has barred the influence of public opinion on slavery

from all quarters beyond the slave States; it has driven the South as

a body to maintain the _principle_ of slavery _out_ and _out_, without

restriction or qualification, whereas before, a large portion of the

slave-holders were ready to admit it was wrong, desired to see their

way out of it, and were open to advice; it has caused to be

established a most rigid police and surveillance over the system; it

has multiplied the enactments and increased the strength of

legislation for its protection and defence; it has nerved the arm of

the law with greater vigor and determination; it has bound the slave

States together by stronger ties in defence of a common interest; it

has given sanction to Lynch law for the summary treatment of

offenders; and for all these, and many other reasons that might be

named, it has put far off the day of emancipation, if it has not

determined the _perpetuity_ of slavery.

Here, again, the Abolitionists will perhaps say, it only proves the

right of our cause, and that all this is the struggle of a last and

dying effort. But, it might be wise for them not to forget, that the

bulwark of the Nation’s Constitution stands between them and slavery;

and that, till that is pulled down and trampled under foot, as they

themselves have set the example in their last Annual Report, they will

not have gained their object. Nay, though the fabric of the Nation

should be broken in pieces by their hands, and thrown to the winds of

Heaven, such is the spirit they have kindled in the South, that they

would be compelled to wade through blood, and with iron heel to

trample on the carcasses of their opponents, before they will have

triumphed. We speak of men as they are, as they always have been, and

as they are likely for some time yet to be; and in doing so, the

language we employ is no figure of speech, but, as we think, the

veritable prophecy of the future. And by the time the Abolitionists

shall have done this work, there will be good room and a fit

opportunity for the establishment of a despotism unrivalled in

severity by any known to the present age, as the only adequate remedy

for the anarchy they will have produced.

Such are some of the lamentable effects of this lamentable movement,

as they bear on the free coloured people, and on the condition and

prospects of the slaves of this country; and we submit them to the

serious consideration of those whom it may concern.

Abolition a Sedition, by a Northern Man · 第 15 / 22 章